Abortion in the United States
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Abortion in the United States has been legal in every
state since the 1973
Supreme Court decision
Roe v. Wade. Prior to the ruling, the legality of
abortion was decided by each state; it was illegal in 30 states
and legal under certain cases in 20 states. Roe
established that "the right of personal privacy includes the
abortion decision, but that this right is not unqualified, and
must be considered against important state interests in
regulation.".[1]
Roe established a "trimester" system of increasing
state interest in the life of the fetus corresponding to its
increasing "viability" (likelihood of survival outside the
uterus) over the course of a pregnancy, such that states were
prohibited from banning abortion early in pregnancy but allowed
to impose increasing restrictions or outright bans later in
pregnancy. That decision was modified by the 1992 case
Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which upheld the "central
holding" in Roe that there is a fundamental right to
privacy encompassing the decision about abortion, but replacing
the trimester system with the point of fetal viability (whenever
it may occur) as defining a state's right to override the
woman's autonomy. Casey also lowered the legal standard
to which states would be held in justifying restrictions imposed
on a woman's rights. Roe had held this to be "strict
scrutiny" - the traditional Supreme Court test for
impositions upon fundamental
Constitutional rights - whereas Casey created a new
standard referring to "undue
burden", specifically to balance the state's and the woman's
interests in the case of abortion.
Before
Roe v. Wade, abortion was legal in several areas of the
country, but that decision imposed a uniform framework for state
legislation on the subject, and established a minimal period
during which abortion must be legal (under greater or lesser
degrees of restriction throughout the pregnancy). That basic
framework, modified in Casey, remains nominally in place,
although the effective availability of abortion varies
significantly from state to state. Abortion remains one of the
most controversial topics in
United States culture and politics.
Terminology
In medical terms, the word
abortion refers to any
pregnancy that does not end in a live birth, and therefore
can refer to a
miscarriage or a premature birth that does not result in a
live infant. Such events are often called
spontaneous abortions if they occur before 20 weeks of
gestation. In common parlance, however, abortion is used to mean
"induced abortion" of an
embryo or
foetus at any point in pregnancy, and this is also how the
term is used in a legal sense.[2]
[edit]
History
[edit]
Abortion
before Roe
There were few laws on abortion in the United States at the
time of independence, except the English
common law adopted into
United States law by Acts of Reception, which held abortion
to be legally acceptable if occurring before
quickening.
James Wilson, a framer of the
U.S. Constitution, explained as follows:
|
“ |
With consistency, beautiful and undeviating, human life,
from its commencement to its close, is protected by the
common law. In the contemplation of law, life begins
when the infant is first able to stir in the womb. By
the law, life is protected not only from immediate
destruction, but from every degree of actual violence,
and, in some cases, from every degree of danger.[3] |
” |
Various statutes against abortion began to appear in the
1820s. In 1821,
Connecticut passed a statute targeting
apothecaries who sold poisons to women for purposes of
abortion, and
New York made post-quickening abortions a felony and
pre-quickening abortions a misdemeanor eight years later. It is
sometimes argued that the early American abortion statutes were
motivated not by ethical concerns about abortion but by worry
about the safety of the procedure; however, some legal theorists
believe that this theory is inconsistent with the fact that
abortion was punishable regardless of whether any harm befell
the pregnant woman and the fact that many of the early statutes
punished not only the doctors or abortionists, but also punished
the women who hired them.[4]
The criminalization movement accelerated during the 1860s,
and by 1900 abortion was largely illegal in every state. Some
states did include provisions allowing for abortion in limited
circumstances, generally to protect the woman's life or
pregnancies due to rape or incest. Abortions continued to occur,
however, and increasingly became readily available. In the
1930s, licensed physicians performed an estimate 800,000
abortions a year.[5]
Illegal abortions were often unsafe, sometimes resulting in
death, as in the case of
Gerri Santoro of Connecticut in 1964.
Some activist groups developed their own skills to provide
abortions to women who could not obtain them elsewhere. As an
example, in Chicago, a group known as "Jane"
operated a floating abortion clinic throughout much of the
1960s. Women seeking the procedure would call a designated
number and be given instructions on how to find "Jane".[6]
In 1965, following the Supreme Court’s decision in
Griswold v. Connecticut declaring a constitutional right
to contraceptives, the
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG)
issued a
medical bulletin accepting a recommendation from 6 years
earlier which clarified that conception is implantation, not
fertilization. This had the consequence of categorizing
birth control methods that prevented implantation as
contraceptives, not
abortifacients.
In 1967,
Colorado became the first state to legalize abortion in
cases of rape, incest, or in which pregnancy would lead to
permanent physical
disability of the woman. Similar laws were passed in
California,
Oregon, and
North Carolina. In 1970, New York repealed its 1830 law and
allowed abortions up to the 24th week of pregnancy. Similar laws
were soon passed in
Alaska,
Hawaii, and
Washington. A law in
Washington, DC, which allowed abortion to protect the life
or health of the woman, was challenged in the
Supreme Court in 1971 in
United States v. Vuitch. The court upheld the law,
deeming that "health" meant "psychological and physical
well-being," essentially allowing abortion in Washington, DC. By
the end of 1972, 13 states had a law similar to that of
Colorado, while
Mississippi allowed abortion in cases of rape or incest only
and
Alabama and
Massachusetts allowed abortions only in cases where the
womans's physical health was endangered. In order to obtain
abortions during this period, women would often travel from a
state where abortion was illegal to states where it was legal.
[edit]
Roe v. Wade
Main article:
Roe v. WadeIn deciding
Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court ruled that a
Texas
statute forbidding abortion except when necessary to save the
life of the mother was unconstitutional. The Court arrived at
its decision by concluding that the issue of abortion and
abortion rights falls under the
right to privacy. In its opinion it listed several landmark
cases where the court had previously found a right to privacy
implied by the Constitution. The Court did not recognize a right
to abortion in all cases:
State regulation protective of fetal life after viability
thus has both logical and biological justifications. If the
State is interested in protecting fetal life after
viability, it may go so far as to proscribe abortion during
that period, except when it is necessary to preserve the
life or health of the mother.[7]
The Court held that a right to privacy existed and included
the right to have an abortion. The court found that a mother had
a right to abortion until viability, a point to be determined by
the abortion doctor. After viability a woman can obtain an
abortion for health reasons, which the Court defined broadly to
include psychological well-being.
A central issue in the Roe case (and in the wider
abortion debate in general) is whether human life or personhood
begins at conception, birth, or at some point in between. The
Court declined to make an attempt at resolving this issue,
noting: "We need not resolve the difficult question of when life
begins. When those trained in the respective disciplines of
medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any
consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of
man's knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the
answer." Instead, it chose to point out that historically, under
English and American
common law and statutes, "the unborn have never been
recognized ...as persons in the whole sense" and thus the
fetuses are not legally entitled to the protection afforded by
the right to life specifically enumerated in the Fourteenth
Amendment. So rather than asserting that human life begins at
any specific point, the court simply declared that the State has
a "compelling interest" in protecting "potential life" at the
point of viability.
[edit]
Jane Roe
and Mary Doe
"Jane Roe" of the landmark Roe v. Wade lawsuit, whose
real name is
Norma McCorvey, is now a
pro-life advocate. McCorvey writes that she never had the
abortion and became the "pawn" of two young and ambitious
lawyers who were looking for a plaintiff who they could use to
challenge the
Texas
state law prohibiting abortion. However, attorney Linda Coffee
says she doesn't remember McCorvey having any hesitancy about
wanting an abortion.[8]
"Mary Doe" of the companion Doe v. Bolton lawsuit, the
mother of three whose real name is Sandra Cano, maintains that
she never wanted or had an abortion and that she is "ninety-nine
percent certain that [she] did not sign" the affidavit to
initiate the suit.[9][dead
link]
[edit]
Dubay v. Wells
Main article:
Dubay v. WellsIn 2006, the court case
Dubay v. Wells (dubbed by The National Center for Men "Roe
v. Wade for men") concerned whether men should have an
opportunity to decline all paternity rights and responsibilities
in the event of an unplanned pregnancy. Supporters said that
this would allow the woman time to make an informed decision and
give men the same reproductive rights as women.[10][11]
In its dismissal of the case, the U.S. Court of Appeals (Sixth
Circuit) stated that "the Fourteenth Amendment does not deny to
[the] State the power to treat different classes of persons in
different ways." Affirming that men do not have the same
reproductive rights that women in U.S.[12]
[edit]
Later
judicial decisions
In the 1992 case of
Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the Court abandoned
Roe's strict trimester framework.[13]
Instead adopting the standard of
undue burden for evaluating state abortion restrictions,[14]
but reemphasized the right to abortion as grounded in the
general sense of liberty and privacy protected under the
constitution: "Constitutional protection of the woman's
decision to terminate her pregnancy derives from the
Due Process Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment. It declares that no State shall
"deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law." The controlling word in the cases before us is
"liberty."[15]
The Supreme Court continues to grapple with cases on the
subject. On April 18, 2007 it issued a ruling in the case of
Gonzales v. Carhart, involving a federal law entitled
the
Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 which President
George W. Bush had signed into law. The law banned
intact dilation and extraction, which opponents of abortion
rights referred to as "partial-birth abortion," and stipulated
that anyone breaking the law would get a prison sentence up to
2.5 years. The United States Supreme Court upheld the 2003 ban
by a narrow majority of 5-4, marking the first time the Court
has allowed a ban on any type of abortion since 1973. The swing
vote, which came from moderate justice Anthony Kennedy, was
joined by Justices
Antonin Scalia,
Clarence Thomas, and the two recent appointees,
Samuel Alito and Chief Justice
John Roberts.
[edit]
Current
legal situation
[edit]
Nationwide
Since 1995, led by Congressional
Republicans, the
U.S. House of Representatives and
U.S. Senate have moved several times to pass measures
banning the procedure of
intact dilation and extraction, also commonly known as
partial birth abortion. After several long and emotional debates
on the issue, such measures passed twice by wide margins, but
President
Bill Clinton
vetoed
those bills in April 1996 and October 1997 on the grounds that
they did not include health exceptions. Congressional supporters
of the bill argue that a health exception would render the bill
unenforceable, since the
Doe v. Bolton decision defined "health" in vague terms,
justifying any motive for obtaining an abortion. Subsequent
Congressional attempts at overriding the veto were unsuccessful.
On October 2, 2003, with a vote of 281-142, the
House again approved a measure banning the procedure, called
the
Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act. Through this
legislation, a doctor could face up to two years in prison and
face civil lawsuits for performing such an abortion. A woman who
undergoes the procedure cannot be prosecuted under the measure.
The measure contains an exemption to allow the procedure if the
woman's life is threatened. On October 21, 2003, the
United States Senate passed the same bill by a vote of
64-34, with a number of Democrats joining in support. The bill
was signed by President
George W. Bush on November 5, 2003, but a federal judge
blocked its enforcement in several states just a few hours after
it became public law. The Supreme Court upheld the nationwide
ban on the procedure in the case
Gonzales v. Carhart on April 18, 2007, signaling a
substantial change in the Court's approach to abortion law.[16]
The 5-4 ruling said the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act
does not conflict with previous Court decisions regarding
abortion.
The current judicial interpretation of the
U.S. Constitution regarding
abortion in the
United States, following the
Supreme Court of the United States's 1973 landmark decision
in
Roe v. Wade, and subsequent companion decisions, is that
abortion is legal but may be restricted by the states to varying
degrees. States have passed laws to restrict late term
abortions, require parental notification for minors, and mandate
the disclosure of abortion risk information to patients prior to
the procedure.[17]
The key, deliberated article of the
U.S. Constitution is the
Fourteenth Amendment, which states that
|
“ |
All persons born or naturalized in the United States,
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of
the United States and of the State wherein they reside.
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the
United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.[18] |
” |
The official report of the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee,
issued in 1983 after extensive hearings on the
Human Life Amendment (proposed by Senators
Orrin Hatch and
Thomas Eagleton), stated what substantially remains true
today:
|
“ |
Thus, the [Judiciary] Committee observes that no
significant legal barriers of any kind whatsoever exist
today in the United States for a mother to obtain an
abortion for any reason during any stage of her
pregnancy.[19] |
” |
One aspect of the legal abortion regime now in place has been
determining when the
fetus
is "viable"
outside the womb as a measure of when the "life" of the fetus is
its own (and therefore subject to being protected by the state).
In the majority opinion delivered by the court in Roe v. Wade,
viability was defined as "potentially able to live outside the
mother's womb, albeit with artificial aid. Viability is usually
placed at about
seven months (28 weeks) but may occur earlier, even at 24
weeks." When the court ruled in 1973, the then-current medical
technology suggested that viability could occur as early as 24
weeks. Advances over the past three decades have allowed fetuses
that are a few weeks less than 24 weeks old to survive outside
the mother's womb. These scientific achievements, while
life-saving for premature babies, have made the determination of
being "viable" somewhat more complicated. As of 2006, the
youngest child to survive a premature birth in the United States
was
a girl born at the Baptist Hospital of Miami at 21 weeks and
6 days'
gestational age.[20]
Because of the split between federal and state law, legal
access to abortion continues to vary somewhat by state.
Geographic availability, however, varies dramatically, with 87
percent of U.S. counties having no
abortion provider.[21]
Moreover, due to the
Hyde Amendment, many
state health programs do not cover abortions; currently 17
states (including
California,
Illinois and
New York) offer or require such coverage.[22]
The legality of abortion in the United States is frequently a
major issue in nomination battles for the U.S. Supreme Court.
However, nominees typically remain silent on the issue during
their hearings, because it is an issue that may come before them
as judges.
The
Unborn Victims of Violence Act, commonly known as "Laci
and Conner's Law" was passed by Congress and signed into law by
President Bush on April 1, 2004, allowing two charges to be
filed against someone who kills a pregnant mother (one for the
mother and one for the fetus). It specifically bans charges
against the mother and/or doctor relating to abortion
procedures. Nevertheless, it has generated much controversy
among pro-choice advocates. They view it as a potential step in
the direction of banning abortion.
[edit]
State-by-state legal status
Various states have passed legislation on the subject of
feticide. On March 6, 2006,
South Dakota Governor
Mike Rounds signed into law a
pro-life statute which made performing abortions a felony,
and that law was subsequently repealed in a November 7, 2006
referendum.[23]
On February 27, 2006,
Mississippi’s House Public Health Committee voted to approve
a ban on abortion, and that bill died after the House and Senate
failed to agree on compromise legislation.[24]
Several states have enacted "trigger laws" which "would take
effect if Roe v. Wade is overturned."[25]
North Dakota HB 1572 or the Personhood of Children Act,
which passed the
North Dakota House of Representatives on February 18, 2009,
but was later defeated in the North Dakota Senate, aimed to
allocate rights to "the pre-born, partially born", and if
passed, would likely have been used to challenge Roe v. Wade.[26]
On February 15, 2012, the
Virginia House of Delegates passed House Bill 1 in a vote of
66-32, that effectively outlaws all Virginia abortions by
declaring that the rights of persons apply from the moment sperm
and egg unite. It also passed a second bill in a 63-36 vote,
that requires women to have a transvaginal ultrasound before
undergoing abortions.[27]
In addition, some states have been seeking to ban abortion by
means of an amendment to the state constitution. Three such
amendments have already reached the ballot for a vote. Colorado
citizens voted on Amendment 48 on November 4, 2008, and it
failed to pass, with 73.21% voting against it and 26.79% voting
for it.[28]
A similar initiative, Amendment 62, made the Colorado ballot on
November 2, 2010, where it failed again, this time 70.53% to
29.47%.[29]
On November 8, 2011 Initiative 26 appeared on the ballot, where
it was defeated 57.87% to 42.13%.[30]
All three of these amendments made it to the ballot through a
citizen initiative process, as opposed to being referred to the
ballot by their state legislatures.
These amendments, dubbed “personhood amendments,” have so far
contained far-reaching language that beyond simply banning
abortion. They define personhood as beginning from the moment of
conception and/or fertilization, which would potentially outlaw
forms of birth control, in addition to potentially banning
in-vitro fertilization. The umbrella organization Personhood
USA, based in Colorado and founded by Keith Mason, was
responsible for getting Amendments 48 and 62 onto the ballot in
Colorado.[31]
They plan to get another amendment onto the ballot in 2012, this
time with slightly revised wording composed by legal analyst
Gualberto Garcia Jones. Personhood USA also plans on pushing for
such amendments in Montana and Oregon.[32]
Voter opposition to these ballot initiatives has proven to be
far stronger than the support, despite the fact that American
citizens poll as being much more evenly divided on the issue of
abortion.
Other states are considering personhood amendments banning
abortion, some through legislative methods and others through
citizen initiative campaigns. Among these states are Florida,
Ohio, Georgia, Texas, and Arkansas.[33][34][35]
[edit]
Statistics
Because reporting of abortions is not mandatory, statistics
are of varying reliability. The
Centers For Disease Control (CDC)[36]
regularly compiles these statistics.
Histogram of the reported abortion rate per 1,000 live births
in 2005 for residents in each of the United States except
California, Florida, New Hampshire, and Louisiana[
Number of abortions in United States
According to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), since
1973, roughly 50 million legal induced abortions have been
performed in the United States.[37]
Mifepristone/RU-486
The use of the
abortifacient
Mifepristone is reported by the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as a
"medical (nonsurgical) procedures" in the
abortion surveillance reports. Medical nonsurgical abortions
voluntarily reported to the
CDC by 47 states (excluding
California,
Louisiana, and
New Hampshire) as a percentage of total abortions in the
United States have increased every year since the approval of
Mifepristone: 1.0% in 2000, 2.9% in 2001, 5.2% in 2002, 7.9%
in 2003, 9.3% in 2004, 9.9% in 2005, 10.6% in 2006, 13.1% in
2007, (15.9% of those at less than 9 weeks gestation).[39]
A
Guttmacher Institute survey of abortion providers estimated
that medical nonsurgical abortions accounted for 13% of total
abortions in the
United States in 2005.[40]
[edit]
Abortions
and ethnicity
Abortion rates are much more common among minority women in
the U.S. In 2000-2001, the rates among black and Hispanic women
were 49 per 1,000 and 33 per 1,000, respectively, vs. 13 per
1,000 among non-Hispanic white women. Note that this figure
includes all women of reproductive age, including women that are
not pregnant. In other words, these abortion rates reflect the
rate at which U.S. women of reproductive age have an abortion
each year.[41]
While White women obtain 60% of all abortions, African American
women are three times more likely to have an abortion.
[42]
In 2004, the rates of abortion by ethnicity in the U.S. were
50 abortions per 1,000 black women, 28 abortions per 1,000
Hispanic women, and 11 abortions per 1,000 white women.[43]
[edit]
Reasons for
abortions
Another study, in 1998, revealed that in 1987-1988
women reported the following as their primary reasons for
choosing an abortion:[44]
The source of this information, however, takes findings into
account from 27 nations including the United States, so these
findings might not be typical for most American women.
- 25.9% Want to postpone childbearing
- 21.3% Cannot afford a
baby
- 14.1% Has relationship problem or partner does not want
pregnancy
- 12.2% Too young; parent(s) or other(s) object to
pregnancy
- 10.8% Having a
child will disrupt
education or
job
- 7.9% Want no (more)
children
- 3.3% Risk to
fetal health
- 2.8% Risk to
maternal health
- 2.1% Other
According to a 1987 study that included specific data
about
late abortions (i.e. abortions “at 16 or more weeks'
gestation”),[45]
women reported that various reasons contributed to their having
a late abortion:
- 71% Woman didn't recognize she was pregnant or misjudged
gestation
- 48% Woman found it hard to make arrangements for
abortion
- 33% Woman was afraid to tell her partner or parents
- 24% Woman took time to decide to have an abortion
- 8% Woman waited for her relationship to change
- 8% Someone pressured woman not to have abortion
- 6% Something changed after woman became pregnant
- 6% Woman didn't know timing is important
- 5% Woman didn't know she could get an abortion
- 2% A fetal problem was diagnosed late in pregnancy
- 11% Other.
In 2000, cases of rape or incest accounted for 1% of
abortions.[46]
A 2004 study by the
Guttmacher Institute reported that women listed the
following amongst their reasons for choosing to have an
abortion:
[47]
- 74% Having a baby would dramatically change my life
- 73% Can’t afford a baby now
- 48% Don’t want to be a single mother or having
relationship problems
- 38% Have completed my childbearing
- 32% Not ready for a(nother) child
- 25% Don’t want people to know I had sex or got pregnant
- 22% Don’t feel mature enough to raise a(nother) child
- 14% Husband or partner wants me to have an abortion
- 13% Possible problems affecting the health of the fetus
- 12% Concerns about my health
- 6% Parents want me to have an abortion
- 1% Was a victim of rape
- less than 0.5% Became pregnant as a result of incest
[edit]
When women have abortions (by gestational age
Mifepristone/RU-486
The use of the
abortifacient
Mifepristone is reported by the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as a
"medical (nonsurgical) procedures" in the
abortion surveillance reports. Medical nonsurgical abortions
voluntarily reported to the
CDC by 47 states (excluding
California,
Louisiana, and
New Hampshire) as a percentage of total abortions in the
United States have increased every year since the approval of
Mifepristone: 1.0% in 2000, 2.9% in 2001, 5.2% in 2002, 7.9%
in 2003, 9.3% in 2004, 9.9% in 2005, 10.6% in 2006, 13.1% in
2007, (15.9% of those at less than 9 weeks gestation).[39]
A
Guttmacher Institute survey of abortion providers estimated
that medical nonsurgical abortions accounted for 13% of total
abortions in the
United States in 2005.[40]
[edit]
Abortions and ethnicity
Abortion rates are much more common among minority women in
the U.S. In 2000-2001, the rates among black and Hispanic women
were 49 per 1,000 and 33 per 1,000, respectively, vs. 13 per
1,000 among non-Hispanic white women. Note that this figure
includes all women of reproductive age, including women that are
not pregnant. In other words, these abortion rates reflect the
rate at which U.S. women of reproductive age have an abortion
each year.[41]
While White women obtain 60% of all abortions, African American
women are three times more likely to have an abortion.
[42]
In 2004, the rates of abortion by ethnicity in the U.S. were
50 abortions per 1,000 black women, 28 abortions per 1,000
Hispanic women, and 11 abortions per 1,000 white women.[43]
[edit]
Reasons
for abortions
Another study, in 1998, revealed that in 1987-1988
women reported the following as their primary reasons for
choosing an abortion:[44]
The source of this information, however, takes findings into
account from 27 nations including the United States, so these
findings might not be typical for most American women.
- 25.9% Want to postpone childbearing
- 21.3% Cannot afford a
baby
- 14.1% Has relationship problem or partner does not want
pregnancy
- 12.2% Too young; parent(s) or other(s) object to
pregnancy
- 10.8% Having a
child will disrupt
education or
job
- 7.9% Want no (more)
children
- 3.3% Risk to
fetal health
- 2.8% Risk to
maternal health
- 2.1% Other
According to a 1987 study that included specific data
about
late abortions (i.e. abortions “at 16 or more weeks'
gestation”),[45]
women reported that various reasons contributed to their having
a late abortion:
- 71% Woman didn't recognize she was pregnant or misjudged
gestation
- 48% Woman found it hard to make arrangements for
abortion
- 33% Woman was afraid to tell her partner or parents
- 24% Woman took time to decide to have an abortion
- 8% Woman waited for her relationship to change
- 8% Someone pressured woman not to have abortion
- 6% Something changed after woman became pregnant
- 6% Woman didn't know timing is important
- 5% Woman didn't know she could get an abortion
- 2% A fetal problem was diagnosed late in pregnancy
- 11% Other.
In 2000, cases of rape or incest accounted for 1% of
abortions.[46]
A 2004 study by the
Guttmacher Institute reported that women listed the
following amongst their reasons for choosing to have an
abortion:
[47]
- 74% Having a baby would dramatically change my life
- 73% Can’t afford a baby now
- 48% Don’t want to be a single mother or having
relationship problems
- 38% Have completed my childbearing
- 32% Not ready for a(nother) child
- 25% Don’t want people to know I had sex or got pregnant
- 22% Don’t feel mature enough to raise a(nother) child
- 14% Husband or partner wants me to have an abortion
- 13% Possible problems affecting the health of the fetus
- 12% Concerns about my health
- 6% Parents want me to have an abortion
- 1% Was a victim of rape
- less than 0.5% Became pregnant as a result of incest
[edit]
When women have abortions (by gestational age
Abortion in the United States by gestational age, 2004. (Data
source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)
Maternal death
By US statistics risk of
maternal death by abortion is lower than childbirth through
at least 21 weeks' gestation.[48][49]
[edit]
Public opinion
Generally speaking, in the United States induced abortions
become more controversial the later they are performed into the
pregnancy.
Gallup notes that abortion attitudes are shifting. Gallup
declared in May 2010 that more Americans identifying as
"pro-life" is "the new normal", while also noting that there had
been no increase in opposition to abortion. It suggested that
political polarization may have prompted more Republicans to
call themselves "pro-life."[50]
The terms "pro-choice" and "pro-life" do not always reflect a
political view or fall along a binary; in one
Public Religion Research Institute poll, seven in ten
Americans described themselves as "pro-choice" while almost
two-thirds described themselves as "pro-life."[51]
| Date of poll |
Pro-life |
Pro-choice |
Mixed / neither |
Don't know what terms mean |
No opinion |
| 2011, May 5–8 |
45% |
49% |
3% |
2% |
2% |
| 2010, March 26–28 |
46% |
45% |
4% |
2% |
3% |
| 2009, November 20–22 |
45% |
48% |
2% |
2% |
3% |
| 2009, May 7–10 |
51% |
42% |
- |
0 |
7% |
| 2008, September 5–7 |
43% |
51% |
2% |
1% |
3% |
[edit]
By gender, party, and region
A January 2003
CBS News/New
York Times poll examined whether Americans thought
abortion should be legal or not, and found variations in opinion
which depended upon
party affiliation and the region of the country.[52]
The
margin of error is +/- 4% for questions answered of the
entire sample ("overall" figures) and may be higher for
questions asked of subgroups (all other figures).[52]
[edit]
By
trimester of pregnancy
A CNN/USA
Today/Gallup
poll in January 2003 asked about the legality of abortion by
trimester, using the question, "Do you think abortion should
generally be legal or generally illegal during each of the
following stages of pregnancy?"
[53]
This same question was also asked by Gallup in March 2000 and
July 1996.[54][55]
Polls indicates general support of abortion during the first
trimester although support drops dramatically for abortion
during the second and third trimester.
|
2011 Poll |
2003 Poll |
2000 Poll |
1996 Poll |
|
Legal |
Illegal |
Legal |
Illegal |
Legal |
Illegal |
Legal |
Illegal |
| First trimester |
62% |
29% |
66% |
35% |
66% |
31% |
64% |
30% |
| Second trimester |
24% |
71% |
25% |
68% |
24% |
69% |
26% |
65% |
| Third trimester |
10% |
86% |
10% |
84% |
8% |
86% |
13% |
82% |
[edit]
By
circumstance or reasons
According to Gallup's long-time polling on abortion, the
majority of Americans are neither strictly Pro-Life or
Pro-Choice; it depends upon circumstances. Gallup polling from
1996 to 2009 consistently reveals that when asked the question,
"Do you think abortions should be legal under any circumstances,
legal only under certain circumstances, or illegal in all
circumstances?", Americans repeatedly answer 'legal only under
certain circumstances'. According to the poll, in any given year
48-57% say legal only under certain circumstances (for 2009,
57%), 21-34% say legal under any circumstances (for 2009, 21%),
and 13-19% illegal in all circumstances (for 2009, 18%), with
1-7% having no opinion (for 2009, 4%).[54]
"Do you think abortions should be legal under any
circumstances, legal only under certain circumstances, or
illegal in all circumstances?"
|
Legal under any circumstances |
Legal only under certain/few
circumstances |
Illegal in all circumstances |
No opinion |
| 2011 May 5–8 |
27% |
49% |
22% |
3% |
| 2009 Jul 17-19 |
21% |
57% |
18% |
4% |
| 2009 May 7–10 |
22% |
53% |
23% |
2% |
| 2008 May 8–11 |
28% |
54% |
18% |
2% |
| 2007 May 10–13 |
26% |
55% |
17% |
1% |
| 2006 May 8–11 |
30% |
53% |
15% |
2% |
According to the aforementioned poll,[54]
Americans differ drastically based upon situation of the
pregnancy, suggesting they do not support unconditional
abortions. Based on two separate polls taken May 19–21, 2003, of
505 and 509 respondents respectively, Americans stated their
approval for abortion under these various circumstances:
| Poll Criteria |
Total |
Poll A |
Poll B |
| When the woman's life is endangered |
78% |
82% |
75% |
| When the pregnancy was caused by rape or incest |
65% |
72% |
59% |
| When the child would be born with a life-threatening
illness |
54% |
60% |
48% |
| When the child would be born mentally disabled |
44% |
50% |
38% |
| When the woman does not want the child for any
reason |
32% |
41% |
24% |
Another separate trio of polls taken by Gallup in 2003, 2000,
and 1996,[54]
revealed public support for abortion as follows for the given
criteria:
| Poll criteria |
2003 Poll |
2000 Poll |
1996 Poll |
| When the woman's life is endangered |
85% |
84% |
88% |
| When the woman's physical health is endangered |
77% |
81% |
82% |
| When the pregnancy was caused by rape or incest |
76% |
78% |
77% |
| When the woman's mental health is endangered |
63% |
64% |
66% |
| When there is evidence that the baby may be
physically impaired |
56% |
53% |
53% |
| When there is evidence that the baby may be mentally
impaired |
55% |
53% |
54% |
| When the woman or family cannot afford to raise the
child |
35% |
34% |
32% |
Gallup furthermore established public support for many issues
supported by the Pro-Life community and opposed by the
Pro-Choice community[54]:
| Legislation |
2003 Poll |
2000 Poll |
1996 Poll |
| A law requiring doctors to inform patients about
alternatives to abortion before performing the procedure |
88% |
86% |
86% |
| A law requiring women seeking abortions to wait 24
hours before having the procedure done |
78% |
74% |
73% |
| Legislation |
2005 Poll |
2003 Poll |
1996 Poll |
1992 Poll |
| A law requiring women under 18 to get parental
consent for any abortion |
69% |
73% |
74% |
70% |
| A law requiring that the husband of a married woman
be notified if she decides to have an abortion |
64% |
72% |
70% |
73% |
An October 2007
CBS News poll explored under what circumstances Americans
believe abortion should be allowed, asking the question, "What
is your personal feeling about abortion?" The results were as
follows:[53]
| Permitted in all cases |
Permitted, but subject to greater restrictions than
it is now |
Only in cases such as rape, incest, or to save the
woman's life |
Only permitted to save the woman's life |
Never |
Unsure |
| 26% |
16% |
34% |
16% |
4% |
4% |
[edit]
Additional polls
Results of Gallup opinion poll in USA since 1975 -
legal restriction of abortion [56]
- A June 2000
Los Angeles Times survey found that, although 57% of
polltakers considered abortion to be murder, half of that
57% believed in allowing women access to abortion. The
survey also found that, overall, 65% of respondents did not
believe abortion should be legal after the first trimester,
including 72% of women and 58% of men. Further, the survey
found that 85% of Americans polled supported abortion in
cases of risk to a woman's physical health, 54% if the
woman's mental health was at risk, and 66% if a congenital
abnormality was detected in the fetus.[57]
- A July 2002 Public Agenda poll found that 44% of men and
42% of women thought that "abortion should be generally
available to those who want it", 34% of men and 35% of women
thought that "abortion should be available, but under
stricter than limits it is now", and 21% of men and 22% of
women thought that "abortion should not be permitted".[58]
- A January 2003
ABC News/Washington
Post poll also examined attitudes towards abortion
by gender. In answer to the question, "On the subject of
abortion, do you think abortion should be legal in all
cases, legal in most cases, illegal in most cases or illegal
in all cases?", 25% of women responded that it should be
legal in "all cases", 33% that it should be legal in "most
cases", 23% that it should be illegal in "most cases", and
17% that it should be illegal in "all cases". 20% of men
thought it should be legal in "all cases", 34% legal in
"most cases", 27% illegal in "most cases", and 17% illegal
in "all cases".[58]
- Most Fox News viewers favor both parental notification
as well as parental consent, when a minor seeks an abortion.
A
Fox News poll in 2005 found that 78% of people favor a
notification requirement, and 72% favor a consent
requirement.[59]
- An April 2006
Harris poll on
Roe v. Wade, asked, "In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court
decided that states' laws which made it illegal for a woman
to have an abortion up to three months of pregnancy were
unconstitutional, and that the decision on whether a woman
should have an abortion up to three months of pregnancy
should be left to the woman and her doctor to decide. In
general, do you favor or oppose this part of the U.S.
Supreme Court decision making abortions up to three months
of pregnancy legal?", to which 49% of respondents indicated
favor while 47% indicated opposition. The Harris
organization has concluded from this poll that "49 percent
now support Roe vs. Wade."[60]
- Two polls were released in May 2007 asking Americans
"With respect to the abortion issue, would you consider
yourself to be pro-choice or pro-life?" May 4 through 6th, a
CNN poll found 45% said pro-choice and 50% said pro-life.[61]
Within the following week, a Gallup poll found 50%
responding pro-choice and 44% pro-life.[62]
[edit]
Partial
birth abortion
"Partial-Birth" abortion is a non-medical term for a
procedure called
intact dilation and extraction used by those who oppose the
procedure due to the opinion that the fetus has developed. A
Rasmussen Reports poll four days after the Supreme Court's
opinion in
Gonzales v. Carhart found that 40% of respondents "knew
the ruling allowed states to place some restrictions on specific
abortion procedures." Of those who knew of the decision, 56%
agreed with the decision and 32% were opposed.[63]
An ABC poll from 2003 found that 62% of respondents thought
"partial-birth abortion" should be illegal; a similar number of
respondents wanted an exception "if it would prevent a serious
threat to the woman's health." Additional polls from 2003 found
between 47–70% in favor of banning this type of abortion and
between 25–40% opposed.[64]
Gallup has repeatedly queried the American public on this
issue, as seen on its 'Abortion' page[54]:
| Legislation |
2003 |
2000 |
2000 |
2000 |
1999 |
1998 |
1997 |
1996 |
| A law which would make it illegal to perform a
specific abortion procedure conducted in the last six
months (or second and/or third trimester) of pregnancy
known by some opponents as a "partial birth abortion,"
except in cases necessary to save the life of the mother |
70% |
63% |
66% |
64% |
61% |
61% |
55% |
57% |
[edit]
Abortion
financing
The cost of an abortion varies depending on factors such as
location, facility, timing, and type of procedure. In 2005, a
nonhospital abortion at 10 weeks’ gestation ranged from $90 to
$1,800 (average: $430), whereas an abortion at 20 weeks’
gestation ranged from $350 to $4,520 (average: $1,260). Costs
are higher for a medical abortion than a first-trimester
surgical abortion.
[edit]
Medicaid
- Federal law requires that states cover abortions under
Medicaid in the event of rape, incest, and life
endangerment, but bans the use of federal Medicaid funds for
any other abortions.
- Based on these restrictions, 32 states and DC fund
abortions through Medicaid only in the cases of rape,
incest, or life endangerment. SD covers abortions only in
the cases of life endangerment, which does not comply with
federal requirements under the
Hyde Amendment. IN, UT and WI have expanded coverage to
women whose physical health is jeopardized, and IA, MS, UT
and VA also include fetal abnormality cases.
- Seventeen states (AK, AZ, CA, CT, HI, IL, MD, MA, MN,
MT, NJ, NM, NY, OR, VT, WA, WV) use their own funds to cover
all or most “medically necessary” abortions sought by
low-income women under Medicaid.
[edit]
Private
insurance
- Five states (ID, KY, MO, ND, OK) restrict insurance
coverage of abortion services in private plans: OK limits
coverage to life endangerment, rape or incest circumstances;
and the other four states limit coverage to cases of life
endangerment.
- Twelve states (CO, IL, KY, MA, MS, NE, ND, OH, PA, RI,
SC, VA) restrict abortion coverage in insurance plans for
public employees, with CO and KY restricting insurance
coverage of abortion under any circumstances.
- U.S. laws also ban federal funding of abortions for
Federal employees and their dependents, Native Americans
covered by the Indian Health Service, military personnel and
their dependents, and women with disabilities covered by
Medicare.[65]
[edit]
Positions of U.S. political parties
Though members of both major political parties come down on
either side of the issue, the
Republican Party is often seen as being
pro-life, since the official party platform opposes abortion
and considers unborn children to have an inherent right to life.
Republicans for Choice represents the minority of that
party. In 2006 pollsters found that 9% of Republicans favor the
availability of abortion in most circumstances.[66]
Of Republican National Convention delegates in 2004, 13%
believed that abortion should be generally available, and 38%
believed that it should not be permitted. The same poll showed
that 17% of all Republican voters believed that abortion should
be generally available to those who want it, while 38% believed
that it should not be permitted.[67]
The
Democratic Party platform considers abortion to be a woman's
right.
Democrats for Life of America represents the minority of
that party. In 2006 pollsters found that 74% of Democrats favor
the availability of abortion in most circumstances.[66]
However, a
Zogby International poll in 2004 found that 43% of all
Democrats believed that abortion "destroys a human life and is
manslaughter."[68]
Of Democratic National Convention delegates in 2004, 75%
believed that abortion should be generally available, and 2%
believed that abortion should not be permitted. The same poll
showed that 49% of all Democratic voters believed that abortion
should be generally available to those who want it, while 13%
believed that it should not be permitted.[69]
The U.S.
Green Party supports abortion as a woman's right.
The U.S.
Libertarian Party takes no position on abortion, but the
Party opposes any government funding of abortion.
In the United States the abortion issue has become deeply
politicized: in 2002, 84% of state
Democratic platforms supported the right to having an
abortion while 88% of state
Republican platforms opposed it. This divergence also led to
Christian Right organizations like
Christian Voice,
Christian Coalition and
Moral Majority having an increasingly strong role in the
Republican Party. This opposition has been extended under the
Foreign Assistance Act: in 1973
Jesse Helms introduced an amendment banning the use of aid
money to promote abortion overseas, and in 1984 the
Mexico City Policy prohibited financial support to any
overseas organization that performed or promoted abortions. The
"Mexico City Policy" was revoked by
President Bill Clinton and subsequently reinstated by
President George W. Bush. President
Barack Obama immediately overruled this policy by Executive
Order on January 23, 2009.[70]
The official platforms of the
major political parties in the US are as follows:
[edit]
The
U.S. Republican Party
- 2008: "Faithful to the first guarantee of the
Declaration of Independence, we assert the inherent dignity
and sanctity of all human life and affirm that the unborn
child has a fundamental individual right to life which
cannot be infringed. We support a human life amendment to
the Constitution, and we endorse legislation to make clear
that the Fourteenth Amendment’s protections apply to unborn
children. We oppose using public revenues to promote or
perform abortion and will not fund organizations which
advocate it. We support the appointment of judges who
respect traditional family values and the sanctity and
dignity of innocent human life..."[71]
- 2004: "As a country, we must keep our pledge to the
first guarantee of the Declaration of Independence. That is
why we say the unborn child has a fundamental individual
right to life which cannot be infringed. We support a human
life amendment to the Constitution and we endorse
legislation to make it clear that the Fourteenth Amendment’s
protections apply to unborn children. Our purpose is to have
legislative and judicial protection of that right against
those who perform abortions. We oppose using public revenues
for abortion and will not fund organizations which advocate
it. We support the appointment of judges who respect
traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human
life."
[72]
- 2000: "Ban abortion with Constitutional amendment. We
say the unborn child has a fundamental right to life. We
support a human life amendment to the Constitution and we
endorse legislation that the
14th Amendment’s protections apply to unborn children.
Our purpose is to have legislative and judicial protection
of that right against those who perform abortions. We oppose
using public revenues for abortion and will not fund
organizations which advocate it. We support the appointment
of judges who respect the sanctity of innocent human life."
[73]
- 2000: "Alternatives like adoption, instead of punitive
action. Our goal is to ensure that women with problem
pregnancies have the kind of support, material and
otherwise, they need for themselves and for their babies,
not to be punitive towards those for whose difficult
situation we have only compassion. We oppose abortion, but
our pro-life agenda does not include punitive action against
women who have an abortion. We salute those who provide
alternatives to abortion and offer adoption services."
[73]
[edit]
The
U.S. Democratic Party
- 2008: "The Democratic Party strongly and unequivocally
supports
Roe v. Wade and a woman's right to choose a safe and
legal abortion, regardless of ability to pay, and we oppose
any and all efforts to weaken or undermine that right.The
Democratic Party also strongly supports access to affordable
family planning services and comprehensive age-appropriate
sex education which empower people to make informed choices
and live healthy lives. We also recognize that such health
care and education help reduce the number of
unintended pregnancies and thereby also reduce the need
for abortions. The Democratic Party also strongly supports a
woman's decision to have a child by ensuring access to and
availability of programs for pre and post natal health care,
parenting skills, income support, and caring adoption
programs."
[74]
- 2004: "Support right to choose even if mother cannot
pay. Because we believe in the privacy and equality of
women, we stand proudly for a woman's right to choose,
consistent with
Roe v. Wade, and regardless of her ability to pay. We
stand firmly against Republican efforts to undermine that
right. At the same time, we strongly support family planning
and adoption incentives. Abortion should be safe, legal, and
rare."
[75]
- 2000: "Choice is a fundamental, constitutional right.
Democrats stand behind the right of every woman to choose.
We believe it is a constitutional liberty. This year’s
Supreme Court ruling show us that eliminating a woman’s
right to choose is only one justice away. Our goal is to
make abortion more rare, not more dangerous. We support
contraceptive research, family planning, comprehensive
family life education, and policies that support healthy
childbearing."
[76]
[edit]
Effects
of legalization
The risk of death due to legal abortion has fallen
considerably since legalization in 1973, due to increased
physician skills, improved medical technology, and earlier
termination of pregnancy.[77]
From 1940 through 1970, deaths of pregnant women during abortion
fell from nearly 1,500 to a little over 100.[77]
According to the Centers for Disease Control, the number of
women who died in 1972 from illegal abortion was thirty-nine
(39).[78]
In 1960, Dr. Mary Calderone, a former director of Planned
Parenthood, said:
|
“ |
Abortion is no longer a dangerous procedure. This
applies not just to therapeutic abortions as performed
in hospitals but also to so-called illegal abortions as
done by physician. In 1957 there were only 260 deaths in
the whole country attributed to abortions of any kind
...90 percent of all illegal abortions are presently
being done by physicians ...Whatever trouble arises
usually arises from self-induced abortions, which
comprise approximately 8 percent, or with the very small
percentage that go to some kind of non-medical
abortionist...[79] |
” |
The
Roe effect is an hypothesis which suggests that since
supporters of abortion rights cause the erosion of their own
political base by having fewer children, the practice of
abortion will eventually lead to the restriction or
illegalization of abortion. The
legalized abortion and crime effect is another controversial
theory that posits legal abortion reduces crime, because
unwanted children are more likely to become criminals.
Since Roe v Wade, there have been numerous attempts to
reverse the decision. In the 2011 election season, Mississippi
placed an amendment on the ballot that redefine how the state
viewed abortion. The personhood amendment defined personhood as
"every human being from the moment of fertilization, cloning or
the functional equivalent thereof". If passed, it would have
been impossible to get an abortion in the state.
[80]
On July 11, 2012, a Mississippi federal judge ordered an
extension of his temporary order to allow the state's only
abortion clinic to stay open. The order will stay in place until
U.S. District Judge
Daniel Porter Jordan III can review newly drafted rules on
how the Mississippi Department of Health will administer a new
abortion law. The law in question went in effect on July 1.[81]
[edit]
See also
- Notable cases
-
Becky Bell, an American teenage girl who died as a
result of a unsafe abortion in 1988.
-
Sherri Finkbine, an actress who had difficulty seeking
an abortion for her
Thalidomide deformed baby.
-
Gerardo Flores, convicted in 2005 on two counts of
capital murder for giving his girlfriend, who was carrying
twins, an at-home abortion.
-
Susannah Lattin, an American woman who died of a
postpartum infection at an illegal abortion clinic in 1868.
-
Gerri Santoro, an American woman who died because of an
illegal abortion in 1964.
[edit]
Notes and
references
-
^
Roe v. Wade, 410
U.S.
113, 154 (1973) "We, therefore, conclude that the
right of personal privacy includes the abortion
decision, but that this right is not unqualified, and
must be considered against important state interests in
regulation."
-
^
According to the Supreme
Court's decision in
Roe v. Wade:
- "(a) For the stage
prior to approximately the end of the first
trimester, the abortion decision and its
effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of
the pregnant woman's attending physician.
- "(b) For the stage
subsequent to approximately the end of the first
trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in
the health of the mother, may, if it chooses,
regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are
reasonably related to maternal health.
- "(c) For the stage
subsequent to viability, the State in promoting its
interest in the potentiality of human life may, if
it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion
except where it is necessary, in appropriate medical
judgment, for the preservation of the life or health
of the mother."
Likewise, Black's Law
Dictionary defines abortion as "knowing destruction"
or "intentional expulsion or removal."
-
^
James Wilson, "Of
the Natural Rights of Individuals" (1790-1792). Also
see William Blackstone,
Commentaries (1765): "Life ...begins in
contemplation of law as soon as an infant is able to
stir in the mother's womb."
-
^
Suzanne M. Alford,
Is Self-Abortion a Fundamental Right?, 52 Duke Law
Journal 1011.
-
^
Boyer, Ed. by Paul S.
(2006). The Oxford companion to United States history.
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. pp. 3.
ISBN
978-0-19-508209-8.
-
^
Johnson, Linnea.
"Something Real: Jane and Me. Memories and Exhortations
of a Feminist Ex-Abortionist".
CWLU Herstory Project.
http://www.cwluherstory.org/something-real-jane-and-me-memories-and-exhortations-of-a-feminist-ex-abortionist.html.
Retrieved 2010-05-23.
-
^
Roe v. Wade,
410 U.S. 113 (1972). Findlaw.com. Retrieved
2011-04-14.
-
^
An Interview with Norma McCorvey. Ann Scheidler,
Chicago Pro-life Action League. April 20, 1996.
-
^
Affidavit of Sandra Cano. January 2, 2005.
-
^
Traister, Rebecca. (March
13, 2006). "Roe
for men?." Salon.com. Retrieved December 17,
2007.
-
^
Roe vs. Wade… for men. The National Center
for Men. Retrieved November 25, 2011.
-
^
"U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, case No.
06-11016" (PDF).
http://www.ca6.uscourts.gov/opinions.pdf/07a0442p-06.pdf.
-
^
Planned Parenthood v.
Casey, 505
U.S.
833, 878 (1992), "(b) We reject the rigid trimester
framework of Roe v. Wade. To promote the State's
profound interest in potential life, throughout
pregnancy the State may take measures to ensure that the
woman's choice is informed, and measures designed to
advance this interest will not be invalidated as long as
their purpose is to persuade the woman to choose
childbirth over abortion. These measures must not be an
undue burden on the right."
-
^
Planned Parenthood v.
Casey, 505
U.S.
833, 878 (1992), "(a) To protect the central right
recognized by Roe v. Wade while at the same time
accommodating the State's profound interest in potential
life, we will employ the undue burden analysis as
explained in this opinion. An undue burden exists, and
therefore a provision of law is invalid, if its purpose
or effect is to place a substantial obstacle in the path
of a woman seeking an abortion before the fetus attains
viability."
-
^
Planned Parenthood v.
Casey, 505
U.S.
833, 846 (1992)
-
^
Greenhouse, Linda (April 19, 2007).
"Justices Back Ban on Method of Abortion".
New York Times.
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/19/washington/19scotus.html.
Retrieved January 3, 2010.
-
^
Interactive maps comparing U.S. abortion restrictions by
state, LawServer
-
^
"The Constitution of the United States of America: As
Amended". 2007-07-25.
http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=110_cong_documents&docid=f:hd050.pdf.
Retrieved 2009-02-17.
-
^
Report, Committee on the
Judiciary, U.S. Senate, on Senate Joint Resolution 3,
98th Congress, 98-149, June 7, 1983, p. 6.
-
^
Baptist Hospital of Miami,
Fact Sheet (2006).
-
^
"Access to Abortion" (PDF). National Abortion
Federation. 2003.
Archived from the original on 19 June 2007.
http://www.prochoice.org/pubs_research/publications/downloads/about_abortion/access_abortion.pdf.
Retrieved 2007-06-17.
-
^
"Public Funding for Abortion" (map)
-
^
Myers, Megan.
"S.D. rejects abortion ban", Argus Leader,
(2006-11-08). Retrieved 2007-01-23.
-
^
MacIntyre, Krystal. "Mississippi
abortion ban bill fails as legislators miss deadline for
compromise", Jurist News Archive
(2006-03-28). Retrieved 2007-01-23.
-
^
Alford, Jeremy.
"Louisiana Governor Plans To Sign Anti-Abortion Law".
New York Times. Section A; Column 3; National
Desk; Pg. 18 June 7, 2006. Retrieved December 23, 2007.
Quote: "Gov. Kathleen Babineaux Blanco's office said
Tuesday that she would shortly sign into law a strict
ban on abortion that would permit abortion only in the
case where a woman's life was threatened by pregnancy.
The bill, approved by both houses of the Legislature and
sent to the governor on Monday, would go into effect
only if the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe
v. Wade ...Eleven other states are considering similar
measures. Six other states have bans, similar to the
Louisiana bill, that would be put into effect by the end
of Roe."
-
^
"US state's 'personhood' law would hit birth control:
opponents" 2009-02-18 AFP
-
^
Lewis, Bob. The Associated
Press, "Va. House GOP muscles through abortion curbs,"
Feb 15, 2012.
http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5jDJo6Rmjkz3zeWB0kts8PJRiTglQ?docId=e5acbabbd6f94f798144a59a25171086
-
^
Denver Post, “Amendment
48—Definition of a Person Election Results,” 2008.
http://data.denverpost.com/election/results/amendment/2008/48-definition-of-person/
-
^
Colorado Secretary of
State, “Colorado Cumulative Report,” Nov 2, 2010.
http://www.sos.state.co.us/pubs/electionresults2010/general/ColoradoReport.html
-
^
Associated Press,
“Mississippi County Vote Results,” Nov 9, 2011.
http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/files/elections/2011/by_county/MS_Page_1108.html?SITE=AP&SECTION=POLITICS
-
^
Armstrong, Ari and Diana
Hsieh. “The ‘Personhood’ Movement is Anti-Life: Why It
Matters that Rights Begin at Birth, Not Conception,”
August 31, 2010.
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a
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Lilo T. Strauss, M.A., Joy
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