Since it came to me that this set of dreams 
		was about a lost Hebrew Tribe, I decided to do some research on that and 
		if I can trace a Hebrew tribe to China and then to Japan which is the 
		way the language tracks across the countries.  
		 
		
  
		 
		 
		 
		
		
		The ten lost tribes refers 
		to the ten of the twelve tribes 
		of ancient Israel that 
		were deported from the Kingdom 
		of Israel after it was 
		conquered by Assyria in 
		about 722 BCE. Claims of descent 
		from the lost tribes have been proposed in relation to many groups, and 
		some religions espouse a millenarian view 
		that the tribes will return. 
		
		
		Tudor Parfitt has 
		declared that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but a myth", and 
		writes that, "...this myth is a vital feature of colonial discourse 
		throughout the long period of European overseas empires, from the 
		beginning of the fifteenth century, until the later half of the 
		twentieth. 
		
		The motif of "the lost tribes" first appeared in the post-biblical era, 
		and was subsequently elaborated upon in a number of apocryphal texts. 
		The return of the lost tribes was eventually tied to the notion of the 
		coming of the messiah in the 7th and 8th centuries CE.  
		
		The recorded 
		history is at variance 
		with the legends elaborated in apocryphal texts. For example, no record 
		exists of the Assyrians having exiled people from Dan, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun or 
		western Manasseh. 
		Descriptions of the deportation of people from Reuben, Gad, Manasseh in Gilead, Ephraim and Naphtali indicate 
		that only a portion of these tribes were deported and the places to 
		which they were deported are known locations given in the accounts. The 
		deported communities are mentioned as still existing at the time of the 
		composition of the books of Kings and Chronicles, and not wholly 
		assimilated into the Assyrian populace. 
		
		DNA studies have found no evidence of the 
		existence of any lost tribes. DNA studies have refuted any connection 
		between ethnic Jews and most all of the ethnic groups discussed below, 
		with the exception of the Lemba, for whom a Y-chromosome connection has 
		been confirmed, but no maternal DNA. 
		
		  
		
		The twelve tribes
		
		According to the Hebrew 
		Bible, Jacob (who 
		was later named Israel; Gen 35:10) had 12 sons and at least one daughter 
		(Dinah) 
		by two wives and two concubines. The twelve sons fathered the twelve Tribes 
		of Israel. 
		
			- When the land of Israel was 
			apportioned among the tribes in the days of Joshua, 
			the Tribe 
			of Levi, being chosen as priests, did not receive land (Joshua 
			13:33, (14:3). 
			However, the tribe of Levi were given cities. Six cities were to be 
			refuge cities for all men of Israel, which were to be controlled by 
			the Levites. Three of these cities were located on each side of the 
			Jordan River. In addition, 42 other cities (and their respective 
			open spaces), totaling 48 cities, were given to the Tribe of Levi. (Numbers 
			35)
 
			- Joshua elevated the descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh (the 
			two sons of Joseph by his Egyptian wife Asenath) 
			(Genesis 
			41:50) to the status of full tribes in their own right, 
			replacing the Tribe 
			of Joseph (Joshua 
			14:4). Each received its own land and had its own encampment 
			during the 40 years of wandering in the desert.
 
		 
		
		Thus, the two divisions of the tribes are: 
		
			
				| 
				 
				Traditional division: 
				
					- Reuben
 
					- Simeon
 
					- Levi
 
					- Judah
 
					- Issachar
 
					- Zebulun
 
					- Dan
 
					- Naphtali
 
					- Gad
 
					- Asher
 
					- Joseph
 
					- Benjamin
 
				 
				 | 
				
				 Division 
				according to apportionment of land in Israel: 
				
					- Reuben
 
					- Simeon
 
					- Judah
 
					- Issachar
 
					- Zebulun
 
					- Dan
 
					- Naphtali
 
					- Gad
 
					- Asher
 
					- Benjamin
 
					- Ephraim (son of Joseph)
 
					- Manasseh (son of Joseph)
 
				 
				
					- Levi (no territorial 
					allotment, except a number of cities located within the 
					territories of the other tribes)
 
				 
				 | 
			 
		 
		
		According to the Bible, 
		the Kingdom 
		of Israel (or Northern 
		Kingdom) was one of the successor states to the older United 
		Monarchy (also called the 
		Kingdom of Israel), which came into existence in about the 930s BCE 
		after the northern Tribes 
		of Israel rejected 
		Solomon's son Rehoboam as 
		their king. Nine landed tribes formed the Northern Kingdom: the tribes 
		of Reuben, Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Ephraim and Manasseh. 
		In addition, some members of Tribe of Levi, who had no land allocation, 
		were found in the Northern Kingdom. The Tribes 
		of Judah and Benjamin remained 
		loyal to Rehoboam, and formed the Kingdom 
		of Judah (or Southern 
		Kingdom). Members of Levi and the remnant of Simeon were also found in 
		the Southern Kingdom. 
		
		According to 2 Chronicles 
		15:9, members of the tribes of Ephraim, Manasseh and Simeon "fled" 
		to Judah during the reign of Asa 
		of Judah. Whether these groups were absorbed into the population or 
		remained distinct groups, or returned to their tribal lands is not 
		indicated. 
		
		In c. 732 BCE, the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser 
		III sacked Damascus and 
		Israel, annexing Aramea and territory of 
		the tribes of Reuben, Gad andManasseh in Gilead including 
		the desert outposts of Jetur, Naphish and Nodab. 
		People from these tribes including the Reubenite leader, were taken 
		captive and resettled in the region of the Khabur 
		River system in Assyria/Mesopotamia. 
		Tiglath-Pilesar also captured the territory of Naphtali and 
		the city of Janoah in Ephraim and 
		an Assyrian governor was placed over the region of Naphtali. 
		According to 2 Kings 
		16:9 and 15:29, 
		the population of Aram and the annexed part of Israel was deported to 
		Assyria. 
		
		Israel continued to exist within the reduced territory as an 
		independent kingdom subject to Assyria until around 720 
		BCE, when it was again invaded by Assyria and the rest of the 
		population deported. The Bible relates that the population of Israel was 
		exiled, leaving only the Tribe 
		of Judah, the Tribe 
		of Simeon (that was 
		"absorbed" into Judah), the Tribe 
		of Benjamin and the 
		people of the Tribe 
		of Levi who lived among 
		them of the original Israelites tribes 
		in the southern Kingdom of Judah. However, Israel 
		Finkelstein estimated 
		that only a fifth of the population (about 40,000) were actually 
		resettled out of the area during the two deportation periods under Tiglath-Pileser 
		III and his successor Sargon 
		II. Many also fled south to Jerusalem, which appears to have 
		expanded in size fivefold during this period, requiring a new wall to be 
		built, and a new source of water (Siloam) 
		to be provided by King Hezekiah. 
		Furthermore, 2 Chronicles 
		30:1-11 explicitly 
		mentions northern Israelites who had been spared by the Assyrians—in 
		particular, members of Dan, Ephraim, Manasseh, Asher and Zebulun—and how 
		members of the latter three returned to worship at the Temple in 
		Jerusalem at that time. 
		
		However in 2 Kings 17:34 it says of the newly exiled Israelites that 
		were in Assyria; To this day they persist in their former practices. 
		They neither worship Yahweh nor adhere to the decrees and regulations, 
		the laws and commands that Yahweh gave the descendants of Jacob, whom he 
		named Israel. The medieval rabbi and biblical commentator David 
		Kimhi explains that this 
		is in reference to the tribes that were exiled, and that they remained 
		in their ways, neither accepting a monotheistic God nor in adhering to 
		any of the laws and regulations that were common to all Jews. 
		
		The Hebrew 
		Bible does not use the 
		phrase "ten lost tribes", leading some to question the number of tribes 
		involved. However, 1 Kings 
		11:31 states that the 
		kingdom would be taken from Solomon and 
		give ten tribes to Jeroboam: 
		
			
			And he said to Jeroboam, Take thee ten pieces: for thus saith the 
			LORD, the God of Israel, Behold, I will rend the kingdom out of the 
			hand of Solomon, and will give ten 
			tribes to thee. 
			
		 
		
			But I 
			will take the kingdom out of his son's hand, and will give it unto 
			thee, even ten tribes. 
			
		 
		
		
		
		The ten lost tribes and Biblical apocrypha
		
		According to Zvi Ben-Dor Benite 
		
			Centuries 
			after their disappearance, the ten lost tribes sent an indirect but 
			vital sign... In 2 Esdras, we read about the ten tribes and “their 
			long journey through that region, which is called Arzareth”... The 
			book of the “Vision of Ezra,” or Esdras, was written in Hebrew or 
			Aramaic by a Palestinian Jew sometime before the end of the first 
			century CE, shortly after the destruction of the temple by the 
			Romans. It is one of a group of texts later designated as the 
			so-called Apocrypha—pseudoepigraphal books attached to but not 
			included in the Hebrew biblical canon. 
		 
		
		
		The ten lost tribes and the New Testament
		
		Some evidence exists of a continuing identification in later centuries 
		of individual Israelites to the Lost Tribes. For example, in Luke 
		2:36 of the New 
		Testament, an individual is identified with the tribe of Asher. 
		
		
		Millenarian religious beliefs and
		the lost tribes
		
		Judaism
		
		There are numerous references in biblical writings. In Ezekiel 37:16-17, 
		the prophet is told to write on one stick (an ancient reference to 
		scrolls) (quoted here in part) "For Judah..." and on the other (quoted 
		here in part), "For Joseph..." (the main Lost Tribe). The prophet is 
		then told that these two groups shall be someday reunited. 
		
			
			Moreover, thou son of man, take thee one 
			stick, and write upon it, For Judah, 
			and for the children of Israel his 
			companions: then take another stick, and write upon it, For Joseph, 
			the stick of Ephraim, and 
			for all the house of Israel his companions: And join them one to 
			another into one stick; 
			and they shall become one in your hand. 
			
				—Ezekiel 37:16-17, HE 
		 
		
		There are also discussions in the Talmud as 
		to whether the ten lost tribes will eventually be reunited with the 
		Tribe of Judah, that is, with the Jewish people. 
		
		 
		
		Mormonism
		
		
		The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day 
		Saints (LDS) 
		has extensive teachings regarding the gathering of Israel and the 
		restoration of the ten tribes. One of their main Articles 
		of Faith written by 
		Joseph Smith Jr. is as follows: "We believe in the literal gathering of 
		Israel and in the restoration of the Ten Tribes; that Zion (the New 
		Jerusalem) will be built upon the American continent; that Christ will 
		reign personally upon the earth; and, that the earth will be renewed and 
		receive its paradisiacal glory." (LDS Articles of Faith #10) 
		
		Regarding the Ezekiel 37 prophecy, the LDS Church teaches that the Book 
		of Mormon is the stick of 
		Ephraim mentioned and that the Bible is 
		the stick of Judah, thus comprising two witnesses for Jesus Christ. The 
		LDS Church believes The Book of Mormon to be a collection of records by 
		prophets of the ancient Americas, written on plates of gold and 
		translated by Joseph Smith Jr. circa 1830. The LDS Church considers the 
		Book of Mormon one of the main tools for the spiritual gathering of 
		Israel. 
		
		
		17th- 
		to mid-20th-century theories
		
		The increased currency of tales relating to lost tribes was brought 
		about in the 17th century owing to the confluence of several factors. 
		According to Parfitt 
		
			...As Michael Pollack shows, Menassah's 
			argument was based on, 'three separate and seemingly unrelated 
			sources: a verse from the book of Isaiah, Matteo Ricci's discovery 
			of an old Jewish community in the heart of China and Antonio 
			Montezinos' reported encounter with members of the Lost Tribes in 
			the wilds of South America. 
		 
		
		The Portuguese traveler and Marrano Sephardic 
		Jew Antonio 
		de Montezinos returned to 
		Europe with accounts that some of the Lost Tribes were living among the Native 
		Americans of the Andes in South America. Menasseh 
		ben Israel, a noted rabbi and 
		printer of Amsterdam, 
		was excited by this news. He believed that a Messianic age 
		was approaching, and that Jewish people being settled around the world 
		was necessary for it. 
		
		In 1649 Menassah published his book, The 
		Hope of Israel, in Spanish and in Latin in Amsterdam, including 
		Montezinos' account of the Lost Tribes in the New World.[10][11] An 
		English translation was published in London in 1650. In it Menasseh 
		argued, and for the first time tried to give learned support in European 
		thought and printing, to the theory that the native 
		inhabitants of America at 
		the time of the European discovery were descendants of the [lost] Ten 
		Tribes of Israel.[10] He 
		noted how important Montezinos' account was, 
		
			
			"...for the Scriptures doe not tell what people first inhabited 
			those Countries; neither was there mention of them by any, til 
			Christop. Columbus, Americus, Vespacius, Ferdinandus, Cortez, the 
			Marquesse Del Valle, and Franciscus Pizarrus went thither..." 
		 
		
		He wrote on 23 December 1649: 
		
			... I think 
			that the Ten Tribes live not only there ... but also in other lands 
			scattered everywhere; these never did come back to the Second 
			Temple and they keep 
			till this day still the Jewish Religion... 
		 
		
		In 1655, Menasseh ben Israel petitioned Oliver 
		Cromwell to allow the Jews 
		to return to England in 
		furtherance of the Messianic goal. (Since the Edict 
		of Expulsion in 1290, 
		Jews had been prohibited by law from living in England.) 
		With the approach of 1666, considered a significant date, Cromwell was 
		allegedly interested in the return of the Jews to England because of the 
		many theories circulating related to millennial thinking about the end 
		of the world. Many of these ideas were fixed upon the year 1666 and 
		the Fifth 
		Monarchy Men who were 
		looking for the return of Jesus as 
		the Messiah; 
		he was expected to establish a final kingdom to rule the physical world 
		for a thousand years. Messianic believers supported Cromwell's Republic 
		in the expectation that it was a preparation for the fifth 
		monarchy—that is, the monarchy that should succeed the Babylonian, Persian, Greek, 
		and Romanworld 
		empires. 
		
		Apocryphal accounts concerning the Lost Tribes, based to varying 
		degrees on biblical accounts, have been produced by both Jews and Christianssince 
		at least the 17th century.[14] An Ashkenazi Jewish 
		tradition speaks of these tribes as Die 
		Roite Yiddelech, "The little red 
		Jews", cut off from the rest of Jewry by the legendary river Sambation "whose 
		foaming waters raise high up into the sky a wall of fire and smoke that 
		is impossible to pass through". 
		
		Historians have generally arrived at the conclusion that the Lost Tribes 
		merged with the local population. For instance, the New 
		Standard Jewish Encyclopedia states, 
		
			"In historic fact, some members of the Ten 
			Tribes remained in Palestine, where apart from the Samaritans some 
			of their descendants long preserved their identity among the Jewish 
			population, others were assimilated, while others were presumably 
			absorbed by the last Judean exiles who in 597-586 BC were deported 
			to Assyria...Unlike the Judeans of the southern Kingdom, who 
			survived a similar fate 135 years later, they soon assimilated... 
		 
		
		In declaring his conviction that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but 
		a myth", Parfitt writes that, 
		
			The continued belief in the Lost Tribes is 
			unabated... The present writer does not believe that the Ten Tribes 
			are still to be found and accepts their disappearance as a 
			historical fact that requires no further proof. 
		 
		
		
		
		Groups which claim descent from lost tribes
		
		Bene Israel
		
		The Bene 
		Israel may be descended 
		from the sea-faring Zebulun tribe. 
		
		Bnei Menashe
		
		Main article: Bnei 
		Menashe 
		
		Some tribes in Mizoram and Manipour claim they 
		are Lost Israelites. 
		
		Africa
		
		Beta Israel of 
		Ethiopia
		
		
		The Beta 
		Israel (also known 
		derogatorily as Falashas) are Ethiopian Jews. Some members of the Beta 
		Israel as well as several Jewish scholars believe that they are 
		descended from the lost Tribe 
		of Dan, as opposed to the traditional story of their descent from 
		the Queen 
		of Sheba. They always longed for Jerusalem.[21] Numerous 
		genetics studies, however, refute the possibility of a connection.[22][23][24][25][26] 
		
		Igbo 
		Jews
		
		
		The Igbo 
		Jews of Nigeria claim 
		descent variously from the tribes of Ephraim, Naphtali, Menasseh, Levi, Zebulun and Gad. 
		The theory, however, does not hold up to historical scrutiny. Historians 
		have examined the historical literature on West Africa from the colonial 
		era and elucidated diverse functions which such theories served for the 
		writers that proposed them.[27][28] 
		
		Lemba
		
		
		The Lemba 
		people (Vhalemba) from Southern 
		Africa claim to be 
		descendants of several Jewish men who traveled from what is now Yemen to Africa in 
		search of gold, where they took wives and established new communities DNA 
		testing has genetically 
		linked the Lemba with modern Jews and Muslim Semites. They 
		have specific religious practices similar to those in Judaism and a 
		tradition of being a migrant people, with clues pointing to an origin in West 
		Asia or North 
		Africa. According to the oral history of the Lemba, their ancestors 
		were Jews who came from a place calledSena several 
		hundred years ago and settled in East 
		Africa. Sena is an abandoned ancient town in Yemen, located in the 
		eastern Hadramaut valley, which history indicates Jews inhabited in past 
		centuries. Some research suggests that "Sena" may refer to Wadi 
		Masilah (near Sayhut) 
		in Yemen, often called Sena, or alternatively to the city of Sana'a, 
		also located in Yemen. 
		
		
		
		Pashtuns of the Afghanistan and Pakistan region
		
		
		The Pashtuns are 
		a predominantly Muslim people, 
		native to Afghanistan and Pakistan, who adhere to a pre-Islamic 
		indigenous religious code of honor and culture Pashtunwali. 
		The myth about Pashtuns and Kashmiris being from the lost tribes of 
		Israel has never been substantiated through concrete historical 
		evidence. Genetics studies also refute the myth.  
		
		Written sources
		
		The tribal name 'Yusef 
		Zai' in Pashto has been claimed to translate as the 'sons of 
		Joseph', as described by Makhzan-i-Afghani, 
		a historical work from the 17th Century by Nehamtullah, an official in 
		the royal court of Mughal 
		Emperor Jehangir. 
		A similar story is told by Iranian historian Ferishta. 
		
		DNA 
		studies
		
		A number of genetics studies refute the possibility of a connection. 
		
		China
		
		Kaifeng Jews
		
		
		Though not connected with any of the typical lore relating to claims of 
		descent from lost tribes, as described above, Parfitt and other scholars 
		consider the discovery of a Jewish community by a Jesuit missionary in 
		the early 17th century to have been important factor leading to the 
		increased currency of theories and tales related to the Lost Tribes. 
		
		In 1605, Jesuit missionary Matteo 
		Ricci discovered a small 
		community consisting of approximately ten to twelve families of Chinese 
		Jews in Kaifeng, 
		China. According to 
		historical records, a Jewish community in Kaifaeng built a synagogue in 
		1163, during the Southern 
		Song Dynasty, which existed until the late nineteenth century. 
		
		
		The Americas
		
		The 
		United States, American Indians
		
		In 1650, a British divine named Thomas Thorowgood, who was a preacher 
		in Norfolk, published a book entitled Jewes 
		in America or Probabilities that the Americans are of that Race, which 
		he had prepared for the New England missionary society. Tudor Parfitt 
		writes: 
		
			The society was active in trying to convert 
			the Indians but suspected that they might be Jews and realized they 
			better be prepared for an arduous task. Thorowgood's tract argued 
			that the native population of North America were descendants of the 
			Ten Lost Tribes. 
		 
		
		In 1652 Sir 
		Hamon L'Estrange, an English author writing on topics such as 
		history and theology published an exegitical tract called Americans 
		no Jews, or improbabilities that the Americans are of that Race in 
		response to the tract by Thorowgood. 
		
		In response to L'Estrange, Thorowgood published a second edition of his 
		book in 1660 with a revised title and included a forward written by John 
		Eliot, a Puritan missionary 
		to the Indians who had translated the bible into an Indian language. 
		
		
		
		Speculation regarding other ethnic groups
		
		Scythian 
		/ Cimmerian Theories
		
		Several theories claim that the Scythians and/or Cimmerians were 
		in whole or in part the Lost Tribes of Israel. These are generally based 
		on the belief that the Northern 
		Kingdom of Israel, which had been deported by the Assyrians, became 
		known in history as the Scythians and/or Cimmerians. Various points of 
		view exist as to their modern descendants. 
		
		The Behistun 
		Inscription is often 
		cited as a link between the deported Israelites, the Cimmerians and 
		the Scythians (Saka). 
		
			 
		 
		
		  
		
		The 19th-century British scholar George 
		Rawlinson wrote: 
		
			
				We have 
				reasonable grounds for regarding the Gimirri, or Cimmerians, who 
				first appeared on the confines of Assyria and Media in the 
				seventh century B.C., and the Sacae of the Behistun Rock, nearly 
				two centuries later, as identical with the Beth-Khumree of 
				Samaria, or the Ten Tribes of the House 
				of Israel. 
			 
			
			Adherents point out that the Behistun 
			Inscription connects 
			the people known in Old 
			Persianand Elamite as Saka, Sacae or Scythian with 
			the people known in Babylonian as 
			Gimirri orCimmerian. 
			
				It 
				should be made clear from the start that the terms 'Cimmerian' 
				and 'Scythian' 
				were interchangeable: in Akkadian the 
				name Iskuzai (Asguzai) occurs only exceptionally. Gimirrai 
				(Gamir) was the normal designation for 'Cimmerians' as well as 
				'Scythians' in Akkadian. 
			 
			
			
			E. Raymond Capt, 
			a British 
			Israelite, claimed similarities between King Jehu's 
			pointed headdress and that of the captive Saka king seen to the far 
			right on the Behistun Inscription. He 
			also posited that the Assyrian word for the House of Israel, Khumri, which 
			was named after Israel's King Omri of the 8th century BC, is 
			connected phonetically to Gimirri (Cimmerian). 
			
			Critics of the Israel / Scythian theory argue that the customs of 
			the Scythians and Cimmerians differ from those of the Ancient 
			Israelites. In addition, the greater body of research on the history 
			of ancient populations does not provide support for the purported 
			links between these ancient populations. 
			 
			
				
				British 
				Israelism variant
				
				
				
				British Israelism (also 
				known as 'Anglo-Israelism') espouses a theory that people of 
				Western European descent, especially Britain and the United 
				States, are descended from the lost tribes of Israel. 
				
				
				Tudor Parfitt, author of The 
				Lost Tribes: The History of a Myth, states that the proof cited 
				by adherents of British Israelism is "of a feeble composition 
				even by the low standards of the genre." (Parfitt,2003. p. 61.) 
				Other 
				critics cite similar problems: 
				
					
					“When reading Anglo-Israelite literature, one notices that 
					it generally depends on folklore, legends, quasi-historical 
					genealogies and dubious etymologies. None of these sources 
					prove an Israelite origin for the peoples of northwestern 
					Europe. Rarely, if ever, are the disciplines of archeology, sociology, anthropology, linguistics or historiography applied 
					to Anglo-Israelism. Anglo-Israelism operates outside the 
					sciences. Even the principles of sound biblical 
					exegesis are 
					seldom used, for...whole passages of Scripture that 
					undermine the entire system are generally ignored...Why this 
					unscientific approach? This approach must be taken because 
					to do otherwise is to destroy Anglo-Israelism's foundation.” (Orr, 
					1995) 
				 
				
				Adherents argue that the deported Israelites became Scythians / Cimmerians who 
				are ancestors of the Celts / Anglo-Saxons of 
				Western Europe.The theory arose in England, whence it spread to 
				the United States. During 
				the 20th century, British 
				Israelism was 
				promoted by Herbert 
				W. Armstrong, founder of the Worldwide 
				Church of God. Armstrong 
				argued that this theory provided a 'key' to understanding 
				biblical prophecy; he felt called to proclaim these prophecies 
				to the 'lost tribes' of Israel before the coming of the 
				'end-times'. The Worldwide 
				Church of God no 
				longer teaches the theory, but 
				some offshoot churches such as the Philadelphia 
				Church of God, the United 
				Church of God, and the Living 
				Church of God continue 
				to teach it. 
				British 
				Israelism has also been refuted by the findings of modern 
				genetics, which show no connection between Semitic people from 
				the Middle 
				Easternregion and the people of the United Kingdom. 
				
				Brit-Am variant
				
				Brit-Am, sometimes confused with British Israelism, is an 
				organization centered in Jerusalem, and composed of Jews and 
				non-Jews. Brit-Am, like British Israel, identifies the Lost Ten 
				Tribes with peoples of West European descent, but does so from a 
				Jewish perspective, quoting both biblical and Rabbinical 
				sources. It uses Rabbinical Commentary supplemented by secular 
				theories that posit the Lost Tribes / Scythian / Cimmerian 
				connection, which are believed to have been ancestors of current 
				Western European cultures and nations. An 
				example of Brit-Am scholarship may be seen from its treatment of 
				Obadiah 1:20 [in Hebrew 
				Obadiah mentions the Sepharad, 
				believed by some to refer to Iberian 
				Jews, where the original Hebrew as understood by Rabbinical 
				Commentators such as Rashi and 
				Don Isaac 
				Abrabanel is 
				referring to the Lost Ten Tribes in France and 
				England. Brit-Am also 
				believes that "Other Israelite Tribes gave rise to elements 
				within Finland, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Ireland, Wales, 
				France, Holland, 
				andBelgium" 
				and that "The Tribe of Dan is to be found amongst part of the 
				Danish, Irish, and Welsh." Brit-Am also believes that the Khazars were 
				descended from the Ten Tribes and quotes Jewish and non-Jewish 
				sources that were contemporaneous with them. 
				
				Other variants
				
				Other organizations teach other variants of the theory, 
				including the claim that the Scythians / Cimmerians represented 
				in whole or in part the Lost Ten Tribes. One such theory posits 
				that the lost Israelites can be defined by the Y-DNA haplogroup 
				R, which makes up much of the population of Europe and 
				Russia, which is in contrast 
				to British 
				Israelism and 
				Brit-Am, which believe that the Israelites became only Western 
				Europeans. It should be noted that the genetic findings 
				postulated by this and other theories are typically inconsistent 
				with the findings of generally accepted research inarcheology, anthropology and population 
				genetics. 
				
				Japanese
				
				Some 
				writers have speculated that the Japanese 
				people may be 
				direct descendants of part of the Ten Lost Tribes. Tudor 
				Parfitt writes 
				that "the spread of the fantasy of Israelite origin... forms a 
				consistent feature of the Western colonial enterprise": 
				
					"It 
					is in fact in Japan that we can trace the most remarkable 
					evolution in the Pacific of an imagined Judaic past. As 
					elsewhere in the world, the theory that aspects of the 
					country were to be explained via an Israelite model was 
					introduced by Western agents." 
				 
				In 
				1878, Scottish immigrant to Japan Nicholas 
				McLeod published Epitome 
				of the Ancient History of Japan. McLeod 
				drew correlations between his observations of Japan and the 
				fulfillment of biblical prophecy: 
				
					The 
					civilized race of the Aa. 
					Inus, the Tokugawa and 
					the Machi No Hito of the large towns, by dwelling in the 
					tent or tabernacle shaped 
					houses first erected by Jin Mu Tenno, have fulfilled Noah's 
					prophecy regarding Japhet, 
					"He shall dwell in the tents of Shem."(McLeod, 1878. p. 7) 
				 
				Several 
				other authors have followed McLeod in speculating about 
				parallels between Japanese and Israelite rituals, culture and 
				language in an attempt to support the hypothesis. Arismas 
				Kubo, an ordained Christian minister, has translated McLeod's 
				book into Japanese, and has published a number of works on the 
				topic. In his article, 
				"Mystery of the Ten Lost Tribes: Japan," he asserts that many 
				traditional customs and ceremonies in Japan are very similar to 
				those of ancient Israel. He 
				postulates that perhaps these rituals came from the Jews through 
				members of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, who might have come to 
				ancient Japan. 
				
				
				Jon Entine emphasizes 
				that DNA evidence shows there are no genetic links between 
				Japanese and Israelite peoples. 
				
				Other religions
				
				
				The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
				
				
				
				The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS 
				Church) believes in the literal 
				gathering of Israel, and the LDS Church actively preaches 
				the gathering of people from the twelve tribes. "Today 
				Israelites are found in all countries of the world. Many of 
				these people do not know that they are descended from the 
				ancient house of Israel," the church teaches in its basic Gospel 
				Principles manual. 
				"The Lord promised that His covenant people would someday be 
				gathered .... God gathers His children through missionary work. 
				As people come to a knowledge of Jesus Christ, receiving the 
				ordinances of salvation and keeping the associated covenants, 
				they become 'the children of the covenant' (3 
				Nephi 20:26)." 
				The 
				church also teaches that "The power and authority to direct the 
				work of gathering the house of Israel was given to Joseph 
				Smith by the 
				prophetMoses, 
				who appeared in 1836 in the Kirtland 
				Temple.... The Israelites are to be gathered spiritually 
				first and then physically. They are gathered spiritually as they 
				join The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and make 
				and keep sacred covenants.... The physical gathering of Israel 
				means that the covenant people will be “gathered home to the 
				lands of their inheritance, and shall be established in all 
				their lands of promise” (2 Nephi 9:2). The tribes of Ephraim and 
				Manasseh will be gathered in the Americas. The tribe of Judah 
				will return to the city of Jerusalem and the area surrounding 
				it. The ten lost tribes will receive from the tribe of Ephraim 
				their promised blessings (see D&C 133:26–34). . . The physical 
				gathering of Israel will not be complete until the Second Coming 
				of the Savior and on into the Millennium (see Joseph 
				Smith—Matthew 1:37)." 
				
				See also
				
				
				
				Bibliography
				
					- Bruder, Édith: Black 
					Jews of Africa, Oxford 2008.
 
					- Lange, Dierk: "Yoruba 
					origins and the 'Lost Tribes of Israel'", Anthropos 106 
					(2011), 579-595.
 
					- Parfitt, Tudor: The 
					Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth, London 2002.
 
					- Weil, Shalva: Beyond 
					the Sambatyon: the Myth of the Ten Tribes, Tel Aviv 1991.
 
				 
				
				Documentary
				
				
				References 
				and notes
				
				
				
					
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Jospehus, 
						The Antiquities of the Jews, Book 11 chapter 1 and II 
						Esdras 13:39-45
 
						- 
						
						
						
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						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ The 
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						- 
						^ Jump 
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						Jump up^ Lester 
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						- 
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						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Part 
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						online in the book, Roads 
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						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Parfitt, 
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						- 
						
						
						
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						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Hammer, 
						M. F., Redd, A. J., Wood, E. T., Bonner, M. R., 
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						Oppenheim, A., Jobling, M. A., Jenkins, T., Ostrer, H., 
						Bonné-Tamir, B. "Jewish 
						and Middle Eastern non-Jewish populations share a common 
						pool of Y-chromosome biallelic haplotypes", Proceedings 
						of the National Academy of Sciences, 6 June 2000, vol. 
						97, no. 12, 6769–6774.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Shen, 
						Peidong; Lavi, Tal; Kivisild, Toomas; Chou, Vivian; 
						Sengun, Deniz; Gefel, Dov; Shpirer, Issac; Woolf, Eilon 
						et al. (2004). "Reconstruction of patrilineages and 
						matrilineages of Samaritans and other Israeli 
						populations from Y-Chromosome and mitochondrial DNA 
						sequence Variation". Human 
						Mutation 24 (3): 
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						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Sanders, 
						Edith (1963). "The Hamitic Hypothesis: Its Origin and 
						Functions in Time Perspective". Journal 
						of African History 10 (4): 
						521–532. JSTOR 179896.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Zachernuk, 
						Philip (1994). "Of Origins and Colonial Order: Southern 
						Nigerians and the 'Hamitic Hypothesis' c. 1870-1970". Journal 
						of African History 35 (3): 
						427–55. JSTOR 182643.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Transcript, 
						INSIDE AFRICA: Current Events on the African Continent, 
						CNN, 11 September 2004.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ "The 
						Lemba, The Black Jews of Southern Africa", NOVA episode, 
						PBS.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ The 
						Story of the Lemba People by 
						Dr. Rudo Mathivha, 15 October 1999.
 
						- 
						^ Jump 
						up to:a b Tudor 
						Parfitt's Remarkable Journey Part 2, NOVA, PBS 
						website.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ "Lemba: 
						South African Jews", San 
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						- 
						
						
						
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						Groups". Library 
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						"The People - The Pashtuns". Center 
						for Applied Linguistics (CAL). 
						June 30, 2002. 
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						link]
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Introduction: Muhammad 
						Qāsim Hindū Šāh Astarābādī Firištah,History Of The 
						Mohamedan Power In India, The Packard Humanities 
						Institute Persian Texts in Translation (retrieved 10 
						January 2007).
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Haber, 
						M.; Platt, D. E.; Ashrafian Bonab, M.; Youhanna, S. C.; 
						Soria-Hernanz, D. F.; Martínez-Cruz, B. A.; Douaihy, B.; 
						Ghassibe-Sabbagh, M.; Rafatpanah, H.; Ghanbari, M.; 
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						Tyler-Smith, C.; Zalloua, P. A.; Genographic, C. (2012)."Afghanistan's 
						Ethnic Groups Share a Y-Chromosomal Heritage Structured 
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						ONE 7 (3): 
						e34288. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0034288. PMC 3314501.PMID 22470552. edit
 
						- 
						^ Jump 
						up to:a b Abraham's 
						children: race, identity, and the DNA of the chosen 
						people Jon 
						Entine
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ De 
						Christiana expeditione apud Sinas, p. 108 in 
						Gallagher's English translation (1953)
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Oliver's 
						Bookshelf, The Premier Web-Site for Early Mormon History
 
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						Jump up^ Parfitt, 
						Tudor (2003). The 
						Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. 
						p. 66.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ Parfitt, 
						Tudor (2003). The 
						Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. 
						pp. 66, 76.
 
						- 
						
						
						
						Jump up^ George 
						Rawlinson, noted in his translation of History 
						of Herodotus, Book VII, p. 378
 
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						Jump up^ Maurits 
						Nanning Van Loon. Urartian 
						Art. Its Distinctive Traits in the Light of New 
						Excavations, Istanbul, 
						1966. p. 16
 
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						^ Jump 
						up to:a b E. 
						Raymond Capt, Missing 
						Links Discovered in Assyrian Tablets,Artisan Pub, 1985 ISBN 
						0-934666-15-6
 
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						Jump up^ (Greer, 
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						Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. 
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						Jump up^ Orr, 
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						the Biblical Evidence". 
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						United States and Britain in Bible Prophecy". 
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						University of NewYork.
 
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						Jump up^ Parfitt, 
						T: The Lost 
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						p. 52-65.
 
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						p. 57.
 
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						Jump up^ [1] Orr, 
						R: "How Anglo-Israelism Entered Seventh-day Churches of 
						God: A history of the doctrine from John Wilson to 
						Joseph W.Tkach."
 
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						Jump up^ [2] "Transformed 
						by Christ: A Brief History of the Worldwide Church of 
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						Cimmerians, Scythians, and Israel". 
						Retrieved 2009-02-04.
 
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						Commentary" by Yair Davidiy, Brit-Am website, accessed 
						10/3/08.
 
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						Locations of the Lost Ten Tribes: Scriptural Proof," by 
						Yair Davidiy, Brit-Am website, accessed 7/15/08.
 
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						website, accessed 10/3/08.
 
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						and Noahic Haplogroup Hypotheses". 
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						Jump up^ Epitome 
						of the ancient history of Japan N. 
						McLeod
 
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				Notations[edit]
				
					- 
					Michael Riff. The 
					Face of Survival: Jewish Life in Eastern Europe Past and 
					Present. Valentine Mitchell, London, 1992. ISBN 
					0-85303-220-3
 
				 
				
				External links
				
				
				
				 
			 
			
		 
		
		 
		
		JAPANESE KANJI LANGUAGE 
		
		
		Kanji (漢字; Japanese 
		pronunciation: [kandʑi]   listen) 
		are the adopted logographic Chinese 
		characters (hanzi) 
		that are used in the modern Japanese 
		writing system along 
		with hiragana, katakana, Hindu-Arabic 
		numerals, 
		and the occasional use of the Latin 
		alphabet. 
		The Japanese term kanji for 
		the Chinese characters literally means "Han characters" and 
		is written using the same characters as the Chinese word hanzi (simplified 
		Chinese: 汉字;traditional 
		Chinese: 漢字). 
		
		 
			
				
				Kanji 
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				Type | 
				
				
				Logographic | 
			 
			
				| 
				Languages | 
				
				
				Old Japanese, Japanese | 
			 
			
				| 
				Parent systems | 
				
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				Sister systems | 
				
				
				Hanja, Zhuyin, Simplified 
				Chinese,Nom, Khitan 
				script, Jurchen 
				script | 
			 
			
				| 
				
				ISO 15924 | 
				
				Hani, 500 | 
			 
			
				| 
				Direction | 
				Left-to-right | 
			 
			
				| 
				Unicode alias | 
				Han | 
			 
			
				| 
				This article contains IPA phonetic 
				symbols. Without proper rendering 
				support, you may see question 
				marks, boxes, or other symbols instead 
				of Unicode characters. | 
			 
		 
		
		
		
		Chinese characters first 
		came to Japan on 
		official seals, letters, swords, coins, mirrors, and other decorative 
		items imported from China. 
		The earliest known instance of such an import was the King 
		of Na Gold Seal given by Emperor 
		Guangwu of Han to a Yamato emissary 
		in 57 AD. Chinese coins from the 1st 
		century AD have been found in Yayoi 
		period archaeological 
		sites. However, the Japanese of 
		that era probably had no comprehension of the script, and would remain 
		illiterate until the 5th century AD. According 
		to the Nihon 
		Shoki and Kojiki, 
		a semi-legendary scholar called Wani(王仁) 
		was dispatched to Japan by the Kingdom 
		of Baekje during the 
		reign of Emperor 
		Ōjin in the early 5th 
		century, bringing with him knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese 
		characters. 
		
		The earliest Japanese documents were probably written by bilingual 
		Chinese or Korean officials employed at the Yamato court.[5] For 
		example, the diplomatic correspondence from King 
		Bu of Wa toEmperor 
		Shun of Liu Song in 478 
		has been praised for its skillful use of allusion. 
		Later, groups of people called fuhito were 
		organized under the monarch to read and write Classical Chinese. During 
		the reign of Empress 
		Suiko (593–628), the 
		Yamato court began sending full-scale diplomatic missions to China, 
		which resulted in a large increase in Chinese literacy at the Japanese 
		court. 
		
		The Japanese language had no written form at the time Chinese characters 
		were introduced, and texts were written and read only in Chinese. Later, 
		during the Heian 
		period however, a system 
		known as kanbun emerged, 
		which involved using Chinese text with diacritical 
		marks to allow Japanese 
		speakers to restructure and read Chinese sentences, by changing word 
		order and adding particles and verb endings, in accordance with the 
		rules of Japanese 
		grammar. 
		
		Chinese characters also came to be used to write Japanese words, 
		resulting in the modern kana syllabaries. Around 650 CE, a writing 
		system called man'yōgana (used 
		in the ancient poetry anthology Man'yōshū) 
		evolved that used a number of Chinese characters for their sound, rather 
		than for their meaning. Man'yōgana written in cursive 
		style evolved into hiragana, 
		a writing system that was accessible to women (who were denied higher 
		education). Major works of Heian 
		era literature by 
		women were written in hiragana. Katakana emerged 
		via a parallel path:monastery students 
		simplifiedman'yōgana to a 
		single constituent element. Thus the two other writing systems, hiragana 
		and katakana, referred to collectively as kana, 
		are actually descended from kanji. 
		
		In modern Japanese, kanji are used to write parts of the language such 
		as nouns, adjective stems, 
		and verb stems, 
		while hiragana are used to write inflected verb 
		and adjective endings and as phonetic 
		complements to 
		disambiguate readings (okurigana), particles, 
		and miscellaneous words which have no kanji or whose kanji is considered 
		obscure or too difficult to read or remember. Katakana are 
		used for representing onomatopoeia, non-Japanese 
		loanwords (except those 
		borrowed from ancient 
		Chinese), the names of plants and animals (with exceptions), and for 
		emphasis on certain words. 
		
		
		Orthographic reform and lists of kanji
		
		
		
		In 1946, following World 
		War II, the Japanese government instituted a series of orthographic reforms. 
		This was done with the goal of facilitating learning for children and 
		simplifying kanji use in literature and periodicals. The number of 
		characters in circulation was reduced, and formal lists of characters to 
		be learned during each grade of school were established. Some characters 
		were given simplified glyphs, 
		called新字体 (shinjitai). 
		Many variant forms of characters and obscure alternatives for common 
		characters were officially discouraged. 
		
		These are simply guidelines, so many 
		characters outside these standards are still widely known and commonly 
		used; these are known as hyōgaiji (表外字?). 
		
		Kyōiku kanji
		
		
		The Kyōiku kanji (教育漢字, 
		"education kanji") are 1,006 characters that Japanese children learn in 
		elementary school. The number was 881 until 1981. The grade-level 
		breakdown of the education kanji is known as the gakunen-betsu 
		kanji haitōhyō (学年別漢字配当表), or 
		the gakushū kanji. 
		
		Jōyō kanji
		
		
		The Jōyō kanji (常用漢字, 
		"regular-use kanji") are 2,136 characters consisting of all the Kyōiku 
		kanji, plus 1,130 additional kanji taught in junior high and high 
		school. In publishing, characters outside this category are often given furigana. 
		The Jōyō kanji were 
		introduced in 1981, replacing an older list of 1,850 characters known as 
		the Tōyō 
		kanji (当用漢字, "general-use 
		kanji") introduced in 1946. Originally numbering 1,945 characters, the Jōyō 
		kanji list was extended to 
		2,136 in 2010. Some of the new characters were previously Jinmeiyō 
		kanji; some are used to write prefecture names: 阪, 熊, 奈, 岡, 鹿, 梨, 阜, 埼, 
		茨, 栃 and 媛. 
		
		Jinmeiyō kanji
		
		
		Since September 27, 2004, the Jinmeiyō 
		kanji (人名用漢字, "kanji for use 
		in personal names") consist of 2,928 characters, containing the Jōyō 
		kanjiplus an additional 983 kanji found in people's names. There were 
		only 92 kanji in the original list published in 1952, but new additions 
		have been made frequently. Sometimes the term Jinmeiyō 
		kanji refers to all 2,928, 
		and sometimes it only refers to the 983 that are only used for names. 
		
		Hyōgaiji
		
		
		Hyōgaiji (表外字?, 
		"unlisted characters") are any 
		kanji not contained in the jōyō kanji and jinmeiyō kanji lists. These 
		are generally written using traditional characters, but extended 
		shinjitai forms exist. 
		
		
		Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji
		
		The Japanese 
		Industrial Standards for 
		kanji and kana define character code-points for each kanji and kana, as 
		well as other forms of writing such as the Latin 
		alphabet, Cyrillic 
		script, Greek 
		alphabet, Hindu-Arabic 
		numerals, etc. for use in information processing. They have had 
		numerous revisions. The current standards are: 
		
			- 
			
			JIS X 0208 (JIS 
			X 0208:1997), the most recent 
			version of the main standard. It has 6,355 kanji.
 
			- 
			
			JIS X 0212 (JIS 
			X 0212:1990), a supplementary standard containing a further 
			5,801 kanji. This standard is rarely used, mainly because the common Shift 
			JIS encoding system 
			could not use it. This standard is effectively obsolete;
 
			- 
			
			JIS X 0213 (JIS 
			X 0213:2000), a further revision which extended the JIS X 0208 
			set with 3,695 additional kanji, of which 2,743 (all but 952) were 
			in JIS X 0212. The standard is in part designed to be compatible 
			with Shift JIS encoding;
 
			- JIS X 0221:1995, the Japanese 
			version of the ISO 10646/Unicode standard.
 
		 
		
		Gaiji
		
		Gaiji (外字), 
		literally meaning "external characters", are kanji that are not 
		represented in existing Japanese encoding 
		systems. These include variant forms of common kanji that need to be 
		represented alongside the more conventional glyph in 
		reference works, and can include non-kanji symbols as well. 
		
		Gaiji can 
		be either user-defined characters or system-specific characters. Both 
		are a problem for information interchange, as the codepoint used 
		to represent an external character will not be consistent from one 
		computer or operating system to another. 
		
		Gaiji were 
		nominally prohibited in JIS X 0208-1997, and JIS X 0213-2000 used the 
		range of code-points previously allocated to gaiji, 
		making them completely unusable. Nevertheless, they persist today with NTT 
		DoCoMo's "i-mode" 
		service, where they are used for emoji (pictorial 
		characters). 
		
		
		Unicode allows 
		for optional encoding of gaiji in private 
		use areas, while Adobe's 
		SING (Smart INdependent 
		Glyphlets] technology 
		allows the creation of customized gaiji. 
		
		The Text 
		Encoding Initiative uses 
		a <g> element 
		to encode any non-standard character or glyph, including gaiji. (The g stands 
		for "gaiji". 
		
		Total number of 
		kanji
		
		The number of possible characters is disputed; in principle any Chinese 
		character can be used as kanji, which often occurs with proper names or 
		names of food. The Daikanwa 
		Jiten contains about 
		50,000 characters, which is considered to be comprehensive in Japan. The Zhonghua 
		Zihai, published in 1994 in China where Chinese characters is used 
		more extensively, contain about 80 000 characters. 
		
		Approximately 2,000 to 3,000 characters are in common use in Japan, a 
		few thousand more find occasional use, and a total of about 13,000 
		characters can be encoded in various Japanese 
		Industrial Standards for kanji. 
		
		Readings
		
			
				| 
				Borrowing Typology of Han Characters | 
			 
			
				 | 
				Meaning | 
				Pronunciation | 
			 
			
				| a) semantic on | 
				L1 | 
				L1 | 
			 
			
				| b) semantic kun | 
				L1 | 
				L2 | 
			 
			
				| c) phonetic on | 
				— | 
				L1 | 
			 
			
				| d) phonetic kun | 
				— | 
				L2 | 
			 
			
				| 
				*With L1 representing the language 
				borrowed from (Chinese) and L2 representing the borrowing 
				language (Japanese). | 
			 
		 
		
		Because of the way they have been adopted into 
		Japanese, a single kanji may be used to write one or more different 
		words (or, in some cases, morphemes), 
		and thus the same character may be pronounced in different ways. From 
		the point of view of the reader, kanji are said to have one or more 
		different "readings". Deciding which reading is appropriate depends on 
		recognizing which word it represents, which can usually be determined 
		from context, intended meaning, whether the character occurs as part of 
		a compound word or an independent word, and sometimes location within 
		the sentence. For example, (今日?) is 
		usually read kyō, meaning 
		"today", but in formal writing is instead read konnichi, meaning 
		"nowadays"; this is understood from context. Nevertheless, some cases 
		are ambiguous and require a furigana gloss, 
		which are also used simply for difficult readings or to specify a 
		non-standard reading. 
		
		Kanji readings are categorized as either on'yomi (literally 
		"sound reading", from Chinese) or kun'yomi (literally 
		"meaning reading", native Japanese), and most characters have at least 
		two readings, at least one of each. However, some characters have only a 
		single reading, such as kiku (菊?, 
		chrysanthemum) (on) 
		or iwashi (鰯?, 
		sardine) (kun); kun-only 
		are common for Japanese-coined kanji (kokuji). Some common kanji have 
		ten or more possible readings; the most complex common example is 生, 
		which is read as sei, shō, 
		nama, ki, o-u, i-kiru, i-kasu, i-keru, u-mu, u-mareru, ha-eru,and ha-yasu, 
		totaling 8 basic readings (first 2 are on, rest 
		are kun), or 12 if related 
		verbs are counted as distinct; see okurigana: 
		生 for details. 
		
		Most often a character will be used for both sound and meaning, and it 
		is simply a matter of choosing the correct reading based on which word 
		it represents. In other cases, a character is used only for sound (ateji), 
		in which case pronunciation is still based on an standard reading, or 
		used only for meaning (broadly a form of ateji, narrowly jukujikun), 
		in which case the individual character does not have a reading, only the 
		full compound; this is significantly more complicated; see special 
		readings, below. 
		
		The analogous phenomenon occurs to a much lesser degree in Chinese 
		languages, where there are literary 
		and colloquial readings of Chinese characters – 
		borrowed readings and native readings. In Chinese these borrowed 
		readings and native readings are etymologically related, since they are 
		between Chinese languages (which are related), not from Chinese to 
		Japanese (which are not related). They thus form doublets and 
		are generally similar, analogous to different on'yomi, reflecting 
		different stages of Chinese borrowings into Japanese. 
		
		
		On'yomi (Sino-Japanese 
		reading)
		
		The on'yomi (音読み), 
		the Sino-Japanese reading, 
		is the modern descendant of the Japanese approximation of the Chinese 
		pronunciation of the character at the time it was introduced. Some kanji 
		were introduced from different parts of China at different times, and so 
		have multiple on'yomi, and 
		often multiple meanings. Kanji invented 
		in Japan would not normally be expected to have on'yomi, but 
		there are exceptions, such as the character 働 "to work", which has the kun'yomi "hataraku" 
		and the on'yomi "dō", 
		and 腺 "gland", which has only the on'yomi "sen" 
		– in both cases these come from the on'yomi of 
		the phonetic component, respectively 動 "dō" and 泉 "sen". 
		
		Generally, on'yomi are 
		classified into four types: 
		
			- 
			
			Go-on (呉音?, 
			"Wu sound") readings are 
			from the pronunciation during the Southern 
			and Northern Dynasties during 
			the 5th and 6th centuries. There is a high probability of Go referring 
			to the Wu region 
			(in the vicinity of modern Shanghai), 
			which still maintains linguistic similarities with modern 
			Sino-Japanese vocabulary.
 
			- 
			
			Kan-on (漢音?, 
			"Han sound") readings are 
			from the pronunciation during the Tang 
			Dynasty in the 7th to 
			9th centuries, primarily from the standard speech of the capital, Chang'an (長安 
			or 长安, modern Xi'an). 
			Here, Kan is 
			used in the sense of China.
 
			- 
			
			Tō-on (唐音?, 
			"Tang sound") readings are 
			from the pronunciations of later dynasties, such as the Song (宋) 
			and Ming (明). 
			They cover all readings adopted from the Heian 
			era (平安) to the Edo 
			period (江戸). This is 
			also known as Tōsō-on (唐宋音), 
			"Tang and Song sound".
 
			- Kan'yō-on (慣用音?, 
			"Customary sound") readings, 
			which are mistaken or changed readings of the kanji that have become 
			accepted into the language. In some cases, they are the actual 
			readings that accompanied the character's introduction to Japan, but 
			do not match how the character “should” be read according to the 
			rules of character construction and pronunciation.
 
		 
		
			
			Examples (rare 
			readings in parentheses)
			
				
					| Kanji | 
					Meaning | 
					Go-on | 
					Kan-on | 
					Tō-on | 
					Kan'yō-on | 
				 
				
					| 明 | 
					bright | 
					myō | 
					mei | 
					(min) | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 行 | 
					go | 
					gyō 
					gō | 
					kō 
					kō | 
					(an) | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 極 | 
					extreme | 
					goku | 
					kyoku | 
					— | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 珠 | 
					pearl | 
					shu | 
					shu | 
					ju | 
					(zu) | 
				 
				
					| 度 | 
					degree | 
					do | 
					(to) | 
					— | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 輸 | 
					transport | 
					(shu) | 
					(shu) | 
					— | 
					yu | 
				 
				
					| 雄 | 
					masculine | 
					— | 
					— | 
					— | 
					yū | 
				 
				
					| 熊 | 
					bear | 
					— | 
					— | 
					— | 
					yū | 
				 
				
					| 子 | 
					child | 
					shi | 
					shi | 
					su | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 清 | 
					clear | 
					shō | 
					sei | 
					(shin) | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 京 | 
					capital | 
					kyō | 
					kei | 
					(kin) | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 兵 | 
					soldier | 
					hyō | 
					hei | 
					— | 
					— | 
				 
				
					| 強 | 
					strong | 
					gō | 
					kyō | 
					— | 
					— | 
				 
		 
		
		The most common form of readings is the kan-on one, 
		and use of a non-kan-on reading 
		in a word where the kan-on reading 
		is well-known is a common cause of reading mistakes or difficulty, such 
		as in ge-doku (解毒?, 
		detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on), 
		where (解?) is 
		usually instead read as kai. 
		Thego-on readings are 
		especially common in Buddhist terminology 
		such as gokuraku 極楽 
		"paradise", as well as in some of the earliest loans, such as the 
		Sino-Japanese numbers. The tō-on readings 
		occur in some later words, such as isu 椅子 
		"chair", futon 布団 
		"mattress", and andon 行灯, 
		"a kind of paper lantern". The go-on, kan-on, and tō-on readings are 
		generally cognate (with rare exceptions of homographs; see below), 
		having a common origin in Old Chinese, and hence form linguistic 
		doublets or triplets, but 
		they can differ significantly from each other and from modern Chinese 
		pronunciation. 
		
		In Chinese, most characters are associated with a single Chinese sound, 
		though there are distinctliterary 
		and colloquial readings of Chinese characters. However, some 
		homographs called 多音字 (pinyin: duōyīnzì) 
		such as 行 (pinyin: háng or 
		xíng) (Japanese: an, gō, gyō) 
		have more than one reading in Chinese representing different meanings, 
		which is reflected in the carryover to Japanese as well. Additionally, 
		many Chinese syllables, especially those with an entering 
		tone, did not fit the largely consonant-vowel (CV) phonotactics of 
		classical Japanese. Thus most on'yomi are 
		composed of twomorae (beats), 
		the second of which is either a lengthening of the vowel in the first 
		mora, the vowel i, or one of 
		the syllables ku, ki, tsu, chi, 
		or moraic n, chosen for their 
		approximation to the final consonants of Middle Chinese. It may be that palatalized 
		consonants before vowels other than i developed 
		in Japanese as a result of Chinese borrowings, as they are virtually 
		unknown in words of native Japanese origin. 
		
		On'yomi primarily 
		occur in multi-kanji compound words (熟語 jukugo), 
		many of which are the result of the adoption, along with the kanji 
		themselves, of Chinese words for concepts that either did not exist in 
		Japanese or could not be articulated as elegantly using native words. 
		This borrowing process is often compared to the English 
		borrowings from Latin, Greek, and Norman French, since 
		Chinese-borrowed terms are often more specialized, or considered to 
		sound more erudite or formal, than their native counterparts. The major 
		exception to this rule is family 
		names, in which the nativekun'yomi are 
		usually used (though on'yomi are 
		found in many personal names, especially men's names). 
		
		
		Kun'yomi (Japanese 
		reading)
		
		The kun'yomi (訓読み), 
		Japanese reading, or native 
		reading (literally, meaning 
		reading), is a reading based on the pronunciation of a native Japaneseword, 
		or yamato 
		kotoba, that closely approximated the meaning of the Chinese character 
		when it was introduced. As with on'yomi, 
		there can be multiple kun'yomi for 
		the same kanji, and some kanji have no kun'yomi at 
		all. 
		
		For instance, the kanji for east, 東, 
		has the on'yomi tō. 
		However, Japanese already 
		had two words for "east": higashi and azuma. 
		Thus the kanji 東 had 
		the latter readings added as kun'yomi. 
		In contrast, the kanji 寸, 
		denoting a Chinese unit of measurement (about 30 mm or 1.2 inch), has no 
		nativeJapanese equivalent; 
		it only has an on'yomi, sun, 
		with no native kun'yomi. Most kokuji, 
		Japanese-created Chinese characters, only have kun'yomi(although 
		some have back-formed a pseudo-on'yomi by 
		analogy with similar characters, such as 働 dō, from 動 dō), 
		though some, such as 腺 sen"gland", 
		have only an on'yomi. 
		
		Kun'yomi are 
		characterized by the strict (C)V syllable structure of yamato 
		kotoba. Most noun or adjective kun'yomi are 
		two to three syllables long, while verb kun'yomi are 
		usually between one and three syllables in length, not counting trailing hiragana called okurigana. Okurigana are 
		not considered to be part of the internal reading of the character, 
		although they are part of the reading of the word. A beginner in the 
		language will rarely come across characters with long readings, but 
		readings of three or even four syllables are not uncommon. This 
		contrasts with on'yomi, which 
		are monosyllabic, and is unusual in the Chinese 
		family of scripts, which generally use one character per syllable – 
		not only in Chinese, but also in Korean, Vietnamese, and Zhuang; polysyllabic 
		Chinese characters are 
		rare and considered non-standard. 
		
		承る uketamawaru, 志 kokorozashi, and 詔 mikotonori have 
		five syllables represented by a single kanji, the longest readings in 
		the Jōyō 
		character set. These unusually long readings are due a single 
		character representing a compound word. In detail, due respectively to 承る being 
		a single character for a compound verb, one component of which has a 
		long reading (alternative spelling as 受け賜る u(ke)-tamawa(ru), 
		hence (1+1)+3=5; compare common受け付ける u(ke)-tsu(keru), 
		to 志 being 
		a nominalization of the verb 志す which 
		has a long reading kokoroza(su) (due 
		to being derived from a noun-verb compound, 心指す kokoro-za(su)), 
		the nominalization removing the okurigana, hence increasing the reading 
		by one mora, yielding 4+1=5 (compare common 話 hanashi 2+1=3, 
		from 話す hana(su), and 詔 being 
		a triple compound (alternative spelling 御言宣 mi-koto-nori, hence 
		1+2+2=5). Longer readings exist for non-Jōyō characters and non-kanji 
		symbols, where a long gairaigo word may be the reading (this is classed 
		as kun'yomi – 
		see single 
		character gairaigo, below) – the character 糎 has 
		the seven kana reading センチメートル senchimētoru "centimeter", 
		though it is generally written as "cm" (with two half-width characters, 
		so occupying one space); another common example is '%' (the percent 
		sign), which has the five kana reading パーセント pāsento. 
		Further, some Jōyō characters have long non-Jōyō readings (students 
		learn the character, but not the reading), such as omonpakarufor 慮る. 
		
		In a number of cases, multiple kanji were assigned to cover a single Japanese word. 
		Typically when this occurs, the different kanji refer to specific shades 
		of meaning. For instance, the word なおす, naosu, 
		when written 治す, 
		means "to heal an illness or sickness". When written 直す it 
		means "to fix or correct something". Sometimes the distinction is very 
		clear, although not always. Differences of opinion among reference works 
		is not uncommon; one dictionary may say the kanji are equivalent, while 
		another dictionary may draw distinctions of use. As a result, native 
		speakers of the language may have trouble knowing which kanji to use and 
		resort to personal preference or by writing the word in hiragana. 
		This latter strategy is frequently employed with more complex cases such 
		as もと moto, which has at 
		least five different kanji: 元, 
		基, 本, 下, and 素, 
		the first three of which have only very subtle differences. Another 
		notable example is sakazuki "sake 
		cup", which may be spelt as at least five different kanji: 杯, 
		盃, 巵/卮, and 坏; 
		of these, the first two are common – formally 杯 is 
		a small cup and 盃 a 
		large cup. 
		
		Local dialectical readings of kanji are also classified under kun'yomi, 
		most notably readings for words in Ryukyuan 
		languages. Further, in rare casesgairaigo (borrowed 
		words) have a single character associated with them, in which case this 
		reading is formally classified as a kun'yomi, 
		because the character is being used for meaning, not sound. This is 
		discussed under other 
		readings, below. 
		
		Mixed readings
		
			
				
				 
					
					A  jūbako  (重箱?), 
					which has a mixed on-kun reading. 
			 
		 
		
			
				
				 
					
					A  yutō  (湯桶?), 
					which has a mixed kun-on reading. 
			 
		 
		
		There are many kanji compounds that use a 
		mixture of on'yomi and kun'yomi, 
		known as jūbako (重箱?, 
		multi-layered food box) or yutō (湯桶?, 
		hot liquid pail) words 
		(depending on the order), which are themselves examples of this kind of 
		compound (they are autological 
		words): the first character of jūbako is 
		read usingon'yomi, the second kun'yomi (on-kun), 
		while it is the other way around with yutō (kun-on). 
		Formally, these are referred to as jūbako-yomi (重箱読み?, jūbako reading) and yutō-yomi (湯桶読み?, yutō reading). 
		Note that in both these words, the on'yomi has 
		a long vowel; long vowels in Japanese generally come from Chinese, hence 
		distinctive of on'yomi. These 
		are the Japanese form of hybrid 
		words. Other examples include 場所 basho "place" 
		(kun-on), 金色 kin'iro "golden" 
		(on-kun) and 合気道 aikidō "the 
		martial art
		
		Aikido" (kun-on-on). 
		
		Special readings
		
		Gikun (義訓) 
		and jukujikun (熟字訓) 
		are readings of kanji combinations that have no direct correspondence to 
		the characters' individual on'yomi or kun'yomi, but 
		rather are connected with their meaning – this is the opposite of ateji. 
		From the point of view of the character, rather than the word, this is 
		known as a nankun(難訓?, 
		difficult reading), and these 
		are listed in kanji dictionaries under the entry for the character. Gikunare 
		when non-standard kanji are used, generally for effect, such as using 寒 
		with reading fuyu (ふゆ, 
		"winter"), rather than the standard character 冬. Jukujikun are 
		when the standard kanji for a word are related to the meaning, but not 
		the sound – the word is pronounced as a whole, not corresponding to 
		sounds of individual kanji. For example, 今朝 ("this morning") is 
		jukujikun, and read neither as *ima'asa, 
		the kun'yomiof the 
		characters, nor konchō, the on'yomi of 
		the characters, nor any combination thereof. Instead it is read as kesa—a 
		native Japanese word with two syllables (which may be seen as a single morpheme, 
		or as a fusion of kyō (previously kefu), 
		"today", and asa, "morning"). 
		Jukujikun are primarily used for some native Japanese words, and for 
		some old borrowings, such as 柳葉魚 (shishamo, 
		literally "willow leaf fish"), from Ainu, or 煙草 (tabako, literally 
		"smoke grass"), from Portuguese. Words whose kanji are jukujikun are 
		often usually written as hiragana (if native), or katakana (if 
		borrowed); some old borrowed words are also written as hiragana. 
		
		Jukujikun are quite varied. Often the kanji 
		compound for jukujikun is idiosyncratic and created for the word, with 
		the corresponding Chinese word not existing; in other cases a kanji 
		compound for an existing Chinese word is reused, with the Chinese word 
		and on'yomi may 
		or may not be used in Japanese; for example, (馴鹿?, 
		reindeer) is jukujikun for tonakai, from 
		Ainu, but the on'yomi junroku is 
		also used. In some cases Japanese coinages have subsequently been 
		borrowed back into Chinese, such as ankō (鮟鱇?, 
		monkfish). 
		
		The underlying word for jukujikun is a native 
		Japanese word or foreign borrowing, which either does not have an 
		existing kanji spelling (either kun'yomior ateji) 
		or for which a new kanji spelling is produced. Most often the word is a 
		noun, which may be a simple noun (not a compound or derived from a 
		verb), or may be a verb form or a fusional pronunciation; for example sumō (相撲?, 
		sumo) is originally from the 
		verb suma-u (争う?, 
		to vie), while kyō (今日?, 
		today) is fusional. In rare 
		cases jukujikun is also applied to inflectional words (verbs and 
		adjectives), in which case there is frequently a corresponding Chinese 
		word. 
		
		Examples of jukujikun for inflectional words 
		follow. The most common example of a jukujikun adjective is kawai-i (可愛い?, 
		cute), originally kawayu-i;the 
		word (可愛?) is 
		used in Chinese, but the corresponding on'yomi is 
		not used in Japanese. By contrast, the jukujikun fusawa-shii (相応しい?, 
		appropriate) and on'yomi sōō (相応?, 
		appropriate) are both used; the -shii ending 
		is because these were formerly a different class of adjectives. A common 
		example of a verb with jukujikun is haya-ru (流行る?, 
		to spread, to be in vogue), 
		corresponding to on'yomi ryūkō (流行?). 
		A sample jukujikun deverbal (noun derived from a verb form) is yusuri (強請?, 
		extortion), from yusu-ru (強請る?, 
		to extort), spelling from kyōsei (強請?, 
		extortion). See 義訓and 熟字訓 for 
		many more examples. Note that there are also compound verbs and, less 
		commonly, compound adjectives, and while these may have multiple kanji 
		without intervening characters, they are read using usual kun'yomi; examples 
		include omo-shiro-i (面白い?, 
		interesting) face-whiteningand zuru-gashiko-i (狡賢い?, 
		sly). 
		
		Typographically, the furigana for 
		jukujikun are often written so they are centered across the entire word, 
		or for inflectional words over the entire root – corresponding to the 
		reading being related to the entire word – rather than each part of the 
		word being centered over its corresponding character, as is often done 
		for the usual phono-semantic readings. 
		
		Broadly speaking, jukujikun can be considered a form of ateji, though 
		in narrow usage "ateji" refers specifically to using characters for 
		sound and not meaning (sound-spelling), rather than meaning and not 
		sound (meaning-spelling), as in jukujikun. 
		
		Many jukujikun (established meaning-spellings) began life as gikun 
		(improvised meaning-spellings). Occasionally a single word will have 
		many such kanji spellings; an extreme example is hototogisu (lesser 
		cuckoo), 
		which may be spelt in a great many ways, including 杜鵑, 時鳥, 子規, 不如帰, 霍公鳥, 
		蜀魂, 沓手鳥, 杜宇, 田鵑, 沓直鳥, and 郭公 – many of these variant spellings are 
		particular to haiku poems. 
		
		Single 
		character gairaigo
		
		In some rare cases, an individual kanji has a 
		reading that is borrowed from a modern foreign language (gairaigo), 
		though most often these words are written in katakana. Notable examples 
		include pēji (頁、ページ?, 
		page), botan (釦/鈕、ボタン?, 
		button), zero (零、ゼロ?, 
		zero), and mētoru (米、メートル?, 
		meter). See list 
		of single character gairaigo for 
		more. These are classed as kun'yomi of 
		a single character, because the character is being used for meaning only 
		(without the Chinese pronunciation), rather than as ateji, 
		which is the classification used when a gairaigo term is written as a 
		compound (2 or more characters). However, unlike the vast majority of 
		other kun'yomi, these 
		readings are not native Japanese, but rather borrowed, so the "kun'yomi" 
		label can be misleading. The readings are also written in katakana, 
		unlike the usual hiragana for native kun'yomi. 
		Note that most of these characters are for units, particularly SI 
		units, in many cases using new characters (kokuji) 
		coined during the Meiji 
		period, such as kiromētoru(粁、キロメートル?, 
		kilometer, 米 "meter" + 千 "thousand"). 
		
		Other readings
		
			
			Some kanji also have lesser-known readings 
			called nanori (名乗り), 
			which are mostly used for names (often given 
			names), and are generally closely related to the kun'yomi. 
			Place names sometimes also use nanori or, 
			occasionally, unique readings not found elsewhere. 
			For example, 
			in the case of surname 小鳥遊, literally it mean little birds playing 
			around, and that imply no eagle (as eagles is little birds' natural 
			enemy, and it's only eagle aren't around so little birds can play 
			happily), (鷹(たか)がいない), Taka ga 
			i nai)), thus it is then 
			converted to become pronounced as タカナシ (Takanashi).  
			
			When to use 
			which reading
			
			Although there are general rules for when 
			to use on'yomi and 
			when to use kun'yomi, the 
			language is littered with exceptions, and it is not always possible 
			for even a native speaker to know how to read a character without 
			prior knowledge (this is especially true for names, both of people 
			and places); further, a given character may have multiple kun'yomi or on'yomi. When 
			reading Japanese, one primarily recognizes words (multiple 
			characters and okurigana) and their readings, rather than individual 
			characters, and only guess readings of characters when trying to 
			"sound out" an unrecognized word. 
			Homographs 
			exist, however, which can sometimes be deduced from context, and 
			sometimes cannot, requiring a glossary. For example, 今日 may be read 
			either as kyō "today 
			(informal)" (special fused reading for native word) or as konnichi "these 
			days (formal)" (on'yomi); in formal writing this will generally be 
			read as konnichi. In some 
			cases multiple readings are common, as in 豚汁 "pork soup", which is 
			commonly pronounced both as ton-jiru(mixed on-kun) 
			and buta-jiru (kun-kun), 
			with ton somewhat 
			more common nationally. Inconsistencies abound – for example 牛肉 gyu-niku "beef" 
			and 羊肉 yō-niku "mutton" 
			have on-on readings, 
			but 豚肉 buta-niku "pork" 
			and 鶏肉 tori-niku "poultry" 
			have kun-on readings. 
			The main 
			guideline is that a single kanji followed by okurigana (hiragana 
			characters that are part of the word) – as used in native verbs and 
			adjectives –always indicates kun'yomi, while 
			kanji compounds (kango) usually use on'yomi, which 
			is usually kan-on; however, 
			other on'yomi are 
			also common, andkun'yomi are 
			also commonly used in kango. For a kanji in isolation without 
			okurigana, it is typically read 
			using their kun'yomi, though 
			there are numerous exceptions. For example, 鉄 "iron" is usually read 
			with the on'yomi tetsu rather 
			than the kun'yomi kurogane. Chinese on'yomi which 
			are not the common kan-on one 
			are a frequent cause of difficulty or mistakes when encountering 
			unfamiliar words or for inexperienced readers, though skilled 
			natives will recognize the word; a good example is ge-doku (解毒?, 
			detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on), 
			where (解?) is 
			usually instead read as kai. 
			
			
			Okurigana are used 
			with kun'yomi to 
			mark the inflected ending of a native verb or adjective, or by 
			convention – note that Japanese verbs and adjectives are closed 
			class, and do not generally admit new words (borrowed Chinese 
			vocabulary, which are nouns, can form verbs by adding -suru (〜する?, 
			to do) at the end, and 
			adjectives via 〜の -no or 
			〜な -na, but cannot become 
			native Japanese vocabulary, which inflect). For example: 赤い aka-i "red", 
			新しい atara-shii "new", 
			見る mi-ru "(to) 
			see". Okurigana can be used to indicate which kun'yomi to 
			use, as in 食べる ta-beru versus 
			食う ku-u (casual), 
			both meaning "(to) eat", but this is not always sufficient, as in 
			開く, which may be read as a-ku or hira-ku, both 
			meaning "(to) open". 生 is a particularly complicated example, with 
			multiple kun and on'yomi – 
			see okurigana: 
			生 for details. 
			Okurigana is also used for some nouns and adverbs, as in 情けnasake "sympathy", 
			必ず kanarazu "invariably", 
			but not for 金 kane "money", 
			for instance. Okurigana is 
			an important aspect of kanji usage in Japanese; see that article for 
			more information on kun'yomi orthography 
			Kanji 
			occurring in compounds are generally read using on'yomi, 
			called 熟語 jukugo in 
			Japanese (though again, exceptions abound). For example, 情報jōhō "information", 
			学校 gakkō "school", 
			and 新幹線 shinkansen "bullet 
			train" all follow this pattern. This isolated kanji versus compound 
			distinction gives words for similar concepts completely different 
			pronunciations. 東 "east" and 北 "north" use the kun'yomi higashi and kita, 
			being stand-alone characters, while 北東 "northeast", as a compound, 
			uses the on'yomi hokutō. 
			This is further complicated by the fact that many kanji have more 
			than one on'yomi: 生 is 
			read as sei in 
			先生 sensei "teacher" 
			but as shō in 
			一生 isshō "one's 
			whole life". Meaning can also be an important indicator of reading; 
			易 is read i when 
			it means "simple", but as eki when 
			it means "divination", both being on'yomi for 
			this character. 
			These rules 
			of thumb have many exceptions. Kun'yomi compound 
			words are not as numerous as those with on'yomi, 
			but neither are they rare. Examples include 手紙 tegami "letter", 
			日傘 higasa "parasol", 
			and the famous 神風 kamikaze "divine 
			wind". Such compounds may also have okurigana, such as 空揚げ (also 
			written 唐揚げ) karaage "Chinese-style 
			fried chicken" and 折り紙 origami, 
			although many of these can also be written with the okurigana 
			omitted (for example, 空揚 or 折紙). 
			Similarly, 
			some on'yomi characters 
			can also be used as words in isolation: 愛 ai "love", 
			禅 Zen, 
			点 ten "mark, 
			dot". Most of these cases involve kanji that have no kun'yomi, 
			so there can be no confusion, although exceptions do occur. A lone 金 
			may be read as kin "gold" 
			or as kane "money, 
			metal"; only context can determine the writer's intended reading and 
			meaning. 
			Multiple 
			readings have given rise to a number of homographs, 
			in some cases having different meanings depending on how they are 
			read. One example is 上手, which can be read in three different ways: jōzu (skilled), uwate (upper 
			part), or kamite (stage 
			left/house right). In addition, 上手い has the reading umai (skilled). 
			More subtly, 明日 has three different readings, all meaning 
			"tomorrow": ashita (casual), asu (polite), 
			and myōnichi (formal).Furigana (reading 
			glosses) is often used to clarify any potential ambiguities. 
			Conversely, 
			in some cases homophonous terms may be distinguished in writing by 
			different characters, but not so distinguished in speech, and hence 
			potentially confusing. In some cases when it is important to 
			distinguish these in speech, the reading of a relevant character may 
			be changed. For example, 私立 (privately established, esp. school) and 
			市立 (city established) are both normally pronounced shi-ritsu; in 
			speech these may be distinguished by the alternative pronunciations watakushi-ritsu and ichi-ritsu. More 
			informally, in legal jargon 前文 "preamble" and 全文 "full text" are 
			both pronounced zen-bun, so 
			前文 may be pronounced mae-bun for 
			clarity, as in "Have you memorized the preamble [not 'whole text'] 
			of the constitution?". As in these examples, this is primarily using 
			a kun'yomi for 
			one character in a normally on'yomi term. 
			As stated 
			above, 重箱 jūbako and 
			湯桶 yutō readings 
			are also not uncommon. Indeed, all four combinations of reading are 
			possible: on-on, kun-kun,kun-on and on-kun. 
			Some famous 
			place names, including those of Tokyo (東京 Tōkyō) 
			and Japan itself 
			(日本 Nihon or 
			sometimes Nippon) are 
			read with on'yomi; 
			however, the majority of Japanese place names are read with kun'yomi: 
			大阪 Ōsaka, 青森 Aomori, 
			箱根 Hakone. Names often 
			use characters and readings that are not in common use outside of 
			names. When characters are used as abbreviations of place names, 
			their reading may not match that in the original. The Osaka (大阪) and 
			Kobe (神戸) baseball team, the Hanshin (阪神) Tigers, take their name 
			from the on'yomi of 
			the second kanji of Ōsaka and 
			the first of Kōbe. The 
			name of the Keisei (京成) railway line, linking Tokyo (東京) and Narita 
			(成田) is formed similarly, although the reading of 京 from 東京 is kei, 
			despite kyō already 
			being an on'yomi in 
			the word Tōkyō. 
			Japanese 
			family names are also usually read with kun'yomi: 
			山田 Yamada, 田中 Tanaka, 
			鈴木 Suzuki. Japanese given 
			names often have very irregular readings – although they are not 
			typically considered jūbako or yutō, 
			they often contain mixtures of kun'yomi, on'yomi and nanori, such 
			as 大助Daisuke [on-kun], 夏美 Natsumi [kun-on]. 
			Being chosen at the discretion of the parents, the readings of given 
			names do not follow any set rules and it is impossible to know with 
			certainty how to read a person's name without independent 
			verification. Parents can be quite creative, and rumours abound of 
			children called 地球 Āsu and 
			天使 Enjeru, quite 
			literally "Earth" and "Angel"; neither are common names, and have 
			normal readings chikyū andtenshi respectively. 
			Common patterns do exist, however, allowing experienced readers to 
			make a good guess for most names. 
			Chinese 
			place names and Chinese personal names appearing in Japanese texts, 
			if spelled in kanji, are almost invariably read with on'yomi. 
			Especially for older and well-known names, the resulting Japanese 
			pronunciation may differ widely from that used by Chinese speakers. 
			For example, Mao 
			Zedong's name, written 毛沢東, is pronounced as Mō 
			Takutō in Japanese. 
			Today, Chinese names that aren't well known in Japan are often 
			spelled inKatakana instead, 
			in a form much more closely approximating the native Chinese 
			pronunciation. Alternatively, they may be written in kanji with 
			katakana furigana. 
			In some 
			cases the same kanji can appear in a given word with different 
			readings. Normally this occurs when a character is duplicated and 
			the reading of the second character has voicing (rendaku), 
			as in 人人 hito-bito "people" 
			(more often written with the iteration 
			mark as 人々), but in 
			rare cases the readings can be unrelated, as in 跳び跳ねる tobi-haneru "hop 
			around" (more often written 飛び跳ねる). 
			
			
			Pronunciation assistance
			
			Because of the ambiguities involved, kanji sometimes have their 
			pronunciation for the given context spelled out in ruby 
			characters known as furigana, 
			(small kana written 
			above or to the right of the character) or kumimoji (small kana written 
			in-line after the character). This is especially true in texts for 
			children or foreign learners. It is also used in newspapers and manga (comics) 
			for rare or unusual readings and for characters not included in the 
			officially recognized set of essential 
			kanji. Works of fiction sometimes use furigana to 
			create new "words" by giving normal kanji non-standard readings, or 
			to attach a foreign word rendered in katakana as the reading for a 
			kanji or kanji compound of the same or similar meaning. 
			
			Spelling words
			
			Conversely, specifying a given kanji, or 
			spelling out a kanji word—whether the pronunciation is known or 
			not—can be complicated, due to the fact that there is not a commonly 
			used standard way to refer to individual kanji (one does not refer 
			to "kanji #237"), and that a given reading does not map to a single 
			kanji—indeed there are many homophonous words, not 
			simply individual characters, particularly for kango (with on'yomi). 
			Easiest is to write the word out—either on paper or tracing it in 
			the air—or look it up (given the pronunciation) in a dictionary, 
			particularly an electronic dictionary; when this is not possible, 
			such as when speaking over the phone or writing implements are not 
			available (and tracing in air is too complicated), various 
			techniques can be used. These include giving kun'yomi for 
			characters—these are often unique—using a well-known word with the 
			same character (and preferably the same pronunciation and meaning), 
			and describing the character via its components. For example, one 
			may explain how to spell the word kōshinryō(香辛料?, 
			spice) via the words kao-ri (香り?, 
			fragrance), kara-i (辛い?, 
			spicy), and in-ryō (飲料?, 
			beverage)—the first two use 
			the kun'yomi, the third 
			is a well-known compound—saying "kaori, karai, ryō as 
			in inryō." 
			
			
			Local developments and divergences from Chinese
			
			Since Kanji are essentially Chinese hanzi used 
			to write Japanese, majority of kanji used in modern Japanese still 
			retain their Chinese meaning (especially with their modern traditional 
			Chinese characters counterparts) 
			and retain a degree of similarity in pronunciation with Classical 
			Chinese pronunciation imported to Japan from 5th to 9th century. 
			Nevertheless, after centuries of development, there is a notable 
			number of kanji used in modern Japanese have different meaning from 
			Chinese characters used in modern Chinese. Such differences is the 
			resulted by (i) the use of characters created in Japan, (ii) 
			characters that have been given different meanings in Japanese, and 
			(iii) post-World 
			War II simplifications 
			of the kanji. Likewise, the process of character 
			simplification in mainland 
			China since the 1950s 
			has the result that Japanese speakers who have not studied Chinese 
			may not recognize some simplified characters. 
			
			Kokuji
			
			Kokuji (国字, 
			"national characters") are characters particular to Japan, generally 
			devised in Japan. The term wasei 
			kanji (和製漢字, 
			"kanji made in Japan") is also used to refer to kokuji. 
			These are primarily formed in the usual way of Chinese characters, 
			namely by combining existing components, though using a combination 
			that is not used in China. The corresponding phenomenon in Korea is 
			called gukja (國字), 
			which is the cognate term; there are however far fewer Korean-coined 
			characters than Japanese-coined ones. Other 
			languages using the Chinese 
			family of scripts sometimes 
			have far more extensive systems of native characters, most 
			significantly Vietnamese chữ 
			nôm, which comprises over 20,000 characters used throughout 
			traditional Vietnamese writing, and Zhuang sawndip, 
			which comprises over 10,000 characters, which are still in use. 
			Since kokuji 
			are generally devised for existing native words, these usually only 
			have native kun readings. 
			However, they occasionally have a Chineseon reading, 
			derived from a phonetic, as in 働, dō, from 動, 
			and in rare cases only have an on reading, 
			as in 腺, sen, from 泉, 
			which was derived for use in technical compounds (腺 means 
			"gland", hence used in medical terminology). 
			The majority 
			of kokuji are ideogrammatic 
			compounds (会意字), 
			meaning that they are composed of two (or more) characters, with the 
			meaning associated with the combination. For example, 働 is composed 
			of 亻 (person radical) plus 動 (action), hence "action of a person, 
			work". This is in contrast to kanji generally, which are 
			overwhelmingly phono-semantic compounds. This difference is because 
			kokuji were coined to express Japanese words, so borrowing existing 
			(Chinese) readings could not express these – combining existing 
			characters to logically express the meaning was the simplest way to 
			achieve this. Other illustrative examples (below) include 榊 sakaki tree, 
			formed as 木 "tree" and 神 "god", 
			literally "divine tree", and 辻tsuji "crossroads, 
			street" formed as 辶 (⻌) 
			"road" and 十 "cross", 
			hence "cross-road". 
			In terms of 
			meanings, these are especially for natural phenomena (esp. species) 
			that were not present in ancient China, including a very large 
			number of fish, such as 鰯 (sardine). In other cases they refer to 
			specifically Japanese abstract concepts, everyday words (like 辻), or 
			later technical coinages (such as 腺). 
			There are 
			hundreds of kokuji in 
			existence.[16] Many 
			are rarely used, but a number have become commonly used components 
			of the written Japanese language. These include the following: 
			Jōyō kanji 
			has about 9 kokuji; there is some dispute over classification, but 
			generally includes these: 
			
				- 
				働 どう dō, 
				はたら(く) hatara(ku) "work", 
				the most commonly used kokuji, used in the fundamental verb 働く hatara(ku) "work", 
				included in elementary texts and on the Japanese 
				Language Proficiency Test N5, 
				for example.
 
				- 
				込 こ(む) ko(mu), used 
				in the fundamental verb 込む(こむ) komu "to 
				be crowded"
 
				- 
				匂 にお(う) nio(u), 
				used in common verb 匂う(におう) niou "to 
				smell, to be fragrant"
 
				- 
				畑 はたけ hatake "field 
				of crops"
 
				- 
				腺 せん sen, 
				"gland"
 
				- 
				峠 とうげ tōge "mountain 
				pass"
 
				- 
				枠 わく waku, 
				"frame"
 
				- 
				塀 へい hei, 
				"wall"
 
				- 
				搾 しぼ(る) shibo(ru), 
				"to squeeze" (disputed; see below)
 
			 
			Jinmeiyō 
			kanji: 
			
				- 
				榊 さかき sakaki "tree, 
				genus Cleyera"
 
				- 
				辻 つじ tsuji "crossroads, 
				street"
 
				- 
				匁 もんめ monme (unit 
				of weight)
 
			 
			Hyōgaiji: 
			
				- 
				躾 しつ(け) shitsu(ke) "training, 
				rearing (an animal, a child)"
 
			 
			Some of 
			these characters (for example, 腺, "gland" have been introduced to 
			China. In some cases the Chinese reading is the inferred Chinese 
			reading, interpreting the character as a phono-semantic compound (as 
			in how on readings 
			are sometimes assigned to these characters in Chinese), while in 
			other cases (such as 働), the Japanese on reading 
			is borrowed (in general this differs from the modern Chinese 
			pronunciation of this phonetic). Similar coinages occurred to a more 
			limited extent in Korea and Vietnam. 
			
			Historically, some kokuji date back to very early Japanese writing, 
			being found in the Man'yōshū, for 
			example – 鰯 iwashi "sardine" 
			dates to the Nara 
			period (8th century) 
			– while they have continued to be created as late as the late 19th 
			century, when a number of characters were coined in the Meiji 
			era for new 
			scientific concepts. For example, some characters were produced as 
			regular compounds for some (but not all) SI units, such as 粁 (米 
			"meter" + 千 "thousand, kilo-") for kilometer – see Chinese 
			characters for SI units for 
			details. 
			In Japan the 
			kokuji category is strictly defined as characters whose earliest appearance 
			is in Japan. If a character appears earlier in the Chinese 
			literature, it is not considered a kokuji even if the character was 
			independently coined in Japan and unrelated to the Chinese character 
			(meaning "not borrowed from Chinese"). In other words, kokuji are 
			not simply characters that were made in Japan, but characters that 
			were first made 
			in Japan. An illustrative example is ankō (鮟鱇?, monkfish). 
			This spelling was created in Edo period Japan from the ateji (phonetic 
			kanji spelling) 安康 for the existing word ankō by 
			adding the 魚 radical to each character – the characters were "made 
			in Japan". However, 鮟 is not considered kokuji, as it is found in 
			ancient Chinese texts as a corruption of 鰋 (魚匽). 鱇 is considered 
			kokuji, as it has not been found in any earlier Chinese text. Casual 
			listings may be more inclusive, including characters such as 鮟.[18] Another 
			example is 搾, which is sometimes not considered kokuji due to its 
			earlier presence as a corruption of Chinese 榨. 
			
			Kokku
			
			In addition to kokuji, 
			there are kanji that have been given meanings in Japanese different 
			from their original Chinese meanings. These are not considered kokuji but 
			are instead called kokkun (国訓) 
			and include characters such as: 
			
			
			Types of 
			Kanji: by category
			
			
			
			Han Dynasty scholar Xu 
			Shen in his ancient 
			dictionary Shuowen 
			Jiezi classified 
			Chinese characters into six categories (Chinese: 六書 liùshū, 
			Japanese: rikusho). The 
			traditional classification is still taught but is problematic and no 
			longer the focus of modern lexicographic practice, as some 
			categories are not clearly defined, nor are they mutually exclusive: 
			the first four refer to structural composition, while the last two 
			refer to usage. 
			
			
			Shōkei moji (象形文字
			
			Shōkei (Chinese: xiàngxíng) 
			characters are pictographic sketches 
			of the object they represent. For example, 目 is an eye, while 木 is a 
			tree. (Shōkei象形 is also the Japanese word for Egyptian hieroglyphs). 
			The current forms of the characters are very different from the 
			originals, though their representations are more clear in oracle 
			bone script and seal 
			script. These pictographic characters make up only a small 
			fraction of modern characters. 
			
			
			Shiji moji (指事文字)
			
			Shiji (Chinese: zhǐshì) 
			characters are ideographs, 
			often called "simple ideographs" or "simple indicatives" to 
			distinguish them and tell the difference from compound ideographs 
			(below). They are usually simple graphically and represent an 
			abstract concept such as 上 "up" or "above" and 下 "down" or "below". 
			These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters. 
			
			
			Kaii moji (会意文字)
			
			Kaii (Chinese: huìyì) 
			characters are compound ideographs, often called "compound 
			indicatives", "associative compounds", or just "ideographs". These 
			are usually a combination of pictographs that combine semantically 
			to present an overall meaning. An example of this type is 休 (rest) 
			from 人 (person) and 木 (tree). Another is the kokuji 峠 
			(mountain pass) made from 山 (mountain), 上 (up) and 下 (down). These 
			make up a tiny fraction of modern characters. 
			
			
			Keisei moji (形声文字)
			
			Keisei (Chinese: xíngshēng) 
			characters are phono-semantic or radical-phonetic 
			compounds, sometimes called "semantic-phonetic", "semasio-phonetic", 
			or "phonetic-ideographic" characters, are by far the largest 
			category, making up about 90% of the characters in the standard 
			lists; however, some of the most frequently used kanji belong to one 
			of the three groups mentioned above, so keisei 
			moji will usually make up 
			less than 90% of the characters in a text. Typically they are made 
			up of two components, one of which (most commonly, but by no means 
			always, the left or top element) suggests the general category of 
			the meaning or semantic context, and the other (most commonly the 
			right or bottom element) approximates the pronunciation. The 
			pronunciation relates to the original Chinese, and may now only be 
			distantly detectable in the modern Japanese on'yomi of 
			the kanji; it generally has no relation at all to kun'yomi. 
			The same is true of the semantic context, which may have changed 
			over the centuries or in the transition from Chinese to Japanese. As 
			a result, it is a common error in folk etymology to fail to 
			recognize a phono-semantic compound, typically instead inventing a 
			compound-indicative explanation. 
			
			
			Tenchū moji (転注文字)
			
			Tenchū (Chinese: zhuǎnzhù) 
			characters have variously been called "derivative characters", 
			"derivative cognates", 
			or translated as "mutually explanatory" or "mutually synonymous" 
			characters; this is the most problematic of the six categories, as 
			it is vaguely defined. It may refer to kanji where the meaning or 
			application has become extended. For example, 楽 is used for 'music' 
			and 'comfort, ease', with different pronunciations in Chinese 
			reflected in the two different on'yomi, gaku 'music' 
			and raku 'pleasure'. 
			
			
			Kasha moji (仮借文字)
			
			Kasha (Chinese: jiǎjiè) 
			are rebuses, 
			sometimes called "phonetic loans". The etymology of the characters 
			follows one of the patterns above, but the present-day meaning is 
			completely unrelated to this. A character was appropriated to 
			represent a similar sounding word. For example, 来 in ancient Chinese 
			was originally a pictograph for "wheat". Its syllable was 
			homophonous with the verb meaning "to come", and the character is 
			used for that verb as a result, without any embellishing "meaning" 
			element attached. The character for wheat 麦, originally meant "to 
			come", being a keisei 
			moji having 'foot' at the 
			bottom for its meaning part and "wheat" at the top for sound. The 
			two characters swapped meaning, so today the more common word has 
			the simpler character. This borrowing of sounds has a very long 
			history. 
			
			Related symbols
			
			The iteration 
			mark (々) is used to 
			indicate that the preceding kanji is to be repeated, functioning 
			similarly to a ditto 
			mark in English. It 
			is pronounced as though the kanji were written twice in a row, for 
			example 色々 (iroiro "various") 
			and 時々 (tokidoki "sometimes"). 
			This mark also appears in personal and place names, as in the surname Sasaki 
			(佐々木). This symbol is a simplified version of the kanji 仝 (variant 
			of 同 dō "same"). 
			Another 
			abbreviated symbol is ヶ, 
			in appearance a small katakana "ke", 
			but actually a simplified version of the kanji 箇, a general counter. 
			It is pronounced "ka" when used to indicate quantity (such as 六ヶ月, rokkagetsu "six 
			months") or "ga" in place names like Kasumigaseki (霞ヶ関). 
			. 
			
			Collation
			
			Kanji, whose thousands of symbols defy 
			ordering by conventions such as those used for the Latin 
			script, are often collated using 
			the traditional Chinese radical-and-stroke 
			sorting method. In 
			this system, common components of characters are identified; these 
			are called radicals. 
			Characters are grouped by their primary radical, then ordered by 
			number of pen strokes within radicals. For example, the kanji 
			character 桜, 
			meaning "cherry", is sorted as a ten-stroke character under the 
			four-stroke primary radical 木 meaning 
			"tree". When there is no obvious radical or more than one radical, 
			convention governs which is used for collation. 
			Other kanji 
			sorting methods, such as the SKIP system, 
			have been devised by various authors. 
			Modern 
			general-purpose Japanese 
			dictionaries (as 
			opposed to specifically character dictionaries) generally collate 
			all entries, including words written using kanji, according to their kana representations 
			(reflecting the way they are pronounced). The gojūon ordering 
			of kana is normally used for this purpose. 
			
			Kanji education
			
			
			Japanese school children are expected 
			to learn 1,006 basic kanji characters, the kyōiku 
			kanji, before finishing the sixth grade. The order in which 
			these characters are learned is fixed. The kyōiku 
			kanji list is a subset of 
			a larger list, originally of 1,945 kanji characters, in 2010 
			extended to 2,136, known as the jōyō 
			kanji – characters 
			required for the level of fluency necessary to read newspapers and 
			literature in Japanese. This larger list of characters is to be 
			mastered by the end of the ninth grade.[19] Schoolchildren 
			learn the characters by repetition and radical. 
			Students 
			studying Japanese as a foreign language are often required by a 
			curriculum to acquire kanji without having first learned the 
			vocabulary associated with them. Strategies for these learners vary 
			from copying-based methods to mnemonic-based 
			methods such as those used in James 
			Heisig's series Remembering 
			the Kanji. Other textbooks use methods based on the etymology of 
			the characters, such as Mathias and Habein's The 
			Complete Guide to Everyday Kanji and 
			Henshall's A Guide to 
			Remembering Japanese Characters. Pictorial mnemonics, as in the text Kanji 
			Pict-o-graphix, are also seen. 
			The Japanese 
			government provides 
			the Kanji 
			kentei (日本漢字能力検定試験 Nihon 
			kanji nōryoku kentei shiken; "Test of Japanese Kanji Aptitude") 
			which tests the ability to read and write kanji. The highest level 
			of the Kanji kentei tests 
			about 6,000 kanji. 
			
			See also
			
			
			Notes
			
				
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Taylor, 
					Insup; Taylor, Maurice Martin (1995). Writing 
					and literacy in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese. 
					Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 305. ISBN 90-272-1794-7.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Suski, 
					P.M. (2011). The 
					Phonetics of Japanese Language: With Reference to Japanese 
					Script. p. 1.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Malatesha 
					Joshi, R.; Aaron, P.G. (2006). Handbook 
					of orthography and literacy. New Jersey: Routledge. 
					pp. 481–2. ISBN 0-8058-4652-2.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Gold 
					Seal (Kin-in)". Fukuoka City Museum. 
					Retrieved August 3, 2011.
 
					- 
					^ Jump 
					up to:a b c Miyake 
					(2003), 8.
 
					- 
					^ Jump 
					up to:a b Miyake 
					(2003), 9.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Introducing 
					the SING Gaiji architecture, Adobe.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ OpenType 
					Technology Center, Adobe.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Representation 
					of Non-standard Characters and Glyphs", P5: 
					Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, 
					TEI-C.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "TEI 
					element g (character or glyph)", P5: 
					Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, 
					TEI-C.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Kuang-Hui 
					Chiu, Chi-Ching Hsu, Chinese 
					Dilemma: How Many Ideographs are needed, National Taipei 
					University, 2006
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Shouhui 
					Zhao, Dongbo Zhang, The 
					Totality of Chinese Characters – A Digital Perspective
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Daniel 
					G. Peebles, SCML: 
					A Structural Representation for Chinese Characters, May 
					29, 2007
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Rogers, 
					Henry. Writing Systems: A Linguistic Approach. Oxford: 
					Blackwell, 2005. Print.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ 【名字】小鳥遊
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Kokuji 
					list", SLJ 
					FAQ.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ James 
					H Buck, Some Observations on kokuji, in The 
					Journal-Newsletter of the Association of Teachers of 
					Japanese, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Oct. 15, 1969), pp. 45–9.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ 国字 at 漢字辞典ネット demonstrates 
					this, listing both 鮟 and 鱇 as kokuji, but starring 鮟 and 
					stating that dictionaries do not consider it to be a kokuji.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ J. 
					Halpern, The 
					Kodansha Kanji Learner's Dictionary, p. 38a (2006).
 
				 
			 
			
			References
			
				- DeFrancis, John (1990). The 
				Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of 
				Hawaii Press. ISBN 
				0-8248-1068-6.
 
				- Hadamitzky, W., and Spahn, M., 
				(1981) Kanji and 
				Kana, Boston: Tuttle.
 
				- Hannas, William. C. (1997). Asia's 
				Orthographic Dilemma. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 
				0-8248-1892-X (paperback); ISBN 
				0-8248-1842-3 (hardcover).
 
				- Kaiser, Stephen (1991). 
				Introduction to the Japanese Writing System. In Kodansha's 
				Compact Kanji Guide. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 
				4-7700-1553-4.
 
				- 
				
				Miyake, Marc Hideo (2003). Old 
				Japanese: A Phonetic Reconstruction. New York, London: 
				RoutledgeCurzon.
 
				- Morohashi, Tetsuji. 大漢和辞典 Dai 
				Kan-Wa Jiten (Comprehensive 
				Chinese–Japanese Dictionary) 1984–1986. Tokyo: Taishukan
 
				- Mitamura, Joyce Yumi and 
				Mitamura, Yasuko Kosaka (1997). Let's 
				Learn Kanji. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 
				4-7700-2068-6.
 
				- Unger, J. Marshall (1996). Literacy 
				and Script Reform in Occupation Japan: Reading Between the 
				Lines. ISBN 
				0-19-510166-9
 
			 
			
			External links
			
			
				
					
					  | 
					
					Look up kanji in 
					Wiktionary, the free dictionary. | 
				 
			 
			
				- 
				
				Learning Kanji, 
				an animated application for the 1st Grade Kanji.
 
				- 
				
				Kanji Dictionary online 
				Free Kanji Dictionary
 
				- 
				
				Jim Breen's WWWJDIC server used 
				to find Kanji from English or romanized Japanese
 
				- 
				
				RomajiDesu Kanji Dictionary a 
				comprehensive Kanji dictionary with strokes order and various 
				lookup methods.
 
				- 
				
				Kanji Explorer More 
				than 13000 Kanji
 
				- 
				
				KanjiQ – Kanji 
				flashcard tool that runs on mobile phones.
 
				- 
				
				JISHOP – 
				Japanese-English computer kanji dictionary
 
				- 
				
				KanjiLearn – 
				Electronic set of 2135 two-sided kanji flashcards, as easy to 
				use as paper flashcards.
 
				- 
				
				Convert Kanji to Romaji, Hiragana—Converts Kanji and 
				websites to forms that are easy to read and gives a word by word 
				translation
 
				- 
				
				Tangorin—Find kanji fast by selecting their elements
 
				- 
				
				Dictionary of Kokuji in 
				Japanese
 
				- 
				
				Learn Japanese Kanji—How to write Kanji in Japanese
 
				- 
				
				Drill the kanji—online Java tool (Asahi-net)
 
				- 
				
				Kanji Alive—Online kanji learning tool in wide use at many 
				universities, colleges and high-schools.
 
				- 
				
				Real Kanji—Practice kanji using different typefaces.
 
				- 
				
				Change in Script Usage in Japanese: A Longitudinal Study of 
				Japanese Government White Papers on Labor, discussion paper 
				by Takako Tomoda in the Electronic 
				Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies, August 19, 2005.
 
				- 
				
				Kanji Dictionary, a kanji dictionary with a focus on 
				compound-exploring.
 
				- 
				
				Genetic Kanji, Etymologically organized lists for learning 
				kanji.
 
				- 
				
				Kanji Networks, a kanji etymology dictionary
 
				- 
				
				(Japanese)漢字研究・漢字資料 
				("Kanji studies, Kanji data")—official 
				documents about Kanji.
 
				- 
				
				Japanese Kanji Dictionary—Each character is presented by a 
				grade, stroke count, stroke 
				order, phonetic reading and native Japanese reading. You can 
				also listen to the pronunciation.
 
				- 
				
				WWWJDIC Text Translator—Takes Japanese text and returns each 
				word with pronunciation (hiragana) and a translation in English.
 
				- 
				
				JavaDiKt — Open 
				source kanji dictionary for desktop
 
				- 
				
				Daoulagad Han — 
				Mobile OCR kanji dictionary, OCR interface to the UniHan 
				database
 
				- 
				
				Denshi Jisho — 
				Online Japanese dictionary
 
			 
			
			Glyph conversion
			
			
			
			
			
			 
		 
		
		
		 
		
		
		  
		
		JEWS IN CHINA 
		
		Jews and Judaism in China have 
		had a long history. Jewish settlers 
		are documented in China as 
		early as the 7th or 8th century CE. 
		Relatively isolated communities developed through the Tang and Song Dynasties 
		(7th to 12th centuries CE) all the way through the Qing 
		Dynasty (19th century), 
		most notably in the Kaifeng 
		Jews (the term "Chinese 
		Jews" is often used in a restricted sense to refer to these 
		communities). By the time of the establishment of the People's 
		Republic of China in 
		1949, few if any native Chinese Jews were known to have maintained the 
		practice of their religion and culture. In the late 20th and early 21st 
		centuries, however, some international Jewish groups have helped Chinese 
		Jews rediscover their heritage. 
		
		In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Jewish immigrants from around the 
		world arrived with Western commercial influences, particularly in the 
		commercial centers of Hong 
		Kong, which was for a time a British colony,Shanghai (the International 
		Settlement and French 
		Concession), and Harbin (the Trans-Siberian 
		Railway). In the first half of the 20th century, thousands of Jewish 
		refugees escaping from the 1917 
		Russian Revolutionand the Holocaust in Europe arrived 
		in China. 
		
		China's Jewish communities have been ethnically diverse ranging from the 
		Jews of Kaifeng and other places during the history of Imperial China, 
		who, it is reported, came to be more or less totally assimilated into 
		Chinese culture, to 19th- and 20th-century Ashkenazi 
		Jews, to Baghdadis, 
		to Indians. 
		
		The presence of a community of Jewish immigrants in China is 
		consistent with the history of the Jewish people during the first and 
		second millennia CE, which saw them disperse and settle throughout the 
		Eurasian landmass, with an especial concentration throughout central 
		Asia.By the 9th century, ibn 
		Khordadbehnoted the travels of Jewish merchants called Radhanites, 
		whose trade took them to China via the Silk 
		Roadthrough Central Asia and India. Jacob 
		of Ancona, the supposed author of a book of travels,was a scholarly 
		Jewish merchant who wrote in vernacular Italian, and reached China in 
		1271, although some authors 
		question it. 
		
		During the period of international opening and quasi-colonialism, the 
		first group to settle in China were Jews who arrived in China under 
		British protection following the First 
		Opium War. Many of these Jews were ofIndian or Iraqi origin, 
		due to British colonialism in these regions, and became the largest 
		dealers in opium[citation 
		needed]. The second community came in the first decades 
		of the 20th century when many Jews arrived in Hong 
		Kong and Shanghai during 
		those cities' periods of economic expansion. 
		
		Many more arrived as refugees from 
		the Russian 
		Revolution of 1917. A surge of Jews and Jewish families was to 
		arrive in the late 1930s and 1940s, for the purpose of seeking refuge 
		from the Holocaust in 
		Europe and were predominantly of European origin. Shanghai was notable 
		for its volume of Jewish refugees, most of whom left after the war, the 
		rest relocating prior to or immediately after the establishment of the People's 
		Republic of China. 
		
		Over the centuries, the Kaifeng community came to be virtually 
		indistinguishable from the Chinese population and is not recognized by 
		the Chinese government as a separate ethnic 
		minority. This is as a result of having adopted many Han 
		Chinese customs including patrilineal 
		descent, as well as extensive intermarriage with the local 
		population. Since their religious practices are functionally extinct, 
		they are not eligible for expedited immigration to Israel under the Law 
		of Return unless they 
		explicitly convert. 
		
		Today, some descendants of the Jews still live in the Han 
		Chinese and Hui population. 
		Some of them, as well as international Jewish communities, are beginning 
		to revive their interest in this heritage. This is especially important 
		in modern China because belonging to any minority group includes a 
		variety of benefits includingreduced 
		restrictions on the number of children and 
		easier admission standards to tertiary 
		education. 
		
		The study of Judaism in China has been, like other Abrahamic religions, 
		a subject of interest to some Westerners, and has achieved moderate 
		success compared to other Western studies in China. 
		
		History
		
			
			It has been asserted by some that the Jews 
			who have historically resided in various places in China originated 
			with the Lost 
			Ten Tribes of the 
			exiled ancient Kingdom 
			of Israel who 
			relocated to the areas of present-day China. Traces of some ancient Jewish 
			rituals have been 
			observed in some places. 
			One 
			well-known group was the Kaifeng 
			Jews, who are purported to have traveled from Persia to India during 
			the mid-Han 
			Dynasty and later 
			migrated from the Muslim-inhabited regions of northwestern China 
			(modern day Gansuprovince) 
			to Henan province 
			during the early Northern 
			Song Dynasty (960-1127). 
			A massacre 
			of Jews in Canton, 
			China occurred during the Chinese Tang Dynasty in the 9th century 
			during theHuang 
			Chao Rebellion. 
			
			Origins
			
				
					
					 
						
						Jews of Kaifeng, late 19th or 
						early 20th century 
				 
			 
			
			There is an oral tradition that the first 
			Jews immigrated to China through Persia following the Roman Emperor Titus's 
			capture of Jerusalem in 70 CE. A large number of Jews emigrated from 
			Persia during the reign ofEmperor 
			Ming of Han (58-75 
			CE). Writing in 1900, 
			Father Joseph Brucker hypothesized that Jews came to China from 
			India by a sea route during the Song 
			dynasty between 960 
			and 1126. 
			Three steles with 
			inscriptions found at Kaifeng bear some historical suggestions. The 
			oldest, dating from 1489, commemorates the construction of a 
			synagogue (1163) (bearing the name Qīngzhēn Sì, 
			a term often used for mosque in Chinese), states the Jews entered 
			China from India in the Later Han 
			Dynasty (25–220 CE), 
			the Jews' 70 Chinese 
			surnames, their audience with an "un-named" Song 
			Dynasty Emperor, and 
			finally lists the transmission of their religion from Abraham down 
			to the prophet Ezra. 
			The second table, dated 1512 (found in the synagogueXuanzhang 
			Daojing Si) details the Jews' religious practices. The third is 
			dated 1663 and commemorates the re-rebuilding of the Qingzhen 
			sisynagogue and recaps the information from the other two steles. 
			Father 
			Joseph Brucker believed Matteo 
			Ricci's manuscripts indicate there were only approximately ten 
			or twelve Jewish families in Kaifeng in the late 16th and early 17th 
			century, and that they had reportedly resided there for five or six 
			hundred years. It was also stated in the manuscripts that there was 
			a greater number of Jews inHangzhou. 
			This could be taken to suggest that loyal Jews fled south along with 
			the soon-to-be crowned Emperor 
			Gaozong to Hangzhou. 
			In fact, the 1489 stele mentions how the Jews "abandoned Bianliang" 
			(Kaifeng) 
			after theJingkang 
			Incident. 
			
				
					
					.jpg) 
						
						Section of the 1512 stele 
						which mentions Yue's famous tattoo. 
				 
			 
			Many Jewish communities were established in 
			China in the Middle Ages. However, not all left evidence of their 
			existence. The following are those known today: Kaifeng, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Yangzhou, 
			and Ningxia. 
			
			Names
			
			The contemporary term for Jews in use 
			among Chinese today is Youtairen (Chinese: 猶太人; pinyin: Yóutài 
			Rén) in
			
			Mandarin Chinese. The 
			term Youtai has 
			similar phonetic sound of Yehudai, 
			the Aramaic word for Jew, 
			as well as Greek terms Jude or Judah. 
			It has been 
			recorded that the Chinese historically called the Jews Tiao 
			jin jiao (挑筋教), loosely, 
			"the religion which removes the sinew," probably referring to the 
			Jewish dietary 
			prohibition against 
			eating the sciatic 
			nerve (from Genesis32:32). 
			Jewish 
			dietary law (kashruth), 
			which forbids the eating of, among other foods, non-ruminant mammals, shellfish andreptiles, 
			would have most likely caused Jewish communities to stand out from 
			the surrounding mainstream Chinese population, as Chinese culture is 
			typically very free in the range of items it deems suitable for 
			food.[citation 
			needed] 
			Jews have 
			also been called the Blue-Hat Hui (Chinese: 藍帽回; pinyin: Lánmào 
			Húi), in contrast to other populations of Hui people, who have 
			identified with hats of other colors. The distinction between Muslim 
			and Jewish Hui is not, and historically has not been, well 
			recognised by the dominant Han population. 
			A modern 
			translation of the "Kaifeng Steles" has shown the Jews referred to 
			their synagogue as 
			"The Pure and Truth", which is essentially the same as the term used 
			in modern China to refer to Muslim mosques (清真寺). 
			According to 
			an oral tradition dictated by Xu 
			Xin, Director of the Center for Judaic Studies at Nanjing 
			University, in his book Legends 
			of the Chinese Jews of Kaifeng, the Kaifeng Jews called Judaism Yīcìlèyè 
			jiào (一賜樂業教), lit. the 
			religion of Israel. Yīcìlèyè is 
			a transliteration and partial translation of "Israel". 
			Xu Xin translates this phrase as "Chosen people, endowed by God, and 
			contented with their lives and work". 
			
			Early record
			
			
			The earliest evidence showing the 
			presence of Jews in China is from the beginning of the 8th century: 
			a business letter written in the Judeo-Persian language, discovered 
			by Marc 
			Aurel Stein. The letter (now housed in the British Museum) was 
			found in Danfan Uiliq, an important post along the Silk 
			Road in northwest 
			China during the Tang 
			Dynasty (618-907). 
			The text is thirty-seven lines in length and was written on paper, a 
			product then manufactured only in China. It was identified, by David 
			Samuel Margoliouth, as dating from 718 CE. Ibn 
			Zeyd al Hassan of 
			Siraf, a 9th-century Arabian traveler, 
			reports that in 878 followers of the Chinese rebel leader Huang 
			Chao besieged Canton 
			(Guangzhou) 
			and killed a large number of foreign merchants, Arabs, Persians, 
			Christians, and Jews, resident there. 
			Sources 
			indicate that Jews in China were often mistaken for Muslims by 
			other Chinese. The first plausible recorded written Chinese mention 
			of Jews uses the term Zhuhu (竹忽), 
			orZhuhudu (朱乎得) (perhaps 
			from Arabic Yehoud, 
			or from Hebrew Yehudim, 
			"Jews") found in the Annals 
			of the Yuan 
			Dynasty in 1329 and 
			1354. The text spoke of the reinforcement of a tax levied on 
			"dissenters" and of a government decree that the Jews come en-masse 
			toBeijing, 
			the capital. 
			Famous Venetian traveler Marco 
			Polo, who visited China, then under the Yuan 
			Dynasty, in the late 13th century, described the prominence of 
			Jewish traders in Beijing. Similar references can be found in the 
			notes of the Franciscan John 
			of Montecorvino, first archbishop of theRoman 
			Catholic Archdiocese of Beijing in 
			the early 14th century, and the writings of Ibn 
			Batuta, an Arabian envoy to the Mongol 
			Empire in the middle 
			of the 14th century. 
			
			
			Genghis Khan called 
			both Jews and Muslims Huihui (回回), 
			calling the Jews Zhuhu 
			Huihui (竹忽回回), when he 
			forbade Jews and Muslims from practicing Kosher and Halal preparation 
			of their food, calling both of them "slaves" and forcing them to eat Mongol 
			food, and banned them from practicing circumcision. 
			
				Among 
				all the [subject] alien peoples only the Hui-hui say “we do not 
				eat Mongol food”. [Cinggis Qa’an replied:] “By the aid of heaven 
				we have pacified you; you are our slaves. Yet you do not eat our 
				food or drink. How can this be right?” He thereupon made them 
				eat. “If you slaughter sheep, you will be considered guilty of a 
				crime.” He issued a regulation to that effect ... [In 1279/1280 
				under Qubilai] all the Muslims say: “if someone else slaughters 
				[the animal] we do not eat”. Because the poor people are upset 
				by this, from now on,Musuluman [Muslim] Huihui and Zhuhu 
				[Jewish] Huihui, no matter who kills [the animal] will eat [it] 
				and must cease slaughtering sheep themselves, and cease the rite 
				of circumcision. 
			 
			
			  
			
			During the Ming 
			Dynasty (1368–1644), 
			a Ming emperor conferred seven surnames upon the Jews, by which they 
			are identifiable today: Ai (艾), Shi(石), Gao (高), Jin (金), Li (李), Zhang (張), 
			and Zhao (趙); 
			sinofications of the original seven Jewish clan's family names: 
			Ezra, Shimon, Cohen, Gilbert, Levy, Joshua, and Jonathan, 
			respectively. Interestingly, 
			two of these: Jin and Shi are the equivalent of common Jewish names 
			in the west: Gold and Stone. 
			The first 
			modern Western record 
			of Jews residing in China is found in the records of the 
			17th-century Jesuit missionaries in Beijing. 
			The prominent Jesuit Matteo 
			Ricci, received a visit from a young Jewish Chinese man in 1605. 
			Ricci mentioned this man's name as Ngai, who has since been 
			identified by the French sinologist Paul 
			Pelliot as a Jew 
			named Ai T'ien, who explained that the community he belonged to was monotheistic, 
			or believing in only one God. 
			It is recorded that when he saw a Christian image 
			of Mary with the child Jesus, he took it to be a picture of Rebecca withEsau or Jacob, 
			figures from Hebrew 
			Scripture. Ngai (Ai Tian, Ai T'ien) declared that he had come 
			from Kaifeng, 
			and stated that this was the site of a large Jewish population.[22] Ricci 
			sent an ethnic Chinese Jesuit Lay Brother to visit Kaifeng; later, 
			other Jesuits (mostly European) also visited the city. It was later 
			discovered that the Jewish community had a synagogue (Libai 
			si), which was constructed facing the west, 
			and housed a number of written materials and books. 
			The 
			Jews who managed the synagogue were called "Mullahs". 
			Floods and Fire repeatedly destroyed the books of the Kaifeng 
			synagogue, they obtained some from Ningxia and Ningbo to replace 
			them, another Hebrew roll of law was bought from a Muslim in 
			Ning-keang-chow in Shen-se (Shanxi), who acquired it from a dying 
			Jew at Canton. 
			The Chinese 
			called Muslims, Jews, and Christians in ancient times by the same 
			name, "Hui Hui" (Hwuy-hwuy). Crossworshipers (Christians) were 
			called "Hwuy who abstain from animals without the cloven foot", 
			Muslims were called "Hwuy who abstain from pork", Jews were called 
			"Hwuy who extract the sinews (removes the sciatic 
			nerve)". Hwuy-tsze (Hui zi) or Hwuy-hwuy (Hui Hui) is presently 
			used almost exclusively for Muslims, but Jews were still called Lan 
			Maou Hwuy tsze (Lan mao Hui zi) which means "Blue cap Hui zi". At 
			Kaifeng, Jews were called "Teaou kin keaou "extract sinew religion". 
			Jews and Muslims in China shared the same name for synagogue and 
			mosque, which were both called "Tsing-chin sze" (Qingzhen si) 
			"Temple of Purity and Truth", the name dated to the 13th century. 
			The synagogue and mosques were also known as Le-pae sze (Libai si). 
			A tablet indicated that Judaism was once known as 
			"Yih-tsze-lo-nee-keaou" (israelitish religion) and synagogues known 
			as Yih-tsze lo nee leen (Israelitish Temple), but it faded out of 
			use. 
			A Muslim in Nanjing told 
			Semedo that four families of Jews converted to Islam since they were 
			the last Jews in the area, their numbers diminishing. 
			
			Employment
			
			Various Jewish Chinese individuals worked in government service and 
			owned big properties in China in the 17th century. 
			
			19th century
			
			During the Taiping 
			rebellion of the 
			1850s, the Jews of Kaifeng apparently 
			suffered a great deal and were dispersed. Following this 
			dislocation, they returned to Kaifeng, yet continued to be small in 
			number and to face hardships, as is recorded in the early 20th 
			century. 
			
			
			Shanghai's first wave of Jews came in the second half of the 
			19th century, many being Mizrahi Jews from Iraq. The first Jew who 
			arrived there was Elias 
			David Sassoon, who, about the year 1850, opened a branch in 
			connection with his father's Bombay house. Since that period Jews 
			gradually migrated from India to Shanghai, most of them being 
			engaged from Bombay as clerks by the firm of David 
			Sassoon & Co. The community was composed mainly of "Asian," 
			(Sephardi) German, and Russian Jews, though there were a few of 
			Austrian, French, and Italian origin among them. Jews took a 
			considerable part in developing trade in China, and several served 
			on the municipal councils, among them being Silas 
			Aaron Hardoon, partner in the firm of E. 
			D. Sassoon & Co., who served on the French and English councils 
			at the same time. During the early days of Jewish settlement in 
			Shanghai the trade in opium and Bombay cotton yarn was mainly in 
			Jewish hands. 
			
			Modern times
			
			
			Contemporaneous sources estimated the 
			Jewish population in China in 1940 — including Manchukuo — 
			at 36,000 (source: Catholic Encyclopedia). 
			Jewish life 
			in Shanghai had really taken off with the arrival of the British. Mizrahi 
			Jews from the Middle 
			East came as traders via India and Hong Kong and established some of 
			the leading trading companies in the second half of the 19th 
			century. Later, after World 
			War I, many Ashkenazi 
			Jews came from 
			Europe. RebbeMeir 
			Ashkenazi (Chabad-Lubavitch) 
			was the Chief Rabbi of Shanghai (1926–1949). 
			At the early 
			20th century many Russian Jews fleeing pogroms in several towns in Russian 
			Empire decided to 
			move to northeast China for permanent settlement (Rabbi Aaron 
			Kiselev served in Harbin from 
			1913 until his death in 1949). After the Russian 
			Revolution of 1917, a lot of White 
			Russians, fled to Harbin (formerManchuria). 
			These included, among others, Dr. Abraham 
			Kaufman, who played a leading role in the Harbin Jewish 
			community after 1919, the 
			parents of future Israeli 
			Prime Minister Ehud 
			Olmert, and Teodor 
			Parnicki at the age 
			of 12. 
			Dr. Sun 
			Yat-sen, founder of the Republic 
			of China, held admirations for the Jewish people and Zionism, 
			and saw parallels between the persecution of Jews and the domination 
			of China by the Western powers. He stated, "Though their country was 
			destroyed, the Jewish nation has existed to this day... [Zionism] is 
			one of the greatest movements of the present time. All lovers of 
			democracy cannot help but support wholeheartedly and welcome with 
			enthusiasm the movement to restore your wonderful and historic 
			nation, which has contributed so much to the civilization of the 
			world and which rightfully deserve [sic] an honorable place in the 
			family of nations." 
			The Japanese 
			occupation of northeast China in 1931 and the establishment of 
			Manchukuo in 1932 had a negative impact on the Harbin Jewish 
			community (13,000 in 1929). Most of those Jews left Harbin for Tianjin, Shanghai, 
			and British 
			Mandate of Palestine. Until 1939, the Russian Jews were about 
			5,000 in Shanghai. 
			
			World War II
			
			Another wave 
			of 18,000 Jews from Germany, Austria, 
			and Poland immigrated 
			to Shanghai in 
			the late 1930s and the early 1940s. Shanghai 
			at the time was an open city and did not have restrictions on 
			immigration, and some Chinese diplomats such as Ho 
			Feng Shan issued 
			"protective" passports. In 1943, the occupying Japanese army 
			required these 18,000 Jews, formally known as "stateless refugees," 
			to relocate to an area of 0.75 square miles (1.9 km2) 
			in Shanghai's Hongkew district (today known as Hongkou 
			District) where many lived in group homes called "Heime".[31] The 
			total number of Jews entering Shanghai during this period equaled 
			the number of Jews fleeing to Australia, Canada, India, New 
			Zealand and South 
			Africa combined. Many 
			of the Jews in China later moved to found modern Israel. 
			Shanghai was 
			an important safe-haven for Jewish refugees during the Holocaust, 
			since it was one of the few places in the world where one didn't 
			need a visa. However, it was not easy to get there. The Japanese, 
			who controlled the city, preferred in effect to look the other way. 
			Some corrupt officials however, also exploited the plight of the 
			Jews. By 1941 nearly 20,000 European Jews had found shelter there. 
			
			
			Notable Jews during the Second 
			Sino-Japanese War include Hans 
			Shippe, Dr. Jakob 
			Rosenfeld, Stanisław 
			Flato, Eva 
			Sandberg, Ruth 
			Weiss, photographer and wife of Communist leader Xiao 
			San, and Morris 
			Abraham Cohen. 
			Late in the 
			War, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to devise a 
			plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this pressure 
			eventually became known to the Jewish community's leadership. 
			However, the Japanese had no intention of further provoking the 
			anger of the Allies after 
			their already notorious invasion of China and a number of other 
			Asian nations, and thus delayed the German request until the War 
			ended. With the intercession of the Amshenower 
			Rebbe and the 
			translation skills ofLeo 
			(Ariyeh) Hanin, the Japanese ultimately kept the Jews of 
			Shanghai safe. 
			In 
			general, in the period of 1845 to 1945 more than 40,000 Jews came to 
			China for business development or for a safe haven. 
			
			Late 20th century
			
			After World 
			War II and the 
			establishment of the PRC in 1949, most of these Jews emigrated to Israel or 
			the West, 
			although a few remained. Three prominent non-Chinese lived in China 
			from the establishment of the People's 
			Republic of China to 
			the contemporary period: Sidney 
			Shapiro, Israel 
			Epstein, and Ruth 
			Weiss, two American emigres 
			and one Austrian emigre, 
			are of Jewish descent. Another Jewish-American, Sidney 
			Rittenberg served as 
			interpreter to many top Chinese officials. 
			Sara Imas, 
			the Shanghai-born daughter of Shanghai's Jewish Club president, 
			Leiwi Imas, became the first Jewish-Chinese immigrant to Israel 
			after the two countries established formal diplomatic relations in 
			1992. Leiwi 
			Imas, who had to leave Germany for Poland in 1939, arrived in 
			Shanghai the same year. He spent his final years in Shanghai until 
			1962, prior to the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Although 
			Sara Imas's non-Chinese appearance and family background brought her 
			much trouble during the Cultural Revolution when she was accused of 
			being a foreign capitalist and spy, today Sara Imas has returned to 
			Shanghai, working as the Chinese representative of an Israeli 
			diamond company. 
			The Institute 
			of Jewish Studies was 
			established at Nanjing 
			University in 1992. 
			Since the 
			1990s, the Shanghai municipal government has taken the initiative to 
			preserve historical Western architectures that were constructed 
			during Shanghai's colonial past. Many formerly Jewish-owned hotels 
			and private residence have been included in the preservation 
			project. In 1997, theKadoorie-residence-turned 
			Shanghai Children's Palace, had their spacious front garden largely 
			removed in order to make room for the city's overpass system under 
			construction. A One Day Tour of the history of Jewish presence in 
			Shanghai can be arranged through the Center 
			of Jewish Studies Shanghai.[36] Rabbi 
			Shalom Greenberg from Chabad-Lubavitch in 
			New York arrived in Shanghai to serve this community in August 1998. 
			Rabbi Arthur Schneier, president of the Appeal of Conscience 
			Foundation of New York, donated a Torah to the community that same 
			year. On the first day of Rosh 
			Hashanah, in September 1999, a Jewish New Year service was held 
			at the Ohel Rachel Synagogue for first time since 1952. 
			
			21st century
			
			While the Chinese government maintained 
			their support for Arab states, a general pro-Jewish outlook has been 
			observed amongst China's urban populace. These attitudes arose 
			largely due to an admiration of Jewish business skills. In 
			particular, books on Jews and their purported connection to 
			financial successes are best-sellers in China. 
			Synagogues 
			are found in Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong today, serving both 
			international Jews and native Jews. In 
			2001, Rabbi Shimon Freundlich from the Chabad-Lubavitch 
			movement came and settled in Beijing with the mission of building 
			and leading the center of Chabad-Lubavitch of Beijing, an Orthodox 
			congregation. 
			In 2005, the 
			Israeli embassy to China held their Hanukkah celebrations 
			at the Great 
			Wall of China. 
			In 2007, the 
			Sephardic community of Shanghai opened a synagogue, study 
			hall, kosher kitchen, and educational classes for children and 
			adults. The community has its own Hacham, 
			who functions as a teacher and chazan, 
			in addition to Rabbi Ephraim Bezalel, who manages local 
			community affairs and kashrut needs. 
			As of 2010, 
			it is estimated that 2,000 to 3,000 Jews lived in Shanghai. In May 
			2010, the Ohel Rachel Synagogue in Shanghai was temporarily reopened 
			to the local Jewish community for weekend services. 
			
			See also
			
			
			Reference
			
				- 
				
				
  This 
				article incorporates text from a publication now in the public 
				domain: "China". Jewish 
				Encyclopedia. 1901–1906. 
				- 
				
  This 
				article incorporates text from Chinese 
				and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, history 
				and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1, a publication from 
				1863 now in the public 
				domain in the 
				United States. 
				- 
				
  This 
				article incorporates text from The 
				preaching of Islam: a history of the propagation of the Muslim 
				faith, by Sir Thomas Walker Arnold, a publication from 1896 now 
				in the public 
				domain in the 
				United States. 
			 
			
				
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					Jump up^ Chinese 
					and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, 
					history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1. 
					s.n. 1863. p. 18. 
					Retrieved 2011-07-06.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Chinese 
					and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, 
					history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1. 
					s.n. 1863. p. 49. 
					Retrieved 2011-07-06.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Sir 
					Thomas Walker Arnold (1896). The 
					preaching of Islam: a history of the propagation of the 
					Muslim faith. A. Constable and co. p. 249. 
					Retrieved 2011-05-29.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Encyclopedia 
					of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the 
					World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.159, 
					Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), 
					Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
 
					- 
					^ Jump 
					up to:a b Berton, 
					Peter. The Evolution of Sino-Israeli Relations. Israel 
					Journal of Foreign Affairs, Vol. IV, No. 3. September 2010, 
					pp. 69-80.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Shanghai 
					Jews as seen by Chinese
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Adam 
					Minter (January 15, 2006). "Return 
					of a Shanghai Jew". Los 
					Angeles Times.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Former 
					Jewish refugees revisit Shanghai Ark". People's 
					Daily / Xinhua. November 11, 2005.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Tokayer, 
					Marvin; Swartz, Mary (2004-05-31). The 
					Fugu Plan: The Untold Story of the Japanese and the Jews 
					During World War II. Gefen Publishing House Ltd.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Encyclopedia 
					of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the 
					World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.155, 
					Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), 
					Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ A 
					Chinese Jew's tale of adversity and triumph
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Religion 
					Journal; A Professor in Nanjing Takes Up Jewish Studies" by 
					Gustav Niebuhr New 
					York Times, March 
					13, 2007. full 
					text
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ One 
					Day Private Shanghai Jewish Culture Tour
 
					- 
					^ Jump 
					up to:a b Encyclopedia 
					of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the 
					World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.162, 
					Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), 
					Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Fish, 
					Issac (Dec 29, 2010). "Selling 
					the Talmud as a Business Guide". 
					Retrieved 18 May 2012.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Cha, 
					Ariana (February 7, 2007). "Sold on a Stereotype". The 
					Washington Post.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Synagogues 
					in China
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ China's 
					Great Wall hosts Hanukkah celebration
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Jewish 
					Community Shanghai
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Shanghai's 
					Jews celebrate historic synagogue reopening
 
				 
			 
			
			External links
			
			
		 
		
		
		  
		
		JEWS IN JAPAN  
		
		
		The history of the Jews in Japan is 
		well documented in modern times with various traditions relating to much 
		earlier eras. 
		
		  
		
		A Japanese Festival 
		Illustrates the Story of Isaac. 
		
		In Nagano prefecture, Japan, there is a large Shinto shrine named 
		"Suwa-Taisha" (Shinto is the traditional religion peculiar to Japan.) At 
		Suwa-Taisha, the traditional festival called "Ontohsai" is held on April 
		15 every year. This festival illustrates the story of Isaac in chapter 
		22 of Genesis in the Bible, that is, the story that Abraham was about to 
		sacrifice his own son Isaac. The festival "Ontohsai" has been held since 
		ancient days and has been thought of as the most important festival of 
		"Suwa-Taisha." 
		
		
		  
		
		Next to the shrine "Suwa-Taisha," there is a mountain called Mt. Moriya 
		("Moriya-san" in Japanese). And the people from the Suwa area call the 
		god of Mt. Moriya "Moriya no kami" which means "the god of Moriya." At 
		the festival, a boy is tied up by a rope to a wooden pillar, and placed 
		on a bamboo carpet. A Shinto priest comes to him preparing a knife, but 
		then a messenger (another priest) comes there, and the boy is released. 
		It reminds us of the story that Isaac was released after an angel comes 
		to Abraham. 
		
		
		  
		
		At this festival, animal sacrifices are also offered. 75 deer are 
		sacrificed, but among them it is believed that there is a deer with its 
		ears split. The deer is believed to be the one God prepared. It may have 
		some connection with the ram that God prepared and was sacrificed after 
		Isaac was released. Even in historic times, people thought that this 
		custom of deer sacrifice was strange, because animal sacrifice is not a 
		Shinto tradition. 
		
		
		  
		
		People call this festival "the festival for Misakuchi-god". "Misakuchi" 
		might be "mi-isaku-chi." "Mi" means "great," "isaku" is probably Isaac 
		(the Hebrew word "Yitzhak"), and "chi" is something for the end of the 
		word. It seems that the people of Suwa made Isaac a god, probably by the 
		influence of idol worshipers. 
		
		Today, this custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and then released, 
		is no longer practiced, but we can still see the custom of the wooden 
		pillar called "oniye-basira" which means "sacrifice-pillar." 
		
		
		  
		
		Today, people use stuffed animals instead of performing a real animal 
		sacrifice. Tying a boy along with animal sacrifice was regarded as 
		savage by people of the Meiji-era (about 100 years ago), and those 
		customs were discontinued. But the festival itself still remains today. 
		
		The custom of the boy had been maintained until the beginning of Meiji 
		era. Masumi Sugae, who was a Japanese scholar and a travel writer in the 
		Edo era (about 200 years ago), wrote a record of his travels and noted 
		what he saw at Suwa. The record shows the details of "Ontohsai." It 
		tells that the custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and his ultimate 
		release, as well as animal sacrifices, existed in those days. His 
		records are kept at the museum near Suwa-Taisha. 
		
		The festival of "Ontohsai" has been maintained by the Moriya family ever 
		since ancient times. The Moriya family think of "Moriya-no-kami" (god of 
		Moriya) as their ancestor's god. And they think of "Mt. Moriya" as their 
		holy place. The name "Moriya" may have come from "Moriah" (the Hebrew 
		word "Moriyyah") of Genesis 22:2. 
		
		The Moriya family have been hosting the festival for 78 generations. The 
		festival of Ontohsai must have existed since ancient times. 
		
		I am not aware of any country, other than Japan, which has a festival 
		illustrating the story of Isaac. I believe that this tradition provides 
		strong evidence that the Israelites came to ancient Japan. 
		
		SEE MORE EVIDENCE HERE:
		
		http://www.biblemysteries.com/library/tribesjapan.htm  
		
		  
		
			
			Status of 
			Jews in Japan
			
			
			Jews are 
			a minor ethnic and religious group 
			in Japan, 
			presently consisting of only about 2,000[1] people 
			or about 0.0016% of Japan's 
			total population. Although Jews have been present in Japan and Judaism has 
			been practiced since the 16th century, on a very limited scale, in 
			Japan, Japan comprised but a small part ofJewish 
			history from the 
			ending of Japan's "closed-door" foreign 
			policy to World 
			War II. 
			
			Jewish 
			history in Japan
			
			Early settlements
			
			The first confirmed contacts between the 
			Japanese and people of Jewish ancestry began during the Age 
			of Discovery (16th 
			century) with the arrival of European travelers and merchants 
			(primarily the Portuguese andDutch). 
			However it was not until 1853, with the arrival of Commodore 
			Matthew Perry following 
			the Convention 
			of Kanagawa ending 
			Japan's "closed-door" foreign policy that Jewish families began to 
			settle in Japan. The first recorded Jewish settlers arrived at Yokohama in 
			1861. By 1895 this community, which now consisted of about 50 
			families, established the first synagogue in 
			Japan. Part of this community 
			would later move toKobe after 
			the great 
			Kanto earthquake of 
			1923. 
			Another 
			early Jewish settlement was one established in the 1880s in Nagasaki, 
			a large Japanese port cityestablished 
			by the Portuguese. This community was larger than the one in 
			Yokohama, consisting of more than 100 families. It was here that the 
			Beth Israel Synagogue was created in 1894. The settlement would 
			continually grow and remain active until it eventually declined by 
			the Russo-Japanese 
			War in the early 20th 
			century. The community's Torah 
			scroll would 
			eventually be passed down to the Jews of Kobe, a group formed of 
			freed Russian Jewish war prisoners that had participated in the Czar's 
			army and the Russian 
			Revolution of 1905. 
			
			
			From the mid 1920s until the 1950s, the Kobe Jewish community was 
			the largest Jewish community in Japan, formed by hundreds of Jews 
			arriving from Russia (originating from the Manchurian city of Harbin), 
			the Middle 
			East (mainly from Iraq and Syria), 
			as well as from Centraland Eastern 
			European countries 
			(primarily Germany). 
			It had both an Ashkenazi and a Sephardic synagogue. During 
			this time Tokyo's 
			Jewish community (now Japan's largest) was slowly growing with the 
			arrival of Jews from the United 
			States, Western Europe, and Russia. 
			
			
			Jewish settlement in Imperial Japan
			
			Some 
			Japanese leaders, such as Captain Inuzuka 
			Koreshige (犬塚 惟重), 
			Colonel Yasue 
			Norihiro (安江 仙弘) and 
			industrialist Aikawa 
			Yoshisuke (鮎川 義介), 
			came to believe that Jewish economic and political power could be 
			harnessed by Japan through controlled immigration, and that such a 
			policy would also ensure favor from the United 
			States through the 
			influence of American 
			Jewry. Although efforts were made to attract Jewish investment 
			and immigrants, the plan was limited by the government's desire not 
			to interfere with its alliance with Nazi 
			Germany. Ultimately it was left up to the world Jewish community 
			to fund the settlements and to supply settlers, and the plan failed 
			to attract a significant long-term population or create the 
			strategic benefits for Japan that had been expected by its 
			originators. 
			On December 
			6, 1938, Five ministers council (Prime 
			Minister Fumimaro 
			Konoe, Army 
			Minister Seishirō 
			Itagaki, Navy 
			Minister Mitsumasa 
			Yonai,Foreign 
			Minister Hachirō 
			Arita and Finance 
			Minister Shigeaki 
			Ikeda), which was the highest decision making council, made a 
			decision of prohibiting the expulsion of the Jews in 
			Japan. 
			During 
			World War II, Japan was regarded as a safe refuge from the 
			Holocaust, despite being a part of the Axis and 
			an ally of Germany. Jews trying to escape German-occupied Poland could 
			not pass the blockades near the Soviet 
			Union and the Mediterranean 
			Sea and were forced 
			to go through the neutral country of Lithuania (which 
			was occupied by belligerents in June 1940, starting with the Soviet 
			Union, then Germany, and then the Soviet Union again). 
			Of those who 
			arrived, many (around 5,000) were sent to the Dutch 
			West Indies with 
			Japanese visas issued by Chiune 
			Sugihara, the Japanese consulto Lithuania. 
			Sugihara ignored his orders and gave thousands of Jews entry visas 
			to Japan, risking his career and saving more than 6,000 lives. 
			Sugihara is said to have cooperated with Polish 
			intelligence, as part of a bigger Japanese-Polish cooperative 
			plan.[6] They 
			managed to flee across the vast territory of Russia by train to Vladivostok and 
			then by boat to Kobe in 
			Japan. The refugees, 2,185 in number, arrived in Japan from August 
			1940 to June 1941. Tadeusz 
			Romer, the Polish ambassador in Tokyo, 
			had managed to get transit visas in Japan, asylum visas to Canada, 
			Australia, New Zealand and Burma, immigration certificates to 
			Palestine, and immigrant visas to the United States and some Latin 
			American countries. Most Jews were permitted and encouraged to move 
			on from Japan to the Shanghai 
			Ghetto, China, 
			under Japanese occupation for the duration of World War II. Finally, 
			Tadeusz Romer arrived in Shanghai on 
			November 1, 1941, to continue the action for Jewish refugees. Among 
			those saved in the Shanghai Ghetto were leaders and students of Mir 
			yeshiva, the only European yeshiva to 
			survive the 
			Holocaust. They, some 400 in number, fled from Mir to Vilnawith 
			the outbreak of World War II in 1939, and then to Keidan, 
			Lithuania. In late 1940, they obtained visas from Chiune Sugihara, 
			to travel from Keidan, then Lithuanian 
			SSR, via Siberia and Vladivostok to Kobe, 
			Japan. By November 1941 the 
			Japanese moved this group and most of others on to the Shanghai 
			Ghetto in order to consolidate the Jews under their control. 
			Throughout 
			the war, the Japanese government continually rejected requests from 
			the German government to establish anti-Semitic policies. 
			Towards the end, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to 
			devise a plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this 
			pressure eventually became known to the Jewish community's 
			leadership. However, the Japanese had no intention of further 
			provoking the anger of the Allies, 
			and thus delayed the German request for a time, eventually rejecting 
			it entirely. 
			
			One famous Orthodox 
			Jewish institution 
			that was saved this way was the Lithuanian Haredi Mir 
			yeshiva. The Japanese government and people offered the Jews 
			temporary shelter, medical services, food, transportation, and 
			gifts, but preferred that they move on to reside in 
			Japanese-occupied Shanghai. 
			At war's 
			end, about half of the Jews who had been in Japanese-controlled 
			territories later moved on to the Western 
			hemisphere (such as 
			the United States and Canada) 
			and the remainder moved to other parts of the world, mainly to Israel. 
			
			Jews 
			and Judaism in modern Japan
			
			After World War II, a large portion of the 
			few Jews that were in Japan left, many going to what would become Israel. 
			Some of those who remained married locals and were assimilated into 
			Japanese society. 
			The Israeli 
			Embassy and its staff is based in Tokyo. Presently, there are 
			several hundred Jewish families living in Tokyo, 
			and a small number of Jewish families in and around Kobe. 
			A small number of Jewish expatriates of other countries live 
			throughout Japan, temporarily, for business, research, a gap 
			year, or a variety of other purposes. There are always Jewish 
			members of the United 
			States Armed Forces serving 
			on Okinawa and 
			in the other American military bases throughout Japan. 
			There are 
			several active synagogues in Japan. The Beth David Synagogue is 
			active in Tokyo, and the 
			Ohel Shlomo Synagogue is active in Kobe.[11]The Chabad-Lubavitch organization 
			has one official center in Tokyo, and 
			there is an additional Chabad house run by Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin 
			Edery. 
			
			Rabbis
			
			
			
				- 
				Rabbi Herman 
				Dicker, 1960–1963, Orthodox
 
				- Rabbi Marvin 
				Tokayer, 1968–1976, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Jonathan 
				Z. Maltzman, 1980–1983, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Michael 
				Schudrich, 1983–1989, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Moshe 
				Silberschein, 1989–1992, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Jim 
				Lebeau, 1993–1997, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Carnie 
				Shalom Rose, 1998–1999, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Elliot 
				Marmon, 1999–2002, Conservative
 
				- 
				Rabbi Henri 
				Noach, 2002–2008, Conservative
 
				- Rabbi Rachel 
				Smookler, Reform, interim-rabbi
 
				- Rabbi Antonio 
				Di Gesù, 2009–Present, Conservative
 
			 
			
			Chabad
			
				- Rabbi Mendi Sudakevich
 
				- Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin Edery
 
			 
			
			
			
				- Rabbi Gaoni Maatuf, 1998-2002
 
				- Rabbi Asaf Tobi, 2002-2006
 
				- Rabbi Yerachmiel Strausberg, 
				2006-2008
 
				- Hagay Blumenthal, 2008-2009, 
				lay leader
 
				- Daniel Moskovich, 2009-2010, 
				lay leader
 
				- Rabbi David Gingold, 2010-2013
 
			 
			
			List of 
			notable Jews in Japan
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
			
				- Refugees, short expatriates
 
			 
			
			
				- Other related people to 
				Judaism and Jews in Japan
 
			 
			
			 
			 
			
			Ambassadors
			
			
			Films
			
				- 
				Jewish Soul Music: The Art of Giora Feidman (1980). 
				Directed by Uri Barbash.
 
			 
			
			See also
			
			
			
			References
			
				
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Golub, 
					Jennifer, JAPANESE ATTITUDES TOWARD JEWS. PACIFIC RIM 
					INSTITUTE OF THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ [1]
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ History 
					of Jews in Kobe
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "Question 
					戦前の日本における対ユダヤ人政策の基本をなしたと言われる「ユダヤ人対策要綱」に関する史料はありますか。また、同要綱に関する説明文はありますか。". Ministry 
					of Foreign Affairs of Japan. 
					Retrieved 2010-10-02.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ "猶太人対策要綱". Five 
					ministers council. Japan 
					Center for Asian Historical Record. 1938-12-06. p. 36/42. 
					Retrieved 2010-10-02.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Palasz-Rutkowska, 
					Ewa. 1995 lecture at Asiatic Society of Japan, Tokyo; "Polish-Japanese 
					Secret Cooperation During World War II: Sugihara Chiune and 
					Polish Intelligence," The 
					Asiatic Society of Japan Bulletin, March–April 
					1995.
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ http://www.polish-jewish-heritage.org/Pol/maj_03_Romer_pomogal_Zydom.htm
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Shanghai 
					Jewish History
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Pamela 
					Shatzkes. Kobe: A Japanese haven for Jewish refugees, 
					1940–1941. Japan Forum, 1469-932X, Volume 3, Issue 2, 1991, 
					pp. 257–273
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Beth 
					David Synagogue
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Ohel 
					Shlomo Synagogue
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Chabad 
					Lubavitch of Japan, Tokyo
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ Chabad 
					House of Japan
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (ja)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (ja)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ ja:石角完爾
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (ja)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (he)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ ja:サリー・ワイル
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (ja)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ (ja)
 
					- 
					
					
					
					Jump up^ http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=410&letter=P
 
				 
			 
			
			
			External links
			
				- 
				General
 
			 
			
			
				- Occultism
 
			 
			
			
			
				
					
					
						
							| 
							
							 
								History of the Jews in Asia 
							 | 
						 
					 
					 | 
				 
			 
		 
		
		
		  
		
		DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT 
		
		RACE RIOTS 
		
		THE DREAM AND THE REALITY 
		
		LETS HOPE THIS ISN'T A FUTURE PROPHECY 
		
		compiled by Dee Finney 
		
		 
			
				| DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT 
				8-13-2002 - DREAM - I was living in an apartment in the 
				Executive Building of Allis-Chalmers in West Allis, WI. I had a 
				job working for A-C as well. 
				I looked at the clock on the wall and it was 7:30 a.m. I 
				had to be to work by 8:00 a.m. 
				I had just gotten up and was trying to get to work on 
				time, but was communicating with friends on the phone at the 
				same time. 
				Rather than eating a decent breakfast, I swigged down the 
				last of last nights open bottles of beer and wine, and then 
				laughed about it. 
				I went into the bathroom and looked in the mirror while I 
				brushed my hair. It looked like the women from the 1940's. 
				One of the women I talked to on the phone told me her name 
				was DIASPORA. (She pronounced it 'Dispora") (This is not the 
				first time I've met this woman by this name)  While I was 
				talking to her, she was suddenly in the room with me. 
				I had originally put on a winter coat, but it was too warm 
				for that and  I ended up with a layered look, a pink and yellow 
				plaid shirt with a yellow blouse over it, with a blue sweater 
				over that. 
				I tried using one of those little AVON sample lipsticks, 
				but it was soft, so I threw it  across the room to one of the 
				little girls there and went looking for the regular large size 
				lipsticks. 
				Meanwhile DIASPORA had been cleaning my house and had 
				shoved everything I needed into various drawers of a grey 
				dresser, so I'd never find them again. Nothing was where I could 
				find it and use it. 
				But I didn't have time to worry about that now. I had to 
				get to work, so I just went out into the hallway. There were 
				many other women just heading out to work as well. They were all 
				wearing spring coats. 
				I decided I'd follow them down the steps instead of using 
				the elevator and when I did, on the stairs were stacked folded 
				sweaters with large numbers on them. They were green sweaters 
				with red numbers on them. I as looking at the number upsidedown 
				as they were facing away from me, but I recognized 84 and 87 
				right on top of the stacks. 
				I got outside and directly across the street, about 100 
				guys were trying to get into the factory building of A-C. They 
				were locked out by a man named John, they said. (A-C once 
				employed over 25,000 people, but had sold off portions of the 
				business, moved some divisions to the south for cheap labor and 
				no unions and then basically went downhill from there. Even the 
				pension plan went bankrupt in the early 80's when I worked 
				there) 
				These guys were trying to get in the building to go to 
				work and had been locked out. If they had been allowed to work, 
				they would have been fine, but being out on the street, they 
				were starting to riot and it was getting ugly. What had started 
				out as anger over trying to get to work, the men were turning 
				against each other - black against white. 
				Some of the guys had been scouring the neighborhood for 
				sticks and there were many of them laying on the ground, ready 
				to be used for weapons against each other. The men were getting 
				angrier and angrier, as I walked by, trying to avoid getting hit 
				with a stick that they were now beginning to pick up and 
				threaten each other instead of the company. 
				I attempted to walk by them so I wouldn't get hit by 
				 flailing sticks, but I ended up in a fenced off place that was 
				made of black sticks in a rough fashion similar to what the men 
				were going to hit each other with. The fence was like a 
				blockade, just to prevent people from from one place to another. 
				So I had to go a different direction to get to work and 
				here I was walled in by the people who were selling cheap goods, 
				and old leftover food, like cold congealed oatmeal. 
				One woman as actually cooking something where I could 
				smell its wonderful aroma, but she had it half hidden so I would 
				be tempted by tis wonderful smell. I asked her if I could get 
				through that way and she said emphatically, "NO!" 
				Suddenly I realized i was 
				dreaming and that I wanted this frustration to end and forced 
				myself to wake up so I could go to work for real.
				
				 | 
			 
			
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		. 
		
		 
			
				| 
				 DIASPORA 
				Main Entry: di·as·po·ra 
				Pronunciation: dI-'as-p(&-)r&, dE- 
				Function: noun 
				Etymology: Greek, dispersion, from diaspeirein to scatter, 
				from dia- + speirein to sow 
				Date: 1881 
				1 : capitalized a : the settling of scattered colonies of 
				Jews outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile b : the area 
				outside Palestine settled by Jews c : the Jews living outside 
				Palestine or modern Israel 
				2 a : the breaking up and scattering of a people : 
				MIGRATION <the black diaspora to northern cities> b : people 
				settled far from their ancestral homelands <African diaspora> c 
				: the place where these people live 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| Di·as·po· ra \di-'as-pe re\ n [ Gk, 
				dispersion, fr. Diaspeirein to scatter,fr. Dia- + speirein to 
				show ] the breaking up and scattering of a people; people 
				settled far from their ancestral homelands; the places where 
				these people live. | 
			 
		 
		
		
		. 
		
		 
			
				| 
				 DIASPORA ISN'T JUST ABOUT THE JEWS 
				
				The Neolithic Diaspora in Europe 
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				
				 FROM: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04775c.htm 
				Diaspora (Or DISPERSION). 
				Diaspora was the name given to the countries (outside of 
				Palestine) through which the Jews were dispersed, and 
				secondarily to the Jews living in those countries. The Greek 
				term, diaspora, corresponds to the Hebrew word meaning "exile" 
				(cf. Jer., xxiv, 5). It occurs in the Greek version of the Old 
				Testament, e.g. Deut., xxviii, 25; xxx, 4, where the dispersion 
				of the Jews among the nations is foretold as the punishment of 
				their apostasy. In John, vii, 35, the word is used implying 
				disdain: "The Jews therefore said among themselves: Whither will 
				he go, that we shall not find him? Will he go unto the dispersed 
				among the Gentiles?" Two of the Catholic Epistles, viz. that of 
				James and I Peter, are addressed to the neophytes of the 
				Diaspora. In Acts, ii, are enumerated the principal countries 
				from which the Jews came who heard the Apostles preach at 
				Pentecost, everyone "in his own tongue". The Diaspora was the 
				result of the various deportations of Jews which invariably 
				followed the invasion or conquest of Palestine. The first 
				deportation took place after the capture of Samaria by 
				Shalmaneser (Salmanasar) and Sargon, when a portion of the Ten 
				Tribes were carried into the regions of the Euphrates and into 
				Media, 721 B.C. (IV Kings, xvii). In 587 B.C. the Kingdom of 
				Juda was transported into Mesopotamia. 
				When, about fifty years later, Cyrus allowed the Jews to 
				return to their country, only the poorer and more fervent 
				availed themselves of the permission The richer families 
				remained in Babylonia forming the beginning of a numerous and 
				influential community. The conquests of Alexander the Great 
				caused the spreading of Jews throughout Asia and Syria. Seleucus 
				Nicator made the Jews citizens in the cities he built in his 
				dominions, and gave them equal rights with the Greeks and 
				Macedonians. (Josephus, Antiquities, XII, iii, l.) Shortly after 
				the transportation of Juda into Babylonia a number of Jews who 
				had been left in Palestine voluntarily emigrated into Egypt. 
				(Jer., xlii-xliv.) They formed the nucleus of the famous 
				Alexandrine colony. But the great transportation into Egypt was 
				effected by Ptolemy Soter. "And Ptolemy took many captives both 
				from the mountainous parts of Judea and from the places about 
				Jerusalem and Samaria and led them into Egypt and settled them 
				there" (Antiquities, XII, I, 1). 
				In Rome there was already a community of Jews at the time 
				of Caesar. It is mentioned in a decree of Caesar cited by 
				Josephus (Ant., XLV, x, 8). After the destruction of Jerusalem 
				by Titus thousands of Jewish slaves were placed upon the market. 
				They formed the nucleus of settlements in Africa, Italy, Spain, 
				and Gaul. At the time of the Apostles the number of Jews in the 
				Diaspora was exceedingly great. The Jewish author of the 
				Sibylline Oracles (2nd century B.C.) could already say of his 
				countrymen: "Every land and every sea is full of them" (Or. 
				Sib., III, 271). Josephus mentioning the riches of the temple 
				says: "Let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our 
				temple since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth sent 
				their contributions" (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). The Jews of the 
				Diaspora paid a temple tax, a kind of Peter's-pence; a didrachma 
				being required from every male adult. The sums transmitted to 
				Jerusalem were at times so large as to cause an inconvenient 
				drainage of gold, which more than once induced the Roman 
				government either to stop the transmittance or even to 
				confiscate it. 
				Though the Diaspora Jews were, on the whole, faithful to 
				their religion, there was a noticeable difference of theological 
				opinion between the Babylonian and Alexandrine Jew. In 
				Mesopotamia the Jews read and studied the Bible in Hebrew. This 
				was comparatively easy to them since Chaldee, their vernacular, 
				was kindred to the Hebrew. The Jews in Egypt and throughout 
				Europe, commonly called Hellenistic Jews, soon forgot Hebrew. A 
				Greek version of the Bible, the Septuagint, was made for them. 
				The consequence was that they were less ardent in the 
				punctilious observance of their Law. Like the Samaritans they 
				showed a schismatic tendency by erecting a rival temple to that 
				in Jerusalem. It was built by the son of Onias the high-priest 
				in Leontopolis in Lower Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy 
				Philometor, 160 B.C., and was destroyed 70 B.C. (Ant., XIII, 
				iii, sects. 2, 3). It is a curious fact that whereas Hellenistic 
				Judaism became the soil in which Christianity took root and 
				waxed strong, the colony in Babylonia remained a stronghold of 
				orthodox Judaism and produced its famous Talmud. The 
				deeply-rooted antagonism between the Jews and Greeks made the 
				amalgamation of the two races impossible. Though some of the 
				Seleucids and Ptolemies, such as Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus 
				the Great, were favourable towards the Jews, there was constant 
				friction between the two elements in Syria and Egypt. Occasional 
				pillage and massacre were the inevitable result. Thus on one 
				occasion the Greeks in Seleucia and Syria massacred some 50,000 
				Jews (Ant., XVIII, ix, 9). On another occasion the Jews, getting 
				the upper hand in Cyprus, killed the Greek inhabitants of 
				Salamis and were in consequence banished from the island (Dio 
				Cassius, LXVIII, 23). In Alexandria it was found necessary to 
				confine the Jews to a separate quarter, or ghetto. The Roman 
				Empire was on the whole well-disposed towards the Jews of the 
				Diaspora. They had everywhere the right of residence and could 
				not be expelled. The two exceptions were the expulsion of the 
				Jews from Rome under Tiberius (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5) and under 
				Claudius (Acts, xviii, 2). But both these instances were of 
				short duration. Their cult was declared a religio licita. All 
				communities had their synagogue, proseuchai or sabbateia, which 
				served also as libraries and places of assembly. The most famous 
				was that in Antioch (De bell. Jud., VII, iii 3). They had their 
				cemeteries; in Rome, like the Christians, they buried their dead 
				in catacombs. They were allowed freely to observe their 
				sabbaths, festivals, and dietary laws. They were exempt from the 
				emperor-worship and from military service. Many Jews enjoyed 
				Roman citizenship, e.g. St. Paul (Acts, xvi, 37-39). In many 
				places the Jewish community formed a recognized organization 
				with administrative, judicial, and financial powers. It was 
				ruled by a council called gerousia, composed of elders, 
				presbyteroi, at the head of which was the archon. Another token 
				of the freedom which the Jews enjoyed throughout the empire was 
				their active propagandism (cf. Matt., xxiii, 15). The neophytes 
				were called phoboumenoi or sebomenoi, i.e. God-fearing (Acts, 
				xiii, 16, 26, 43; Antiquities, XIV, vii, 2). Their number 
				appears to have been very great. St. Paul met them in almost all 
				the cities he visited. Josephus, praising the excellence of the 
				Law, says: "the multitude of mankind itself has had a great 
				inclination to follow our religious observances. There is not a 
				city of the Grecians or Sabarians, where our customs and the 
				prohibition as to our food are not observed" etc. (Contra 
				Apion., II, xl). Many of the converts were distinguished 
				persons, e.g. Aguila, the chamberlain of the Queen of Candace 
				(Acts, viii, 26 sq.); Azizus, King of Emesa, and Polemo, King of 
				Cilicia (Ant.,.xx, vii); the patrician lady Fulvia (Ant., XVIII, 
				iii, 5). 
				Jewish Encyc. s. v. Dispersion; SCHURER, Geschichte des 
				judischen Volkes (Leipzig, 1890); GRATZ, Geschichte der Juden; 
				RENAN, Les Apétres; MOMMSEN, The Provinces of the Roman Empire 
				(tr. London, l886). A list of the countries of the Diaspora is 
				given by PHILO, Leg. ad Caium, 36. 
				C. VAN DEN BIESEN 
				Transcribed by Joseph E. O'Connor 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| IRANIAN DIASPORA - PRE-ISLAMIC 
				FROM: http://www.iranian.com/Dec96/Iranica/Diaspora/Diaspora.html 
				By Mary Boyce 
				Encyclopaedia Iranica 
				DIASPORA, IRANIAN, IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES. The Achaemenid 
				empire attained its fullest extent under its first three kings; 
				and for the next two centuries or so Iranians colonized in 
				numbers the most attractive of its non-Iranian territories. 
				Alexander's conquest of the empire in the 4th century B.C.E. 
				led, under his successors, to those colonists being cut off from 
				Persia, but they proved generally able to maintain their ethnic 
				and cultural identity under alien rule for many generations. 
				Information about the original colonists is meager, but at 
				its best for Egypt (largely from Aramaic papyri) and Asia Minor 
				(from notices by Greek writers, a small number of tomb-carvings, 
				Aramaic inscriptions, and significant devices on satrapal 
				coins). There is also the evidence of personal and place names. 
				That of personal names can only be safely used, however, to 
				identify Iranians where there is additional information, or when 
				such names occur in groups, or in significant associations and 
				settings, because during the Achaemenid period Persian names 
				were sometimes adopted quite extensively by their non-Iranian 
				subjects. 
				Even in post-Achaemenid times some Persian names (notably 
				Mitradata/Mithradates, and other Mithra-names) were used by 
				non-Iranians in western regions. Conversely, some individuals of 
				Persian descent under Macedonian rule are known to have adopted 
				Greek names. The hereditary high priests of the temple of 
				Anaitis at Hypaipa in Lydia provide a striking instance. For all 
				regions except Egypt most of the evidence for the Iranian 
				diaspora comes from post-Achaemenid times. 
				Most satrapies of the empire were governed by Persians, 
				the wealthier and most important ones being generally entrusted 
				to royal princes; but some of the minor non-Iranian satrapies 
				became hereditary fiefs in the families of Persian nobles, who 
				settled permanently there. Damascus may have been one instance, 
				but the certain examples are Dascylium and Eastern Armenia. 
				All satrapal courts would have been frequented by the 
				local Iranian nobility, and, reflecting the customs and manners 
				of the imperial court, would have been centers of Persian 
				culture. In foreign parts which were attractive to Iranians many 
				Persian landowners received their estates from the king with the 
				duty of rendering military service when called on. Many of these 
				fiefdoms were probably granted as a result of confiscations 
				after conquest, but the smaller populations of those days would 
				also have allowed for new estates to be created in fertile 
				areas. 
				The Iranians were not an urban people, and the way of life 
				which these expatriates followed appears to have reflected that 
				of Iran itself, with the nobles living for much of the year on 
				their estates. In Cappadocia, with important highroads and 
				passes that needed guarding, many hilltop fortresses are 
				recorded, a number of which were presumably from Achaemenid 
				times the seats of Persian nobles. 
				In Lydia, with its fertile river-valleys, the only 
				dwelling of a Persian landowner to be described was a fortified 
				manor house on his own estate. He had armed retainers in his 
				service, as well as slaves to work the land; and when the house 
				was attacked by Greek raiders, a beacon was lit which brought a 
				Persian neighbor to his aid, with his own body of fighting men. 
				Some official forces also responded to the alarm, and the 
				marauders were driven off. The incident suggests a number of 
				Persian estates in this, and doubtless other, fertile regions of 
				western Asia Minor, with mutual support among the landowners and 
				in general effective Persian vigilance and control. 
				The royal road which led from Sardis, Lydia's capital, 
				east to Susa and Persepolis was said to pass for its whole 
				length "through country that is inhabited and safe." This great 
				highway made much of central Asia Minor accessible to Iranian 
				colonists, who were attracted by its valleys and wide plains. 
				Noble fiefholders naturally had an interest in developing their 
				estates, and this interest was quickened in them as 
				Zoroastrians, for whom good cultivation of the land is a 
				religious duty. 
				Zoroastrian priests themselves were an important element 
				in the Iranian diaspora. Armies would have been accompanied by 
				many priests, some ministering to officers, others to men, and 
				when ex-soldiers were settled on the land, their priests with 
				their families presumably remained with them. Other priests are 
				likely to have come out with the peasant farmers, and more 
				exalted ones with the nobility. Originally they were known 
				collectively in eastern Mediterranean lands as magousaioi, a 
				Greco-Semitic plural for Persian magu "Mage, priest"; but in 
				time, locally at least, this term came to be used for Persian 
				colonists generally, with Greek magoi used for the priests 
				themselves. As these usages suggest, to outside observers all 
				Iranians were Zoroastrians, ethnic and religious labels being 
				used interchangeably, and this probably reflects the broad 
				reality. 
				As in Persia, so in the 
				diaspora, in addition to priests who ministered to lay families 
				in the traditional way, there were temple priests. There is a 
				fair amount of information about Zoroastrian sanctuaries in Asia 
				Minor, the oldest according to tradition being at Zela in Pontic 
				Cappadocia, founded in the 6th century B.C.E. by Cyrus II the 
				Great himself or his generals. According to the Iranian custom 
				of worshipping in high places, the sanctuary was established on 
				a hill, banked up yet higher and encircled by a wall. Later this 
				hill bore one of the imposing temples to Anahid, by which the 
				presence of Iranians is strikingly attested in Asia Minor. 
				 
				 | 
			 
			
				| FROM:  http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/diaspora.html 
				THE INDIAN DIASPORA 
				The Indian diaspora today constitutes an important, and in 
				some respects unique, force in world culture. The origins of the 
				modern Indian diaspora lie mainly in the subjugation of India by 
				the British and its incorporation into the British empire. 
				Indians were taken over as indentured labor to far-flung parts 
				of the empire in the nineteenth-century, a circumstance to which 
				the modern Indian populations of Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana, 
				Trinidad, Surinam, Malaysia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and other 
				places attest in their own peculiar ways. Over two million 
				Indian men fought on behalf of the empire in numerous wars, 
				including the Boer War and the two World Wars, and some remained 
				behind to claim the land on which they had fought as their own. 
				As if in emulation of their ancestors, many Gujarati traders 
				once again left for East Africa in large numbers in the early 
				part of the twentieth century. Finally, in the post-World War II 
				period, the dispersal of Indian labor and professionals has been 
				a nearly world-wide phenomenon. Indians, and other South Asians, 
				provided the labor that helped in the  reconstruction of 
				war-torn Europe, particularly the United Kingdom and the 
				Netherlands, and in more recent years unskilled labor from South 
				Asia has been the main force in the transformation of the 
				physical landscape of much of the Middle East. Meanwhile, in 
				countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, 
				Indians have made their presence visibly felt in the 
				professions. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| GUAYANA FROM:  http://geocities.com/TheTropics/Shores/9253/History.html 
				???? The Amerindians migrate to, and inhabit South 
				America. The legend of the Empire Of Eldorado is born. 
				1593 -The earliest account of the territory of Guiana is 
				made in a dispatch to the Royal Council of Spain in which the 
				Governor of Trinidad, Antonio de Berreo, describes his journey 
				down the Oronoco and his attempt to explore Guiana. 
				1594 -Sir Robert Dudley makes inquiries about the rumoured 
				Empire of El Dorado when his ship puts in to Trinidad. A small 
				boat is sent to investigate and its crew returns to say that the 
				natives (Amerindians)had told them of gold-mines so rich that 
				the people of the country powdered themselves with gold dust. 
				'And farre beyond them', they said, 'a great towne called El 
				Dorado, with many other things.' 
				1598 -The Dutch make their first voyage to Guiana. 
				1621 - Dutch West India Company receives a charter for the 
				Essequibo. 
				1640 - Slaves arrive in the colonies from Africa. 
				1657 -A small Dutch settlement is established on the 
				Pomeroon River. 
				1666 - War breaks out between England and Holland. 
				1763 -The Berbice Slave Rebellion breaks out (at the time 
				when Berbice is a separate Dutch colony). It begins on one 
				estate, but soon spreads to others along the Berbice River. The 
				revolt is the result of the cruelty with which the Dutch 
				plantation owners have been treating their slaves, and it is led 
				by a male slave called Coffy. The few hundred white settlers are 
				soon overwhelmed, and the uprising will only be put down after 
				the arrival of warships and with the help of troops from as far 
				away as Barbados. [Coffy will commit suicide three months after 
				the beginning of the affair . His followers will be hunted down 
				for another year, before the Dutch authorities will be satisfied 
				that the rebellion has been crushed.] 
				1781 -War breaks out between England and Holland. The 
				colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice are taken by the 
				English. 
				1782 - Some months later, the French, who are also at war 
				with England (and who are the allies of Holland), under the 
				command of the Marquis de Lusignan (whose name is perpetuated in 
				the plantation of that name) take the three colonies. The French 
				build Fort Dauphin at the mouth of the Demerara, and nearby, 
				begin to build a new town - "Longchamps". 
				1783/4 - (a) The colonies are restored to Holland. 
				(b)Longchamps is chosen as the site of the new colonial capital, 
				later to be called Stabroek. (c) The Dutch move the seat of 
				Government for the Demerara territory down river to its mouth, 
				where they begin to build the town of Stabroek in a geometrical 
				'grid-iron' system of streets, divided by canals in the manner 
				of their home-country. (d) The Dutch build a series of 
				sluice-gates or kokers at points where the canals meet the 
				Demerara estuary. At high tide, the kokers form a barrier 
				between the Atlantic Ocean and the canals. At low tide they are 
				opened to allow the accumulated water from the land to flow 
				away. 
				1796 -War breaks out again between England and Holland. 
				The colonies are taken by England, for the second time. 
				1802 -At the peace of Amiens, Guiana is returned to the 
				Dutch. English settlers are given three years to wind up their 
				affairs, and to then leave. 
				1803 - War breaks out again between England and Holland. 
				In September, Hood arrives at the mouth of the Demerara, and 
				demands the surrender of the Colony. Guiana is handed over 
				without fighting, never again to be returned to Holland. 
				1814 - Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice are assigned to 
				England during the Great peace. 
				1823 - There is a slave insurrection on the East Coast of 
				Demerara. 
				1833 -The Act Of Abolition of slavery is passed. The 
				slaves are not granted full freedom, but are bound to their 
				masters for three-quarters of each day for a period of seven 
				years. 
				1835 - Portuguese labourers are imported for work on the 
				plantations. (Almost one thousand immigrant Portuguese die from 
				tropical diseases). 
				1837 - John Gladstone suggests East Indian indentured 
				labour as a solution to the drifting of Africans from the 
				plantations to the towns. Permission is granted to bring 
				'Coolies' for his two plantations. 
				1838 - August 1st,"Full and unqualified liberation of the 
				Negroes". 
				1838 - The first indentured labourers drawn from the hill 
				areas of South India, arrive in Guiana. 156 East Indians arrive 
				from Calcutta on the "Hesperus". They are under indenture for a 
				five year period, and for the first part, they are housed and 
				given rations, but are not paid. Great mistreatment of the 
				labourers result in prosecution of some of the planters. 
				1839 - Four hundred German Rinelanders and Wurtembergers 
				are enticed to British Guiana. (Almost all succumb to tropical 
				diseases). 
				1843 - The end of the first period of indenture. Many of 
				the labourers return to India. 
				The 1840's - England suspends the indentured labourer 
				system. Immigrant labour from India, Portugal (mainly Madeira) 
				and China is permitted, under Government control. 
				1853 - January 12th. The first contract Chinese labourers 
				arrive in British Guiana on the "Glentanner". Most are assigned 
				to Windsor Forest, Pouderoyen and La Jelousie estates. 
				1856 - February 18th,Georgetown riots - property of 
				Portuguese destroyed. 
				1860 - March 11th. The first female Chinese labourers 
				arrive on the "Whirlwind". 
				1874 - The last contract Chinese labourers arrive in 
				Demerara. 
				1884 - The Promenade Garden is extended to its present 
				(21st century)proportions on an entire city block (east of State 
				House.) This area was once used as a public display for the 
				hanging of slaves who were connected with the 1823 East Coast 
				rebellion. 
				1904 - In June the King of Italy hands down his award in 
				the arbitration proceedings between Brazil and British Guiana. 
				1917 - The Government of India abolishes the indentured 
				system. No more East Indian labour is allowed to enter Guiana. 
				1928 - The Constitution is changed, and women are given 
				the vote on the same terms as men. 
				1953 - The Waddington Constitution is suspended on 
				December 22nd. The Royal Welsh Fusiliers are dispatched to 
				British Guiana to control any outbreak of violence which may 
				follow the suspension. The House Of Assembly is disbanded. All 
				political parties are forbidden to hold meetings, and certain 
				P.P.P. leaders are forbidden to leave Georgetown. The 
				Legislative Council is now composed of nominated and ex-officio 
				members. 
				1958 - The Legislative Council passes a resolution 
				exhorting the British Government to grant Cabinet status to 
				British Guiana, as it had conceded to both Trinidad and Jamaica. 
				1961 - Elections under Internal Self-Government 
				Constitution. The PPP Party is victorious. 
				1962 - Arthur Schlesinger, U.S. Secretary of State visits 
				British Guiana and concludes that Dr. Jagan's heart is with the 
				Communist world, and although all alternatives to Dr. Jagan are 
				terrible, he feels that if Mr. Burnham 'will commit himself to a 
				multi-racial policy' an independent British Guiana under him 
				would cause the U.S. fewer problems than one under Dr. Jagan. 
				The February Riot Commission sits from June 22 to 28th in 
				Georgetown. Senior Counsel Lionel Luckhoo submits DR. Jagan to a 
				robust examination in which Dr. Jagan admits that he is 'a 
				communist'. The circumstances of this admission seriously 
				affects the U.S. attitude to Dr. Jagan and to British Guiana and 
				paves the way for their promotion of Mr. Burnham to political 
				power in Guyana. 
				1963 - On June 21, 1963, as U.S. President John Kennedy 
				and a high powered team prepares for a meeting with British 
				Prime Minister Harold McMillan and his team at Birch Grove in 
				the U.K., the State Department instructs its U.K. embassy by 
				telegram to let it be known that McMillan had agreed that H.M.G. 
				no longer has any faith in Dr. Jagan, preferring Mr. Burnham as 
				the more manageable alternative. At the Birch Grove meeting, it 
				is decided to establish a Burnham-D'Aguair Government and grant 
				British Guiana independence. 
				Georgetown is declared a 'Proclamation Area' and another 
				ban is put on all public meetings. 
				The Guyana Rice Marketing Board escapes being demolished 
				when a large quantity of dynamite is discovered under the wharf. 
				Two ships, one belonging to the Russian and the other Cuban, 
				recently berthed, also escapes destruction. 
				1964 - Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Janet Jagan, resigns 
				her post claiming she had no control over the police. 
				Essentially her resignation is in protest of the police inaction 
				to the violence perpetrated against Indians at 
				Wismar-Christianburg earlier in May. Violence erupts on an 
				intensified scale soon after the arrival on June 17 of a Cuban 
				tanker M.V. Cuba bringing much needed fuel and gasoline to the 
				colony. The forces opposed to the Government of the day had 
				organized an embargo and as such, vital supplies of necessities 
				were delayed. The Cuban vessel is interpreted as breaking the 
				embargo and the opposition parties let loose the 'Gods of War' 
				in Georgetown and its environs. The Parliament Building is 
				blockaded by angry protesters who assault Ministers and civil 
				servants who dare to remain on the job. An incendiary device is 
				thrown into the Hadfield Street home of Permanent Secretary in 
				the Ministry of Works and Hydraulics, 52-year-old Mr. Arthur 
				Abraham, causing his death. Seven of his nine children also die. 
				After the fire, four bodies are found huddled together on the 
				stairway and three on the upper flat. 
				Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, speaking in the House of 
				Commons, on June 17, recommends that the Commonwealth Prime 
				Ministers' Meeting should consult on the crisis situation in 
				British Guiana. On June 24th Prime Minister DR. Cheddie Jagan 
				concurrs. 
				1964 - Proportional Representative System. A coalition 
				Government of PNC and UF attains power. 
				1965 - A three storied building which houses the U.S. 
				Consulate and the JFK Library is bombed on June 24. Miss Shakira 
				Baksh (later to be Mrs. Michael Caine) is injured in the blast. 
				1966 - May 26th,Independence. The colony of British Guiana 
				becomes independent of British rule, and is known as Guyana. 
				1966 - On June 23, officials from both Guyana and Suriname 
				begin talks in London in relation to the countries' border 
				dispute. 
				1966 - British troops leave Guyana. 
				1969 - The protocol of Port-of-Spain is signed by Guyana 
				and Venezuela leading to a 12-year moratorium on the boundary 
				controversy. 
				1970 - February 23rd,Guyana, the independent country - 
				becomes a Co-operative Republic, and is now known as the 
				"Republic Of Guyana". 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| The African Diaspora,   Ethiopianism, and 
				Rastafari 
				  
				From: http://www.rit.edu/~africa/diaspora/mapPg1.shtml 
				Africa and the 
				Ancient Mediterranean 250 BC to 300 AD 
				Peoples of North Africa traveled and traded 
				throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Wars between Carthage (in 
				present-day Tunisia) and the Roman Empire saw an African army, 
				lead by Hannibal, invade Roman territory in 218 .C. By the first 
				century BC, Egypt was trading with Europe as well as with India 
				and China. Between the 3rd century BC and the 4th century AD, 
				scholars from the region converged on the Library of Alexandria 
				in Egypt. Here Euclid wrote his famous book on geometry and 
				Ptolemy analyzed the movement of the planets 
				Ethiopian and Jerusalem 400 AD to 1300 AD 
				After Ethiopia's king converted to 
				Christianity in the 4th century AD, the country developed ties 
				to the Byzantine church in present-day Turkey. Ethiopian 
				Christians began regular pilgrimages to Jerusalem. There a 
				bishop utilized Ethiopian script in developing the Armenian 
				alphabet. In 1189, the Muslim conqueror of Jerusalem granted two 
				pilgrimage sites to the Ethiopians, thus alerting Europeans to 
				the existence of these African Christians. European crusaders 
				against the Jerusalem Muslims sought alliances with Ethiopia 
				until the Crusades ended in 1270. 
				Africa and Asia 14th to 19th centuries AD 
				In 1324, the Malian leader Mansa Musa made 
				pilgrimage to Mecca--an Islamic Holy site in Arabia--and 
				returned with a Spanish architect who designed the mosque in 
				Timbuctu. In the 15th century, East African ambassadors sailed 
				to China, where they presented the Chinese Emperor with two 
				giraffes, beginning a series of exchanges. In the 16th and 17th 
				centuries, East African soldiers settled in and ruled parts of 
				India. In the early 19th century, the East African island of 
				Zanzibar became the capital of the Omani empire encompassing 
				parts of coastal East Africa and southern Arabia. 
				Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas 1500 to 
				1800 
				Africans living in the western, central, and 
				southern parts of the continent were enslaved and taken to the 
				Americas. They were victims of the "triangle trade" in which 
				American, British, Dutch, French, and Portuguese merchants 
				carried textiles, iron, guns, and alcohol to Africa and traded 
				them for enslaved people. The traders sold their captives to 
				planters and mine owners in the Americas for gold, silver, 
				sugar, and tobacco which they returned to Europe for sale and 
				profit. 
				Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas --1800s 
				As the trade continued, slave rebellions 
				mounted and people around the Atlantic organized against 
				slavery. After outlawing slavery in 1808, the British gradually 
				tried to suppress the trade on the high seas. Still slave 
				traders willingly risked punishment to earn huge profits, as 
				agricultural booms increased demand for slaves in the Caribbean 
				and Brazil from the 1820s through the 1860s. With the abolition 
				of slavery in all American nations by 1888, this violent chapter 
				of world history ended. 
				Since 1960 
				Since the early 1960s, millions of Africans 
				have immigrated to the Americas, Asia, and Europe. The first 
				waves of immigration came as African nations won 
				independence--with freedom from colonialism came the freedom to 
				travel. Over the decades, African immigrants have continued to 
				seek new opportunities in education and business abroad. Some 
				Africans have also emigrated to escape civil upheaval and war. 
				At the dawn of the 21st century, between 70 to 100 million 
				Africans and people of African descent live in the Americas. 
				
				FROM: http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasessay.html 
				Historically, black peoples in the New World have traced 
				memories of an African homeland through the trauma of slavery 
				and through ideologies of struggle and resistance. 
				Arguably the most poignant of these discursive 
				topographies is that of the Rastafari faith and culture. Like 
				the Garvey Movement and other forms of pan-Africanism before it, 
				the Rastafari fashion their vision of an ancestral homeland 
				through a complex of ideas and symbols known as Ethiopianism, an 
				ideology which has informed African-American concepts of 
				nationhood, independence, and political uplift since the late 
				16th century. Derived from references in the Holy Bible to black 
				people as 'Ethiopians', this discourse has been used to express 
				the political, cultural, and spiritual aspirations of blacks in 
				the Caribbean and North America for over three centuries. From 
				the last quarter of the 18th century to the present, 
				Ethiopianism has, at various times, provided the basis for a 
				common sense of destiny and identification between African 
				peoples in the North American colonies, the Caribbean, Europe, 
				and the African continent. 
				From the period prior to the American Revolutionary War, 
				slaves in North America equated Ethiopia with the ancient 
				empires that flourished in the upper parts of the Nile Valley 
				and--largely through biblical references and sermons--perceived 
				this territory as central to the salvation of the black race. 
				black converts to Christianity in colonial America cherished 
				references to Ethiopia in the Bible for a number of reasons. 
				These references depicted Blacks in a dignified and human light 
				and held forth the promise of freedom. Such passages also 
				suggested that African peoples had a proud and deep cultural 
				heritage that pre-dated European civilization. The summation of 
				these sentiments was most frequently identified with Psalm 68:31 
				where it is prophesied that "Princes shall come out of Egypt and 
				Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." During the 
				late 18th century, black churchmen in the North American 
				colonies made extensive use of Ethiopianist discourse in their 
				sermons. Bishop Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist 
				Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, was among those who identified 
				the cause of African freedom with this prophecy in Psalms. 
				During the Revolutionary War, it is reputed that one black 
				regiment proudly wore the appellation of "Allen's Ethiopians." 
				Phyllis Wheatley, the black poet-laureate of colonial America, 
				also made frequent use of this discourse as did Prince Hall, a 
				black Revolutionary War veteran and founder of the African 
				Masonic Lodge. Commenting upon the successful slave insurrection 
				in Haiti (1792-1800), Hall observed: "Thus doth Ethiopia begin 
				to stretch forth her hand, from the sink of slavery, to freedom 
				and equality." There was, in nearly all expressions of 
				Ethiopianism, a belief in the redemption of the race linked to 
				the coming of a black messiah. Perhaps the first expressed 
				articulation of this idea is seen in The Ethiopian Manifesto 
				published by Robert Alexander Young, a slave preacher in North 
				America in 1829. 
				In large part because of 
				the movement of peoples spurred in its aftermath, the American  
				Revolutionary War provided a major impetus for the spread of 
				Ethiopianism from Britain's North American to its Caribbean 
				colonies. As British loyalists departed from North America for 
				places like Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados, the churched slaves 
				and former slaves who traveled with them transplanted 
				Ethiopianism to these plantation societies and inaugurated an 
				independent black religious tradition. In Jamaica, George Liele, 
				a former slave and churchman from Savannah, Georgia, founded the 
				first Ethiopian Baptist church in 1783. Liele called his 
				followers "Ethiopian Baptists." Thus began a deep rooted 
				tradition of Ethiopian identification in Jamaica, the birthplace 
				of both Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association 
				(founded in 1914) and the Rastafari movement (born in 1930). 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| THE JEWISH DIASPORA FROM: http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/History/Diaspora.html 
				The Jewish state comes to an end in 70 AD, when the Romans 
				begin to actively drive Jews from the home they had lived in for 
				over a millennium. But the Jewish Diaspora ("diaspora" 
				="dispersion, scattering") had begun long before the Romans had 
				even dreamed of Judaea. When the Assyrians conquered Israel in 
				722, the Hebrew inhabitants were scattered all over the Middle 
				East; these early victims of the dispersion disappeared utterly 
				from the pages of history. However, when Nebuchadnezzar deported 
				the Judaeans in 597 and 586 BC, he allowed them to remain in a 
				unified community in Babylon. Another group of Judaeans fled to 
				Egypt, where they settled in the Nile  delta. So from 597 
				onwards, there were three distinct groups of Hebrews: a group in 
				Babylon and other parts of the Middle East, a group in Judaea, 
				and another group in Egypt. Thus, 597 is considered the 
				beginning date of the Jewish Diaspora. While Cyrus the Persian 
				allowed the Judaeans to return to their homeland in 538 BC, most 
				chose to remain in Babylon. A large number of Jews in Egypt 
				became mercenaries in Upper Egypt on an island called the 
				Elephantine. All of these Jews retained their religion, 
				identity, and social customs; both under the Persians and the 
				Greeks, they were allowed to run their lives under their own 
				laws. Some converted to other religions; still others combined 
				the Yahweh cult with local cults; but the majority clung to the 
				Hebraic religion and its new-found core document, the Torah. 
				In 63 BC, Judaea became a protectorate of Rome. Coming 
				under the administration of a governor, Judaea was allowed a 
				king; the governor's business was to regulate trade and maximize 
				tax revenue. While the Jews despised the Greeks, the Romans were 
				a nightmare. Governorships were bought at high prices; the 
				governors would attempt to squeeze as much revenue as possible 
				from their regions and pocket as much as they could. Even with a 
				Jewish king, the Judaeans revolted in 70 AD, a desperate revolt 
				that ended tragically. In 73 AD, the last of the revolutionaries 
				were holed up in a mountain fort called Masada; the Romans had 
				besieged the fort for two years, and the 1000 men, women, and 
				children inside were beginning to starve. In desperation, the 
				Jewish revolutionaries killed themselves rather than surrender 
				to the Romans. The Romans then destroyed Jerusalem, annexed 
				Judaea as a Roman province, and systematically drove the Jews 
				from Palestine. After 73 AD, Hebrew history would only be the 
				history of the Diaspora as the Jews and their world view spread 
				over Africa, Asia, and Europe 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| CONFIGURING THE FILIPINO DIASPORA IN 
				THE U.S. FROM: http://www.boondocksnet.com/centennial/sctexts/esj_94a.html 
				According to the 1990 census, the Filipino community is 
				now the largest segment of Asian Americans, 21.5%, followed by 
				the Chinese and the Vietnamese (Patel 112). By the year 2000, 
				there will be over 2 million Filipinos in the United States. In 
				recent surveys of Asian American literature sponsored by the 
				Modern Language Association of America (MLA) and other 
				professional organizations, however, there is a notable absence 
				of any serious attention to Filipino writers, either born in the 
				United States or self-exiled. In scholarly discourse and 
				curricular offerings, "Asian American" usually designates 
				Chinese (Kingston, Chin, etc.) or Japanese (Yamamoto, Okada, 
				etc.) writers, or else Filipinos are tokenized with allusions to 
				Carlos Bulosan or Hagedorn. At the turn of the century, William 
				Dean Howells reviewed the novels of Jose Rizal, the national 
				hero; Carlos Bulosan had to wait until World War II to be 
				discovered. MLA president Houston Baker's edition of Three 
				American Literatures privileged the Chinese and Japanese 
				components of the category 'Asian American," perhaps a form of 
				editorial reverse discrimination repeated by A. LaVonne Ruoff 
				and Jerry Ward's expanded survey Redefining American Literary 
				History. This has no doubt vitiated the honorably pluralist 
				intent of an emergent canonizing, if revisionary, scholarship. 
				Why were such well-known authors as Bulosan, Jose Garcia Villa, 
				Bienvenido Santos, and others not considered on a par with 
				Maxine Hong Kingston or Toshio Mori? Why this 
				ethnic/multicultural marginalization or erasure? 
				Given the genuine historical, political, and cultural 
				differences between the Filipino nationality and other Asian 
				ethnic groups in the United States, one cannot help but discern 
				how scholars have articulated "Asian American" in a selective 
				and exclusivist direction, translating "Asian" as either Chinese 
				or Japanese, rendering it useless as a totalizing signifier (for 
				one, recent arrivals like Hmong refugees have had no 
				participation in the disciplinary constitution of the term 
				"Asian American" even if they are bureaucratically subsumed in 
				it). Within the field of Asian Studies in the United States, the 
				holy trinity of China, Japan (with Korea included in the space 
				between the first two), and India still dominates, with 
				Southeast Asian countries (mainly Indonesia) occupying the 
				periphery. The Philippines then constitutes the margin or fold 
				within the periphery, better known as the "Pacific Rim," despite 
				the fact of its being the only Asian colony of the United 
				States. Geopolitics, however, has superseded historical memory 
				in the present realignment of historical capitalisms after the 
				demise of the Soviet Union and Japan's economic ascendancy. 
				The entry of Filipinos into United States territory in 
				sizable numbers began in 1908, when 141 workers were recruited 
				by the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association. From then to 1946, 
				when formal independence was granted to the islands, at least 
				125,000 Filipino workers exchanged their labor as commodity with 
				the sugar planters (McWilliams 235). By 1930, there were 108,260 
				Filipinos all over the United States -- though most were 
				farmworkers concentrated on the West Coast. They had an 
				indeterminate status; neither protected wards nor citizens, they 
				were subjected to various forms of racist discrimination and 
				exclusion, circumscribed by (among others) laws of 
				antimiscegenation and prohibited from employment in government 
				and ownership of land. Deterritorialized in this way, Filipinos 
				in the process of affirming their human rights and dignity 
				forged a culture of resistance linking their homeland and place 
				of expatriation. Parallel to the incessant revolts of peasants 
				in the colonized islands, Filipino workers organized one of the 
				first unions in Hawaii in 1919, the Filipino Federation of 
				Labor, which spearheaded industrywide multiracial strikes in 
				1920 and 1924. In 1934, the Filipino Labor Union was organized 
				in California with 2,000 active members; it organized the 
				historic strike of 1934 in Salinas, California, and set the 
				stage for the Filipino Agricultural Workers Organizing 
				Committee, which led the grape strike of 1965, matrix of the 
				United Farm Workers of America (UFW) (CIIR). 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| CHINA  Nanjing Massacre (1937-1938) 
				FROM: http://www.cnd.org/mirror/nanjing/ 
				In December 1937, Nanjing fell to the Japanese Imperial 
				Army. The Japanese army launched a massacre for six weeks. 
				According to the records of several welfare organizations which 
				buried the dead bodies after the Massacre, around three hundred 
				thousand people, mostly civilians and POWs, were brutally 
				slaughtered. 
				Over twenty thousand cases of rape were reported. Many of 
				the victims were gang raped and then killed. The figure did not 
				include those captives who were sent to army brothels (the 
				so-called "comfort stations"). 
				It must be reminded that contrary to Germany the Japanese 
				government has never made any formal or official apology to the 
				Chinese people for their crimes committed during the war. 
				Instead, a number of Japanese politicians and writers 
				denied not just the Massacre but any of their wrong doings in 
				the Second World War. They claimed that they had "liberated" 
				Asian peoples from Western colonialism. The Nanjing Massacre is 
				one of their so-called "liberations". 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				INDINESIA - 1998/1999 | 
			 
			
				| 
				CHINESE 
				IN THE USA | 
			 
		 
		
		
		 
			
				| 
				 JOB LOCKOUTS vs RIOTS 
				  
				
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				   
				From: http://newman.baruch.cuny.edu/digital/redscare/HTMLCODE/CHRON/RS033.HTM 
				 | 
			 
			
				| NEW ORLEANS - 1900 FROM: http://www.marxists.org/archive/deleon/works/000730.htm 
				RACE RIOTS 
				by 
				Daniel DeLeon 
				The Daily People 
				July 30, 1900 
				A flood of ignorance is pouring out of the papers 
				regarding the slaughter of the Negroes in New Orleans by the 
				mob. 
				Various explanations are given, all silly, and many 
				"remedies" are suggested, each one vying with the other in 
				craziness. 
				The war in New Orleans is not between black and white. It 
				is a war between workingmen, and the prize they battle for is a 
				"job"; and that job means the same to them as the carcass of the 
				animal, over which two savages fight, means to the savage: life 
				or death. 
				When the vulgar editors prate about "racial hate" and 
				ascribe the riots to that, they merely display their crass 
				ignorance. 
				We are living in a time when the comforts of life, and all 
				the material wealth needed to bring happiness to every human 
				being, can be produced in abundance. There is no need whatever 
				for one human being to go hungry, homeless or naked. Man's 
				inventive genius has developed the tool to that point, and 
				guided the natural forces to that degree, that abundance is 
				possible to all. 
				But between that abundance and its enjoyment by the 
				children of men an obstacle is interposed. That obstacle is the 
				modern social system, capitalism, and its defenders and 
				beneficiaries are the capitalist class. 
				Balked and baffled by this obstacle, eyeing wistfully that 
				abundance of wealth which the capitalist class forbids them to 
				touch, the ignorant workingmen, black and white, instead of 
				fighting the capitalist, with wealth and freedom as the prize at 
				stake, fall to fighting each other; and the stakes in that 
				conflict are: death to the loser; poverty, misery and 
				wage-slavery to the winner. 
				More horrible than the battle of the savages who fought 
				for the meat, is this fight between workingmen. This has for a 
				result the survival of the slave. A more brutal and demoralizing 
				spectacle cannot be conceived. 
				How strong becomes the desire to forever end a system and 
				a class responsible for this manifestation of social atavism! 
				What bitter hate must fill the breast of the class-conscious 
				proletarian for the real authors: the capitalist class! 
				To the work, then, of organizing and educating the 
				proletariat, to fight for wealth and freedom, and not for 
				poverty and slavery; to fight their masters and not their fellow 
				slaves, and to win that victory in the class war which will 
				forever put an end to race riots. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| SPRINGFIELD, IL - 1908 FROM: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/ 
				By the turn of the century, Springfield, Illinois was no 
				longer the small town in which Abraham Lincoln lived, but a 
				growing industrial center. The population of Springfield had 
				grown at an alarming rate; it had nearly doubled since the last 
				shot of the Civil War was heard in 1865. The numbers of people 
				moving into Springfield increased faster than the creation of 
				new jobs. The new workers added more tension to an already tight 
				job market. The southern blacks emigrants and new European 
				immigrants vied with white workers for factory and coal mining 
				jobs. Blacks were, in some instances, brought in as scabs 
				(replacements for striking laborers). Springfield had the 
				largest percentage of blacks of any comparable city in Illinois. 
				This fierce competition for jobs created an enormous amount of 
				strife between the established white population and the new 
				influx of blacks. 
				During the miserably hot summer of 1908, the racial 
				tension heightened. On the night of Independence Day, 1908, 
				Clergy Ballard, a respectable mining engineer, had his home 
				broken into. He was awakened from his sleep by some unfamiliar 
				noises in his home. When investigating, he saw a stranger at the 
				bedside of his young innocent daughter. The intruder, upon 
				discovery ran out of the house. Ballard gave chase and caught 
				the assailant who, unfortunately for Ballard, had a straight 
				razor and slashed Ballard's throat. Clergy Ballard died the next 
				morning from wounds received that horrible night. 
				The people of Springfield were led by the press to believe 
				that the crime was a thwarted sexual assault attempt. The public 
				was outraged by the ugliness of the crime. Before Clergy Ballard 
				died he managed to identify the assailant as a Joe James, a 
				local black man with a long police record of minor criminal 
				offenses. He was later caught by a band of angry whites and 
				beaten unconscious. The police rescued James from the crowd and 
				carted him off to jail for murder and attempted rape. 
				The townspeople outraged by two horrible and vicious 
				crimes on respectable white women gathered at the southwest 
				corner of Seventh and Jefferson. There the Sangamon County Jail 
				housed the two hated individuals, James and Richardson. As the 
				temperature soared into the high nineties, the mood of the crowd 
				became more hostile. Obviously becoming intent on some kind of 
				vigilante justice, the crowd demanded the release of the two 
				alleged offenders. Sheriff Charles Werner, seeing that the crowd 
				was getting out of hand and fearing the safety of his prisoners, 
				devised a plan to transport the two to safety. A false fire 
				alarm was sounded to divert the crowd's attention while the 
				prisoners were escorted out the back of the jail to a car owned 
				by a local restaurateur, Harry Loper. By 5 o'clock the two 
				prisoners were on the train to safety in Bloomington, a town 
				sixty miles north of Springfield. 
				Then the sheriff announced that the crowd might as well 
				disperse because the men that they wanted were no longer in the 
				jail. This apparently enraged the crowd and that's where the 
				violent trouble began. Under the leadership of a few inspiring 
				individuals like Kate Howard, a local rooming house owner who 
				was notorious for her hatred of blacks, the crowd moved from the 
				county jail down to Harry Loper's restaurant when it learned 
				that his car was used in the escape plot. The crowd stalled at 
				the sight of Harry Loper standing in the doorway with his rifle, 
				but after he left by the back door the mob preceded to trash and 
				destroy his stylish restaurant. They consumed the liquor, broke 
				plate glassed windows, demolished the interior, and torched his 
				five thousand dollar automobile. 
				The local authorities attempted to control the crowd, but 
				were overwhelmed and outnumbered. Mayor Roy Reece of Springfield 
				was forced into hiding by threats from the angry crowd. 
				Fortunately for Springfield, Governor Charles Dedeen was in town 
				and promptly activated the State militia. The crowd, however, 
				was still on the move. 
				Urged on by shouts of "Women desire protection and this 
				seems the only way to get it" the mob's intent had changed from 
				the original purpose of seeking their own form of justice to 
				clearing the entire town of blacks. Now the crowd headed toward 
				the black commercial section of the city called the Levee where 
				they broke into Fishman's pawn shop, a Jewish owned business, 
				and stole weapons that would in the near future destroy many 
				businesses, homes, and dreams. The mob now possessing guns, 
				ammunition, and ropes, moved through the Levee, destroying all 
				black businesses that were in sight. The violent crowd destroyed 
				two or three blocks of the Levee. After having laid waste to a 
				number of Negro established businesses in Springfield the mob 
				then moved north heading toward the black residential section 
				known as the Badlands. 
				On the way, however, a section of the angry crowd 
				encountered the first resistance when they confronted a black 
				barber named Scott Burton. When he saw the mob approach, Burton 
				decided to protect his property and stood in the doorway with a 
				shotgun. The mob wanted to destroy the barber shop because it 
				was owned by a black man and because he had a white wife, but 
				they did not want to get killed themselves. Out of fear Burton 
				fired a blast of buckshot into the crowd. The crowd returned the 
				fire and Burton was killed. His barber shop was burned and his 
				body was paraded from his porch to a place several blocks away 
				where it was hanged from a tree outside a saloon. Burton's 
				corpse became the symbol of the mob's hatred of blacks and was 
				riddled by bullets until the militia came and put a stop to that 
				action. 
				But then the mob then moved on to the black residential 
				area of Springfield. Rioters set fire to the houses of blacks 
				avoiding only the homes with white handkerchiefs tied outside 
				which signified they were homes owned or inhabited by whites. 
				When firemen arrived, the crowd hindered their progress and even 
				cut their hoses. It was estimated that a crowd of nearly 12,000 
				people had gathered to watch the Badlands burn. Black families 
				were forced to run to surrounding towns or find refuge within 
				the hostile city. Some blacks found safety with white people 
				they knew, others went to the State Armory, and still others 
				tried just to get out of town. Those that went to surrounding 
				towns were met by signs that read, "All Niggers are warned out 
				of town by Monday, 12 Sharp!". By midnight some national guard 
				units arrived and dispersed the mob and the violence ended for 
				Friday night. 
				See site link for the rest of the story and photos: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/?tqskip1=1&tqtime=0816 
				 | 
			 
			
				| CHICAGO 
				- 1919 (1919), most 
				severe of approximately 25 race riots throughout the U.S. in the 
				"Red Summer" (meaning "bloody") following World War I; a 
				manifestation of racial frictions intensified by large-scale 
				Negro migration to the North, industrial labour competition, 
				overcrowding in urban ghettos, and greater militancy among black 
				war veterans who had fought "to preserve democracy." In the 
				South, revived Ku Klux Klan activities resulted in 64 lynchings 
				in 1918 and 83 in 1919; race riots broke out in Washington, 
				D.C.; Knoxville, Tenn.; Longview, Texas; and Phillips County, 
				Ark. In the North the worst race riots erupted in Chicago and in 
				Omaha, Neb. 
				Chicago racial tension, concentrated on the South Side, 
				was particularly exacerbated by the pressure for adequate 
				housing: the black population had increased from 44,000 in 1910 
				to more than 109,000 in 1920. The riot was triggered by the 
				death of a black youth on July 27. He had been swimming in Lake 
				Michigan and had drifted into an area tacitly reserved for 
				whites; he was stoned and he shortly drowned. When police 
				refused to arrest the white man whom black observers held 
				responsible for the incident, indignant crowds began to gather 
				on the beach, and the disturbance began. Distorted rumours swept 
				the city as sporadic fighting broke out between gangs and mobs 
				of both races. Violence escalated with each incident, and for 13 
				days Chicago was without law and order despite the fact that the 
				state militia had been called out on the fourth day. By the end, 
				38 were dead (23 blacks, 15 whites), 537 injured, and 1,000 
				black families made homeless. 
				The horror of the Chicago Race Riot helped shock the 
				nation out of indifference to its growing racial conflict. Pres. 
				Woodrow Wilson castigated the "white race" as "the aggressor" in 
				both the Chicago and Washington riots, and efforts were launched 
				to promote racial harmony through voluntary organizations and 
				ameliorative legislation in Congress. The period also marked a 
				new willingness on the part of black men to fight for their 
				rights in the face of injustice and oppression. 
				FROM: http://www.uic.edu/orgs/kbc/ganghistory/Industrial%20Era/Riotbegins.html - 
				SEE THIS LINK FOR PHOTOS 
				From July 27 to August 2, 1919, a race riot broke out in 
				Chicago. When it was over thirty-eight people were dead, 537 
				injured and about 1000 rendered homeless. The incident which 
				sparked the riot was the drowning of a black youth after he 
				drifted onto a white area of a beach, on a hot, 96 degree day. 
				The reasons for the riot, however, lie with segregation, vicious 
				racism, and the organized activities of white gangs, many of 
				which were sponsored by Chicago's political machine. Most of the 
				rioting, murder, and arson were concentrated in the Black Belt. 
				"The rioting was characterized by much activity on the 
				part of gangs of hoodlums, and the clashes developed from sudden 
				and spontaneous assaults into organized raids against life and 
				property." (1) 
				"As part of the background of the Chicago riot, the 
				activities of gangs of hoodlums should be cited. There had been 
				friction for years, especially along the western boundary of the 
				area in which the Negroes mainly live, and in the spring just 
				preceding the riot. They reached a climax on the night of June 
				21, 1919, five weeks before the riot, when two Negroes were 
				murdered. Each was alone at the time and was the victim of 
				unprovoked and particularly brutal attack. Molestation of 
				Negroes by hoodlums had been prevalent in the vicitiy of parks 
				and playgrounds and at bathing-beaches." (3) 
				As the riot began, clashes between whites and blacks 
				stepped up. The report continues; 
				"Further to the west, as darkness came on, white gangsters 
				became active. Negores in whtie districts suffered severely at 
				their hands. From 9:00pm until 3:00am twenty-seven Negores were 
				beaten, seven were stabbed, and four were shot." (5) 
				Black and white people went to work the next day without 
				incident, but a street strike forced workers to walk, creating 
				opportunities for mayhem. "But as the afternoon wore on, white 
				men and boys living between the Stock Yarks and the "Black Belt" 
				sought malicious amusement in directing mob violence against 
				Negro workers returning home." (5-6) 
				Black mobs retaliated against the white violence. As the 
				violence increased, police fired into a crowd of black 
				demonstrators, killing four. Whites became emboldened "Gangs in 
				white districts grew bolder, finally taking the offensive in 
				raids through territory "invaded" by Negro home seekers. Boys 
				between sixteen and twenty-two banded together to enjoy the 
				excitement of the chase….(6) 
				"Automobile raids were added to the rioting on Monday 
				night. Cars from which rifle and revolver shots were fired were 
				driven at great spead through sections inhabited by Negroes." 
				(6) No white raiders were arrested and Blacks began "sniping" in 
				retaliation. Chicago's Police Chief admitted to the Commission: 
				"There is no doubt that a great many police officers were 
				grossly unfair in making arrests. They shut their eyes to 
				offenses committed by white men while they were veryvigorous in 
				gettijng all the colored men they could get." (34). Twice as 
				many blacks were arrested than whites. 
				The next day gang violence grew worse: 
				"A white gang of soldiers and sailors in uniform, 
				augmented by civilians, raide the "Loop" or downtown section of 
				Chicago, early Tuesday, killing two Negroes and beating and 
				robbing several others…..Gangs sprang up as far south as 
				Sixty-third Street in Englewood and in the section west of 
				Wentworth Avenue near Forty-seventh Street. Premeditated 
				depredations were the order of the night. Many Negro homes in 
				mixed districts were attacked, and several of them were burned." 
				Lasalle Street railroad station was invaded twice, with white 
				gangs hunting for Black workers or riders (20). 
				Rain seemed to calm the 
				riot for a few days and fires in the Stock Yards left 948 
				people, mainly Lithuanians, homeless. While Blacks were blamed 
				for the fires, the Grand Jury suspected they were started by 
				back of the Yards white gangs "for the purpose of inciting race 
				feeling by blaming same on the blacks." (16). But by then, the 
				riot had run its course.
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| TULSA - 1921 Tulsa panel 
				seeks truth from 1921 race riot 
				Commission to recommend if survivors should be compensated 
				August 3, 1999 
				TULSA, Oklahoma (CNN) -- Beulah Smith and Kenny Booker, 
				two elderly Oklahomans, lived through one of the worst race 
				riots in U.S. history, a rarely mentioned 1921 Tulsa blood bath 
				that officially took dozens of African-American lives, but more 
				likely claimed hundreds. Perhaps even thousands. 
				The Tulsa Race Riot Commission, formed two years ago to 
				determine exactly what happened, will consider next week the 
				controversial issue of what, if any, reparations should be paid 
				to the known survivors of the riot, a group of less than 100 
				that includes Smith, now 92, and Booker, 86. 
				'The gun went off, the riot was on' 
				On the night of May 31, 1921, mobs called for the lynching 
				of Dick Rowland, a black man who shined shoes, after hearing 
				reports that on the previous day he had assaulted Sarah Page, a 
				white woman, in the elevator she operated in a downtown 
				building. 
				A local newspaper had printed a fabricated story that 
				Rowland tried to rape Page. In an editorial, the same newspaper 
				said a hanging was planned for that night. 
				As groups of both blacks and whites converged on the Tulsa 
				courthouse, a white man in the crowd confronted an armed black 
				man, a war veteran, who had joined with other blacks to protect 
				Rowland. 
				Commission member Eddie Faye Gates told CNN what happened 
				next. "This white man," she said, asked the black man, "'What 
				are you doing with this gun?'" 
				"'I'm going to use it if I have to,'" the black man said, 
				according to Gates, "and (the white man) said, 'No, you're not. 
				Give it to me,' and he tried to take it. The gun went off, the 
				white man was dead, the riot was on." 
				Truckloads of whites set fires and shot blacks on sight. 
				When the smoke lifted the next day, more than 1,400 homes and 
				businesses in Tulsa's Greenwood district, a prosperous area 
				known as the "black Wall Street," lay in ruins. 
				Today, only a single block of the original buildings 
				remains standing in the area. 
				The official death toll was below 100, most of them black, 
				but there was always doubt about the actual number. Experts now 
				estimate that at least 300 people, and perhaps as many as 3,000, 
				died. 
				'We're in a heck of a lot of trouble' 
				Beulah Smith was 14 years old the night of the riot. A 
				neighbor named Frenchie came pounding on her family's door in a 
				Tulsa neighborhood known as "Little Africa" that also went up in 
				flames. 
				"'Get your families out of here because they're killing 
				niggers uptown,'" she remembers Frenchie saying. "We hid in the 
				weeds in the hog pen," Smith told CNN. 
				People in a mob that came to Kenny Booker's house asked, 
				"'Nigger, do you have a gun?'" he told CNN. 
				Booker, then a teen-ager, hid with his family in their 
				attic until the home was torched. "When we got downstairs, 
				things were burning. My sister asked me, 'Kenny, is the world on 
				fire?' I said, 'I don't know, but we're in a heck of a lot of 
				trouble, baby.'" 
				Another riot survivor, Ruth Avery, who was 7 at the time, 
				gives an account matched by others who told of bombs dropped 
				from small airplanes passing overhead. The explosive devices may 
				have been dynamite or Molotov cocktails -- gasoline-filled 
				bottles set afire and thrown as grenades. 
				"They'd throw it down and when it'd hit, it would burst 
				into flames," Avery said. 
				Unmarked graves 
				Many of the survivors "mentioned bodies were stacked like 
				cord wood," says Richard Warner of the Tulsa Historical Society. 
				In its search for the facts, the commission has literally 
				been trying to dig up the truth. 
				Two headstones at Tulsa's Oaklawn Cemetery indicate that 
				riot victims are buried there. In an effort to determine how 
				many, archeological experts in May used ground-piercing radar 
				and other equipment to test the soil in a search for unmarked 
				graves. 
				The test picked up indications that dozens, if not 
				hundreds, of people may have been buried in an area just outside 
				the cemetery. 
				Further tests will be conducted, but there are no plans to 
				excavate the area. 
				The Tulsa commission is scheduled to release its final 
				report on the riot in January. For many of the survivors, the 
				issue is not money -- they want an apology. 
				"We were innocent," Booker said. "We didn't do anything to 
				start this race riot." 
				Correspondent Charles Zewe and The Associated Press 
				contributed to this report, written by Jim Morris 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| THE WELLAND CANAL - 1943 FROM:  http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm 
				Irish on the Welland Canal 
				Many fleeting Irish, especially from the counties of Cork 
				and Connaught, came to Canada seeking a fresh start and found it 
				in the Niagara region. 
				The Welland Canal, a man made waterway meant to carry 
				ships around the falls at Niagara, would require many workers 
				and as advertisements (from 1821) showed, a wage of $12 a month! 
				was waiting for the men who would build it. 
				"Slabtown" Irish men swarmed in, many with their families, 
				so many that towns were soon brimming past full or springing up 
				along the canal at construction sites. Merriton and Thorold were 
				two such and St. Catharines grew expansively with the influx. 
				Difficulties in funding for the Canal, changes in course, 
				or stoppages of work all together, along with poor living 
				conditions made life for these immigrants difficult. Also, 
				coming to a new country did not erase old rivalries and bigotry 
				among the workers and indeed, irritated them, since there was 
				competition for jobs both here and on other similar projects. 
				Slabtown was the nickname given to the community of 
				Welland Canal workers who lived in rough slab shanties. Many of 
				these workers were Irish and tensions mounted which were 
				directly rooted in the Catholic _ Protestant split within the 
				community. Trouble broke out constantly and in 1943 rioting 
				broke out. 
				Aug. 18, 1842 Quest for food: Irish Laborers- letter from 
				Constantine Lee, D.D., Catholic Pastor. - They plundered Mr. 
				Barrett's storehouse at the Quarry. They admitted coming for 
				something to eat and if it was not given them they were prepared 
				to take it. - They planned to plunder Oliver Phelp's red mill, 
				but (Pastor) Lee prevented them. 70 shanties have been built 
				between this village and the mountain locks. Tried to plunder 
				flour from flouring mills of Henry Mittleberger - none there so 
				they plundered the schooner "Mariner". 
				Oct. 26, 1843 Labour Force: Expense of Canal Riots Dec. 
				14, 1843 More Canal riots among the laborers of the Welland 
				Canal - One of the officers, Mr. Wheeler, went out to make an 
				arrest at the Canalers Shanty at Allenburg and found he accused 
				armed and determined to resist... an express was sent off to D. 
				McFarland, Esq., Port Robinson for the assistance of a 
				detachment of the colored corps (see below) stationed there to 
				quell rioters. Many of the canallers along the line having 
				refused to work at the reduced prices offered by the 
				contractors, having been idle for some time past - their funds 
				are running low and they are becoming desperate. 
				Dec. 21, 1843 Strike Canal Rioters are striking for more 
				than 50 (cents) daily and increase in January to 5 York 
				Shillings. The strikers want more - above Port Robinson last 
				Friday - serious. 
				Feb. 16, 1844 Starvation and Riot Editorial on riots. Many 
				hundreds of men, women and children apparently in he last sages 
				of starvation.   More to be discharged when navigation 
				opens. Wm. Benson, Esq., head officer of the Police Force of the 
				Division Port Dalhousie to near Allenburg sends the following 
				Statement consisting entirely of diggers, stone cutters, 
				mechanics, quarry men and other laborers not included, which 
				amount to 500 more. Mr. Bonallie's portion of the canal, which 
				includes the Feeder and Broad Creek is probably about the same. 
				Canal laborers: 
				working 658 
				idle 645 
				women 666 
				children 1, 209 
				total = 3, 178 of this number, only 42 are reported sick. 
				Apr. 12 1844 Strike on Lachine Canal - demand for increase 
				by men on Mr. Wait's contract - want 2s.3d., no 2s. they get. 
				July 19, 1844 Strike on section of Canal through Thorold. 
				Further south - no trouble. 
				Sept. 20, 1844 Riots on Canal July 10, 1845 Have Major 
				Richardson and Benson Situation in some detail Jul 17, 1845 - 
				controversy on the canal, prejudice. (Benson resigned and Major 
				Richardson replaced him as the "law" on the Canal. Supt. of 
				Police on Canal. 
				June 28, 1844 Terms Canal workers from Barnets Lock to 
				Thorold refuse to work on Monday except at an advance on wages. 
				They get   6s. New York currency per day and want 7s. 
				Feb. 19, 1846 Notice - 
				John Richardson, late Stipendiary Magistrate and Superintendent 
				of Police on he Welland Canal has been removed from the above 
				situations. Allenburg, Feb. 2, 1846, J. Thompson. Also an 
				editorial about Richardson and his good work. Police are no 
				longer needed on the Canal. 
				See   http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm for 
				more 
				 | 
			 
			
				| QUEBEC - 1992 FROM: http://www.wumingfoundation.com/english/giap/giapdigest10.html 
				1. The three days of Quebec City proved that the global 
				movement is not suffering any 'demographical crisis', which 
				people were afraid of after Nice and Davos. There is no risk of 
				a crisis when the movement successfully appeals to local, 
				peculiar characteristics. In plain words, the activists made the 
				most of Quebec's anti-imperial and anti-centralist feelings, 
				making the reasons of the protest intelligible by the 
				French-speaking population of Canada. 
				From saturday early afternoon to the dawn of monday, 
				10,000 rioters besieged the forbidden citadel then attacked and 
				tore down the Wall of Shame. They could do it by swimming in the 
				sea of the 50,000 demonstrators gathered by the unions and the 
				Summit of the Peoples of the Americas. In their turn, all these 
				people swam in the ocean of general solidarity, in a sympathetic 
				town and region which didn't lock out, indeed, rejected 
				corporate psychological terrorism and reacted to the state of 
				emergency in manifold ways. A few dozen yards from the riots, 
				bars were open and their windows showed such stickers as "Fuck 
				Le Sommet". The inhabitants of the St.Jean Baptiste borough 
				delivered water, baking soda and slices of lemon to attenuate 
				the effects of tear gas. Cab drivers advised demonstrators on 
				the safest routes to take. 
				By relying on a process of reterritorialization, the 
				praxis can supercede all media stereotypes, as well as the risk 
				of becoming a "professional army", kind of "protest 
				globetrotters", barbarians invading alien cities. 
				2. There was neither any distinction nor mutual 
				interference between street action and the work of more 
				institutional "interfaces", i.e. the unionists, NGO delegates, 
				"alternative" "experts" that organized the "counter-summit". 
				While in Seattle some people were still deluded about "dialogue" 
				( sending "observers" to the WTO meetings, setting up allegedly 
				"joint" committees, writing "amendments" to treaties which 
				couldn't be amended etc.), in Quebec City such dreams evaporated 
				even before tear gas filled the streets. The multifarious galaxy 
				of NGOs, environmentalists, trade unions and intellectuals 
				refused mediations and described the FTAA as "neo-liberal, 
				environment-destroying, racist and sexist project." 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| TEAMSTERS - 1934  TO BE REPEATED IN 
				2002 IN OAKLAND, CA ? Friday, June 28, 2002 
				Workers vow unity at port rally 
				By Paul T. Rosynsky 
				Staff Writer 
				OAKLAND -- Union leaders continued to chastise 
				international shippers Thursday, vowing to shut down the 
				country's ports if demands by West Coast dockworkers are not met 
				during current negotiations. 
				As the contentious negotiations between West Coast 
				dockworkers and international shippers moved from behind closed 
				doors to the pages of the nation's newspapers, more than 500 
				union workers gathered in Oakland to show their unity to each 
				other and against the shippers. 
				Led by Teamsters President James Hoffa Jr., the workers 
				shouted chants and held signs declaring "solidarity" and 
				demanding "a share of the wealth" during a rally at Port View 
				Park at the Port of Oakland. 
				"There is only one thing they can't get around ... all 
				these goods have to come through the ports," Hoffa said. "They 
				stand to make billions and billions of dollars and they got to 
				share the profits with our people. We want a piece of the pie." 
				Hoffa came to Oakland to tell leaders of the Pacific 
				Maritime Association, a group representing shippers, that the 
				1.4 million Teamsters will not cross picket lines set up by 
				longshoremen should a strike occur or if shippers decide to lock 
				out workers once a contract between the two expires Monday. 
				Raising hands with ILWU President Jim Spinosa, Hoffa 
				harked back to the union's infamous strike in 1934 in which 
				riots broke out and the ILWU became recognized as a formidable 
				labor party in the country. 
				"We stand together, and this morning we walked into a room 
				with all the employers of the PMA and we delivered a message," 
				Hoffa said. "ILWU does not stand alone; if you lock out the 
				ILWU, you lock out the Teamsters and we will fight you every 
				step of the way." 
				While both sides said they will continue to work beyond 
				the July 1 deadline, many observers worried a job action could 
				occur, especially after it was revealed this week that the two 
				sides have just begun to talk about the highly sensitive issue 
				of introducing technology on the docks. 
				ILWU contends shippers are using the issue as a smoke- 
				screen to send their jobs to foreign countries where labor is 
				cheaper, while shippers say they will not cut jobs and are only 
				trying to make ports more efficient. 
				"There is a way to sit down and negotiate without any 
				major stoppage, but it does not seem to appear that it is going 
				that way," said Robin Lainer, executive director of the Pacific 
				Coast Waterfront Coalition, a Washington, D.C., group 
				representing merchants and some shippers. "It would affect 
				virtually every Fortune 500 company in America." 
				In fact, a recent study conducted by University of 
				California professor Stephen Cohen found a five-day work 
				stoppage at West Coast ports would cost the nation's economy 
				more than $4 billion, as many of the goods sold during the 
				Christmas shopping season are sent during July and August. 
				In addition, a work stoppage on the West Coast could 
				deteriorate into a shutdown across the country as 
				representatives from dockworkers unions along the East Coast 
				also said Thursday they will not accept ships diverted from the 
				west. 
				Despite union claims that the rally in Oakland and at 
				other ports in the country sent a message to the PMA, officials 
				at the organization said negotiations continued Thursday as if 
				the rally did not occur. 
				"I don't really think, despite the public posturing of the 
				union, that it really affects us at the   bargaining 
				table," said PMA spokesman Jack Suite. "I think it is more 
				important for us to talk at the bargaining table." 
				Suite said it is doubtful the negotiations will be 
				completed by Monday's deadline; however, he said it was not 
				unusual for both sides to miss the deadline but continue working 
				until an agreement is found. 
				Workers at the rally, however, said they were ready to 
				take to the picket lines. 
				"I've got a family, we've all got families, but it is 
				going to take these types of actions to make the   
				community see what is going on here," said Edwin Cotton, 51, a 
				dockworker from Oakland. "I'm here in support of our union, and 
				that is what it is going to take." 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| 1934 - BAY BRIDGE RIOTS 
				FROM: http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist4/maritime8.html 
				S.F. WORK ON SPAN HALTED 
				Riots Force Shutdown of Operations, Says Governor in 
				Statement 
				All work on the San Francisco-Oakland bay bridge in San 
				Francisco stopped today as the result of strike riots, Gov. 
				Merriam announced. 
				Work on the San Francisco side of the bridge was in the 
				area bounded by the top of Rincon Hill, the Embarcadero, 
				Harrison and Bryant sts. The units are the viaduct, the 
				anchorage, Pier A, at Main st.; Pier B, on the east side of Main 
				st., and pier 1 at Spear st. 
				Chief Engineer C.H. Purcell will confer with Police Chief 
				Quinn for aid, and Gov. Merriam offered cooperation if the 
				situation is not corrected. 
				The governor’s official statement was: 
				“I have just been informed by Chief Engineer Purcell that 
				strikers have occupied Rincon Hill and the Embarcadero area and 
				that the battle with police this morning has driven off all 
				bridge workers and stopped all bridge work in San Francisco. 
				“The strikers have stopped work at Rincon Hill by 100 
				Healy-Tibbetts construction men and a staff of 15 state bridge 
				engineers and assistants. 
				“The contractors’ men were driven off by rocks and gas at 
				9:50 a.m., although hauling of dirt from Pier A, Pier, B Pier 
				W-1 and the viaduct stopped earlier. 
				“All survey crews were called off by the chief engineer 
				this morning. The effect of the stoppage of work will postpone 
				the date when hiring of steel crews can begin. Mr. Purcell will 
				confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid. If control is not 
				reestablished today, Mr. Purcell will again report to me and I 
				am studying the situation and will give him the co-operation he 
				needs so that work can go on.” 
				The Daily News 
				July 5, 1934 
				 | 
			 
			
				| 1943 RACE RIOTS - DETROIT 
				FROM: http://detnews.com/history/riot/riot.htm  SEE 
				PHOTOS ON THIS LINK 
				A flaming car sets fire to a streetcar station on Woodward 
				in the early hours of the riot. 
				The 1943 Detroit race riots 
				By Vivian M. Baulch and Patricia Zacharias / The 
				Detroit News Even as 
				World War II was transforming Detroit into the Arsenal of 
				Democracy, cultural and social upheavals brought about by the 
				need for workers to man the bustling factories threatened to 
				turn the city into a domestic battleground. 
				Recruiters toured the South convincing whites and blacks 
				to head north with promises of high wages in the new war 
				factories. They arrived in such numbers that it was impossible 
				to house them all. 
				Blacks who believed they were heading to a promised land 
				found a northern bigotry every bit as pervasive and virulent as 
				what they thought they had left behind in the deep south. And 
				southern whites brought their own traditional prejudices with 
				them as both races migrated northward. An injured driver from 
				Busy Bee Moving Company is detained by police after he attempted 
				to drive through a picket line of angry white neighbors near the 
				Sojourner Housing Project. 
				The influx of newcomers strained not only housing, but 
				transportation, education and recreational facilities as well. 
				Wartime residents of Detroit endured long lines everywhere, at 
				bus stops, grocery stores, and even at newsstands where they 
				hoped for the chance to be first answering classified ads 
				offering rooms for rent. Even though the city enjoyed full 
				employment, it suffered the many discomforts of wartime 
				rationing. Child-care programs were nonexistent, with grandma 
				the only hope -- provided she wasn't already working at a 
				defense plant. 
				The prevailing 48-hour work week put lots of money into 
				defense workers pockets, but there were few places to spend it 
				and little to spend it on. Food and housing were either rationed 
				or unavailable. Detroit's nickname was the "Arsenal of 
				Democracy" but stressed-out residents often referred to it as 
				the "arsehole" of democracy. Workers disgruntled by the long 
				commute out to the Willow Run plane factory dubbed that 
				operation "Will it Run." Police try to disburse a crowd of 
				blacks at Sojourner Truth Housing Project Feb. 28, 1942.  
				Times were tough for all, but for the Negro community, times 
				were even tougher. 
				Blacks were excluded from all public housing except the 
				Brewster projects. Many lived in homes without indoor plumbing, 
				yet they paid rent two to three times higher than families in 
				white districts. Blacks were also confronted with a segregated 
				military, discrimination in public accommodations, and unfair 
				treatment by police. 
				The summer of 1941 saw an epidemic of street corner fights 
				involving blacks and Polish youths who were terrorizing black 
				neighborhoods in Detroit and Hamtramck. 
				Early in June 1943, 25,000 Packard plant workers, who 
				produced engines for bombers and PT boats, stopped work in 
				protest of the promotion of three blacks. A handful of agitators 
				whipped up animosity against the promotions. During the strike a 
				voice outside the plant reportedly shouted, "I'd rather see 
				Hitler and Hirohito win than work beside a nigger on the 
				assembly line." 
				Whites resentful over working next to blacks caused many 
				stoppages and slowdowns. Harold Zeck, a former Packard defense 
				worker, recalls the time when a group of women engine workers 
				tried to get the men on the assembly line to walk off the job to 
				protest black female workers using the white restrooms. "They 
				think their fannies are as good as ours," screamed one woman. 
				The protest fizzled when the men refused to walk out. 
				Unions did their best to keep production figures up and to 
				keep the lid on confrontations, even though the Ku Klux Klan and 
				the feared Black Legion were highly organized and visible in the 
				plants. 
				Overcrowded housing combined with government rent control 
				further aggravated racial problems in the city. Once spacious 
				flats were divided and then subdivided into tiny rooms to rent. 
				Many living under these oppressive conditions relied on hopes 
				for the future to get them through the long tiring days. 
				Even before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the federal 
				government was concerned about providing housing for the workers 
				who were beginning to pour into the area. On June 4, 1941, the 
				Detroit Housing Commission approved two sites for defense 
				housing projects--one for whites, one for blacks. The site 
				originally selected by the commission for black workers was in a 
				predominantly black area. But the federal government chose a 
				site at Nevada and Fenelon streets, a white neighborhood. 
				The Rev. Horace White, the only black member of the 
				Housing Commission, stated, "As much as I disagree with the site 
				selection, the housing shortage in Detroit is so acute, 
				particularly among Negroes, that I feel we should cooperate." 
				On Sept. 29, the project was named Sojourner Truth, in 
				memory of the female Negro leader and poet of Civil War days. 
				Despite being completed on Dec. 15, no tenants moved into the 
				homes because of mounting opposition from the white 
				neighborhood. 
				On Jan. 20, 1942, Washington informed the Housing 
				Commission that the Sojourner Truth project would be for whites 
				and another site would be selected for black workers. But when a 
				suitable site for blacks could not be found, Washington housing 
				authorities agreed to allow blacks into the finished homes. 
				On Feb. 27, with a cross burning in a field near the 
				homes, 150 angry whites picketed the project vowing to keep out 
				any black homeowners. By dawn the following day, the crowd had 
				grown to 1,200, many of whom were armed. 
				The first black tenants, rent paid and leases signed, 
				arrived at 9 a.m. but left the area fearing trouble. It wasn't 
				long in coming. Fighting began when two blacks in a car 
				attempted to run through the picket line. Clashes between white 
				and black groups continued into the afternoon when 16 mounted 
				police attempted to break up the fighting. Tear gas and shotgun 
				shell were flying through the air. Officials announced an 
				indefinite postponement of the move. 
				Detroit newspapers, union leaders, and many other whites 
				campaigned for the government to allow the black workers to move 
				into the homes. The families, having given up whatever shelter 
				they had in anticipation of their new homes, were left with no 
				place to go and were temporarily housed with other families in 
				the Brewster Homes and other sites. 
				Finally, despite the simmering resentment, black families 
				moved into the project at the end of April. Detroit Mayor Edward 
				Jeffries ordered Detroit police and state troops to keep the 
				peace during the move. 
				Walter Jackson, a 35-year-old defense worker, his wife and 
				five children were the first to move in. "We are here now and 
				let the bad luck happen," said Jackson. "I have only got one 
				time to die and I'd just as soon die here." 
				Jackson, a short, wiry 130-pound former UAW-CIO shop 
				steward, had taken an active part in the auto sit-down strikes 
				of 1937. 
				White neighbors on the project's eastern boundary quizzed 
				each passing white: "Which side are you on?" A score of white 
				women, some pushing baby carriages, waved American flags and 
				paraded briefly along Conley Avenue north of the project. They 
				booed when the Rev. White appeared to show support for the new 
				neighbors. 
				Although the Sojourner Truth riots resulted in no 
				fatalities, the trouble was a warning of what was to come. 
				By 1943 the number of blacks in Detroit had doubled since 
				1933 to 200,000 and racial tensions in the city grew 
				accordingly. To protest unfair conditions, some blacks began a 
				"bumping campaign" -- walking into whites on the streets and 
				bumping them off the sidewalks, or nudging them in elevators. 
				Local and national media anticipated trouble. Life 
				Magazine called the situation dynamite. On June 20, blacks and 
				whites clashed in minor skirmishes on Belle Isle. Two young 
				blacks, angered that they had been ejected from Eastwood Park 
				some five days previously, had gone to Belle Isle to try to even 
				the score. Police began to search cars of blacks crossing to 
				Belle Isle but they did not search cars driven by whites. 
				Fighting on the island began around 10 p.m. and police declared 
				it under control by midnight. More than 200 blacks and whites 
				had participated in the free-for-all. 
				Rumors began to fly. 
				Leo Tipton and Charles (Little Willie) Lyons told a black 
				crowd at the Forest Social Club, 700 Forest, that whites had 
				thrown a black woman and her baby off the Belle Isle Bridge. 
				More than 500 angry and fearful patrons swarmed onto the street. 
				The angry crowd moved to Woodward, near Paradise Valley, 
				breaking windows and looting stores. 
				Nearby, just west of Woodward in an area inhabited by 
				southern whites, another rumor swept the neighborhood--blacks 
				had raped and murdered a white woman on the Belle Isle Bridge. 
				An angry mob of whites spilled onto Woodward near the Roxy 
				Theater around 4 a.m., beating blacks as they were getting off 
				street cars. 
				At least six Detroit policemen were shot in the melees, 
				and another 75 were injured. 
				Woodward was the dividing line between the roving black 
				and white gangs. Whites took over Woodward up to Vernor and 
				overturned and burned 20 cars belonging to blacks, looting 
				stores as they went. The virtual guerrilla warfare overwhelmed 
				the 2,000 city police officers and 150 state police troopers. A 
				crowd of 100,000 spectators gathered near Grand Circus Park 
				looking for something to watch. A white mob moves up Woodward 
				looking for trouble in the early hours of the 1943 riot. At 
				least two overturned cars can be seen in the background. 
				 
				The first death was a white pedestrian killed by a 
				taxicab. Later four white youths shot and killed Moses Kiska, 
				58, a black man who was waiting for a bus at Mack and Chene. 
				The white Detroit police officers who patrolled Paradise 
				Valley considered all blacks on Hastings Street looters. They 
				reportedly told bystanders to "run and not look back." Some were 
				shot in the back running from police. 
				Disregarding police warnings, a white doctor, Joseph De 
				Horatiis, entered a black neighborhood on a house call. Within 
				moments he was hit with a rock, pulled from his car and beaten 
				to death by rioters. A monument to the Italian physician was 
				dedicated in 1946 at East Grand and Gratiot. 
				A black man coming off a bus on Woodward was beaten by a 
				white mob in front of four policemen who made no effort to 
				protect the victim or arrest the whites. 
				Mayor Edward Jeffries Jr. and Governor Harry Kelly asked 
				President Roosevelt for help in restoring order. Federal troops 
				in armored cars and jeeps with automatic weapons moved down 
				Woodward. The sight of the troops with their overwhelming 
				firepower cooled the fervor of the rioters and the mobs began to 
				melt away. 
				The toll was appalling. The 36 hours of rioting claimed 34 
				lives, 25 of them black. More than 1,800 were arrested for 
				looting and other incidents, the vast majority black. Thirteen 
				murders remained unsolved. A white mob overturns a car belonging 
				to a black man on Woodward. The whites running at right are 
				chasing the driver. 
				Five black men received 80-day jail terms for disturbing 
				the peace. Two were acquitted. Twenty-eight were charged and 
				convicted on various charges including concealed weapons, 
				destruction of property, assault, larceny. There was little 
				arson, due to gasoline rationing, but more than a few cars were 
				overturned and torched. 
				Tipton and Little, the two blacks linked to the original 
				rumor, were sentenced to two-to-five years for inciting a riot. 
				The city's white police force was criticized for its 
				"restraint" in dealing with the black rioters, despite the fact 
				that only blacks -- 17 of them -- were killed by police. 
				Police Commissioner John H. Witherspoon defended his force 
				and his refusal to issue shoot-to-kill orders, saying hundreds 
				could have been killed. "All of those killed would not have been 
				hoodlums or murderers--many would have been victims of mob 
				psychology or innocent bystanders. If a shoot-to-kill policy was 
				right, my judgment was wrong." 
				Mayor Jeffries praised the police and said he was "rapidly 
				losing my patience with those Negro leaders who insist that 
				their people do not and will not trust policemen." The mayor 
				asked the Rev. White to search for 200 qualified Negroes to join 
				the police force. 
				Thurgood Marshall, then with the NAACP, assailed the 
				city's handling of the riot. He charged that police unfairly 
				targeted blacks while turning their backs on white atrocities. 
				He said 85 percent of those arrested were black while whites 
				overturned and burned cars in front of the Roxy Theater with 
				impunity while police watched. 
				"This weak-kneed policy of the police commissioner coupled 
				with the anti-Negro attitude of many members of the force helped 
				to make a riot inevitable," Marshall said. 
				Despite Detroit's history of problems, the Seal of the 
				City of Detroit offers hopeful and timeless mottoes: "Speramus 
				meliora" (We hope for better things) and "Resurget Cineribus" 
				(It will rise from the ashes.) Rioters overturn car on Woodward 
				and Vernor. Moments later they set it on fire. 
				~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 
				DETROIT - 1967 
				FROM:  http://www.davison.k12.mi.us/dms/CivilRightsWebPage/krk.htm 
				Do you know where your parents or grandparents were on 
				July 23, 1967? They might have been in a "Detroit riot". A riot 
				is a huge fight in the streets . One of the worst riot in United 
				States history happened on that sad day in July. This particular 
				riot all began with racism. 
				This whole riot started out just to be a little protest, 
				but soon evolved into a huge crowd of raging madmen fighting 
				anyone from a different race whom they could find. It was mainly 
				against blacks and whites. People started to burn down buildings 
				and vandalize other people's property. And this was only the 
				first day of the riot.   The police didn't do anything 
				to stop it because in the past riots, it just caused more 
				fighting and violence. But the past riots weren't as bad as this 
				one.   Finally, the police had decided that this one 
				had gone too far. So they had to try and do something. 
				On the second night of the riot people started calling 
				their friends and relatives from out of town to come and help 
				them fight. The people, all armed with weapons, just wanted to 
				cause even more trouble. No one could see an end to this 
				horrifying terror. By now, some of the people who participated 
				in this riot were either arrested or badly injured. But the 
				people just kept on coming and fighting. 
				On the third day of the riot, the police had decided to 
				call for backup because the riot had gotten so bad that they 
				couldn't handle it by themselves. This is the first time during 
				the riot that the police has asked for any help.   The 
				police tried to use nightsticks and tear gas to try and get 
				control of the angry mob, but it didn't work. Then they decided 
				to bring out the dogs, but that didn't work either. Nothing the 
				police tried had worked. The peoples hatred drove them to 
				murder. 
				When the fighting finally calmed down, over 14 square 
				miles of the town had been destroyed. Over 7,000 people had been 
				arrested, 1,300 buildings destroyed, 2,700 businesses were 
				looted, and 43 people were killed. It was heard throughout 
				America and these three days are known as an embarrassment to us 
				as Americans. There have been many riots before, but for 
				different reasons. This one began with racism. 
				 | 
			 
		 
		
		
		 
			
				| NEWARK, N.J.  1967 
				FROM: http://www.gfsnet.org/msweb/sixties/newarkriots67.htm 
				1967, several race riots occurred. However, one of the 
				better known riots occurred in Newark, New Jersey. Race riots 
				were breaking up the United States during the 60's and 70's. 
				These race riots were normally between African-Americans and and 
				white policemen accused of brutality towards these 
				African-Americans. Many times these race riots were located in 
				the slums of the city. In particular, the race riots of 1967, 
				were said to have sparked the assassination of Martin Luther 
				King, Jr. Many times African-American stores were looted and 
				destroyed by whites. These race riots would go on for days and 
				only come to a halt when the death toll had reached an enormous 
				amount. Race riots came to be because of a lack unfairness 
				towards the African-American people. Many times they would not 
				be able to make enough money, and for some reason made some 
				white people angry. Race riots sometimes broke out for a reason 
				of competition for jobs between African-Americans and whites. 
				Difficult conditions in low-income housing was another reason 
				for riots. After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. 
				many other terrible riots occurred. Newark was one of the 
				thousands of places where race riots occurred. However, the 
				riots in Newark were very extreme and terrible. Race riots were 
				a terrible issue in the 60's and 70's and are sometimes still a 
				problem in the world today. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| BOMBAY - 1993 FROM:  http://www.altindia.net/jp/MISSING%20PERSONS%20OF%20BOMBAY%20RIOTS.html 
				MISSING PERSONS OF BOMBAY RIOTS 
				Shabbir Kotawala and Shabbir Lakhat left their Malad home 
				at 11 am on January 10, 93, to rescue their sister-in-law from 
				riot-torn Jogeshwari. They neither reached their sister-in-law's 
				home, nor did they ever come back. 
				Their wives, Rashida and Fiza, observed the official 
				mourning only this year. ``For three months we neither ate nor 
				drank, hoping that they would walk in through the door any 
				moment,'' says 25-year-old Fiza. 
				This hope took them as far as the Nashik Jail, where many 
				riot arrested had been lodged. ``We would hang around Arthur 
				road Jail too, peering into the police vans taking people to 
				court, '' recalls Fiza. 
				Policemen told them that their men must have been upto no 
				good to be out on the streets during the riots. The two bearded 
				men are officially listed as Missing. 
				Pappu Qureishi of Citizens For Peace, who has, over the 
				last two years, traced 14 of the 165 persons listed as missing 
				during the riots (including Hindus) , found from police records 
				that on January 14, two burnt Muslim bodies were found at 
				Goregaon, naked and decomposed. He believes they must have been 
				the sisters' husbands. 
				Fiza, Rashida, their old mother and teenaged brother now 
				all work to ensure that Rarshida's two sons, aged 9 and 11, can 
				go to school. They did not  receive the government 
				compensation of Rs 2 lakh which other riot victims did, since 
				they could produce no proof of their husbands' death. 
				21-year-old Javed Ismail left home early morning on 
				january 11, 93 to bring milk from Shiv Sena Nagri, sewree. He 
				never came back. The police registered him as a Missing person. 
				In response to a a habeas corpus petition by his mother 
				(one of many such filed by advocate Niloufer Bhagwat on behalf 
				of missing persons) , Inspector Ingle of RAK Marg filed an 
				affidavit saying that the police learnt later that Javed and 
				Samoon Ahmed had been killed by a mob at shiv Sena Nagari and 
				their bodies burnt to ash in the Christian cemetery nearby. 
				Four persons were arrested under TADA for the offence. 
				Bhagwat asked that the police issue a death certificate. 
				They refused. In their judgement on Oct 7, 93, Justices M L 
				Pendse and M F Saldanha accepted the police's offer that 
				Inspector Ingle's affidavit could be used as proof of Javed's 
				death. 
				Javed's mother is still to get the compensation. 
				Muniruddin (40) , Ansar Ali (20) and Zainullabideen (15) 
				were picked up by the Deonar police from home on December 8, 92, 
				at 1.30 pm, their wife and mother told the srikrishna Commission 
				last year. That was the last time they saw them. On december 20, 
				the police gave the women letters authorising them to identify 
				their men from bodies kept in the morgue. They could not. 
				Justice Srikrishna ordered that the women be granted the 
				compensation due to riot victims. They have yet to get it. 
				As far back as July 94, the Srikrishna Commission wrote to 
				S Jambunathan, Additional Chief Secretary, Home, recommending 
				that the government reconsider its policy not to grant 
				compensation to families of persons officially reported missing 
				during the riots, in the absence of proof of their death. The 
				letter annexed a list of 12 missing persons whose families had 
				deposed before the Commission, and recommended that they be 
				treated as riot-related deaths. In five cases, the police had 
				later registered cases of murder. 
				``The (Srikrishna) Commission feels this policy decision 
				operates harshly and unjustly against families of missing 
				persons, as, for no fault on their part, the family members may 
				be hard put to establish that the missing persons are dead. It 
				least in such of the cases which have been examined by the 
				Commission and recommended for payment of compensation, the 
				Commission feels there should be no hesitation in making (the) 
				payment," the letter said. 
				This week, Bombay Suburban Disctrict Collector S Chahande 
				told MIDDay he had never head of this letter. 
				He however revealed that the government had, in October 
				96, taken a policy decision to treat those missing as dead and 
				grant them the same compensation, on their signing an indemnity 
				bond. They would have to return the Rs 2 lakh if the missing 
				member turned up. 
				A number of such families signed the bonds, and one of 
				them actually got the Rs 2 lakh. Her husband, a hawker, who had 
				left home early on the morning of January 12, 93, had been 
				thrown into a bonfire at Golibar into which five other Muslims 
				were also thrown. 
				She was the first and last relative of a missing person to 
				get compensation. Sources in the high-powered relief committee 
				for the 92-93 riot victims, told Mid-Day that after this case, 
				the government stopped all further payments to such families 
				from the Collector's office without Mantralaya's approval. 
				Chahande attributed the delay to redrafting of the 
				indemnity bond. The new version was awaiting the Law and 
				Judiciary department's approval, he said. 
				This approval has been pending for the last four months, 
				revealed Pappu Qureishi, who has pieced together eye-witness 
				accounts which show that most of the missing persons had been 
				killed, and often, burnt. ``The authorities are dragging their 
				feet because accepting these cases as riot victims would mean 
				investigating who killed them,'' he says. Qureishi, whose area 
				of work is the suburbs, revealed that 12 families of missing 
				persons had been traced in the city. 
				Till the government recognises them as riot-related 
				deaths, their children cannot get the Rs 425 per month available 
				for children of riot victims from the delhi-based National 
				Foundation for Communal Harmony, points out Qureishi. 
				By the time Mantralay's renewed approval comes through, 
				the victims may legally be presumed dead, not having turned up 
				for seven years. 
				``What happened to them was outside the law. But the 
				government is treating their families strictly according to 
				law,'' complains Fazal Shad of the Bombay Aman committee, the 
				first to take up the issue of missing persons. 
				It is to thwart this injustice that a group of activists 
				have decided to file a petition next week asking that five years 
				after the riots, the government treat the missing as dead. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| Nation's capital still recovering from 1968 riots 
				April 4, 1998 
				WASHINGTON (CNN) -- It's been three decades since Martin 
				Luther King's assassination sparked riots in Washington, D.C., 
				and parts of the nation's capital are still trying to recover 
				from the impact of the violence.   While some speak of 
				a city renaissance, others are unsure whether the district will 
				ever fully recover. 
				Thirteen people died and thousands were injured during 
				three days of riots. 
				"The sky was filled with flames and smoke. And it seemed 
				like the whole world was on fire," civil rights activist 
				Sterling Tucker recalled for CNN. 
				"The looting was going on, the devastation was going on," 
				said City Councilwoman Charlene Drew Jarvis. 
				"No one tried to stop anyone," community activist Stanley 
				Mayes said. 
				Through it all, Ben's Chili Bowl stayed open. 
				"We identified the business as being African American by 
				putting a sign in the window that said 'Soul Brother,'" said 
				Virginia Ali. Nevertheless, the riots destroyed the district's 
				African-American commercial hubs. 
				Recovery has been slow 
				"I had no idea it would take us 30 years to rebuild it. I 
				thought my neighborhood would come back. This is a great 
				neighborhood. This is where everybody comes for their social 
				life, and everything," Mayes said. 
				The recovery was slow, and, in many ways, tells a tale of 
				two parts of a city. 
				U-Street in the northwest -- once the Mecca of black 
				professional Washington -- became a thoroughfare connecting more 
				affluent white neighborhoods. The city constructed a building 
				there in the 1980s and a subway stop in the 1990s -- and finally 
				some private-sector investment followed. 
				"My son is now leasing a property here as a commercial 
				broker. So the 30-something generation is getting involved again 
				in the vitality of these neighborhood commercial corridors," 
				Jarvis said. 
				H-Street across town, in the northeast, is a different 
				story. 
				Like most areas, it got federal and city money to help it 
				clear out the rubble. And there was some rebuilding -- until a 
				railroad overpass was built, and divided the street from the 
				rest of the city. 
				"These businesses lost business," explained businessman 
				Anwar Saleem, describing the impact of the overpass. "When they 
				built that bridge, you didn't have that traffic flow. People had 
				to go around about to come down here to do business." 
				But much of that round-about-business dynamic failed to 
				materialize: Many buildings on H-Street remain locked and 
				boarded-up, and reinvestment has been slow and painful. 
				'The working poor are ... poorer' 
				While race relations have been improving in the formerly 
				riot-torn areas, civil rights leaders say more work remains to 
				be done. 
				"The working poor are in many ways poorer than they were 
				before. So we have some critical issues, even as we see lots of 
				progress," Tucker said. 
				"I hope what we've learned is how to live together and 
				work together better and to settle the differences," said Bill 
				Barrows of the H-Street Community Development Corporation. "But 
				I'm not at all certain." 
				Correspondent Kathleen Koch contributed to this report. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| Tuesday, 8 February, 2000, Mutual fears behind 
				Spain's race riots 
				Tension in the region has been increasing 
				By Daniel Schweimler in Madrid 
				The anti-immigrant violence which has erupted in the 
				region of Almeria in south-eastern Spain comes after a period of 
				increasing tension, stretching back several years. 
				Local residents began attacking immigrant shops and cars 
				after the killing of a 26-year-old local woman, allegedly by a 
				young Moroccan immigrant. 
				Last month another North African worker was arrested in 
				connection with the killing of two men. 
				There have been a number of protests against what the 
				local population sees as rising crime in the region, which they 
				blame on the immigrant community. 
				Police say there is no evidence that the immigrant 
				community is committing more crimes than anyone else. 
				But that is how it is being perceived by many of the 
				Spanish residents. 
				The immigrants, mostly from North Africa, have in turn 
				complained to police about the increasing number of racist 
				attacks against them. 
				Protests 
				They have held protests calling on the local Spanish 
				community not to persecute them all for the crimes committed by 
				a few and have also demanded protection from the Spanish 
				government. 
				The government in Morocco, where the majority of immigrant 
				workers come from, has complained about the situation and 
				demanded action by the Spanish authorities. 
				The violence flared in the town of El Ejido, the centre of 
				a prosperous region where agriculture is the main industry. 
				About one-tenth of the population are immigrants. 
				They work in agriculture, picking and planting fruit and 
				vegetables - low-paid and back-breaking work which Spaniards 
				don't want to do. 
				Unable to work 
				Since the violence flared, they've been unable to work, 
				too scared to leave their homes. 
				However, they need the work and the local community needs 
				their labour. 
				In fact, the Spanish government said recently they would 
				have to attract millions more workers from abroad if the economy 
				is to maintain its current rate of growth over the next few 
				years. 
				Spain is a country which has in recent years seen a 
				massive increase in immigration, mostly from North Africa and 
				Latin America. 
				It still has a far lower number of immigrants than 
				partners in the European Union such as the UK, France and 
				Germany. 
				New law 
				At the beginning of February a new Spanish law came into 
				operation to protect the rights of immigrants - both legal and 
				illegal. 
				It gives them access to health care and education for 
				their children as well as protecting their employment rights. 
				The law was official recognition that the situation is 
				changing rapidly in Spain. 
				A fact demonstrated dramatically by the violence in 
				Almeria over the past few days. 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| More than 400 police fight gypsy riots in Bulgaria 
				Monday, 24-Jun-2002 9:20AM 
				Story from AFP 
				Copyright 2002 by Agence France-Presse (via ClariNet) 
				SOFIA, June 24 (AFP) - More than 400 police tried Monday 
				to restore order after riots sparked by a row between two Romany 
				families rocked the gypsy quarter of Vidin, in north-western 
				Bulgaria, police said. 
				Riots broke out Saturday after the body was discovered of 
				a 19-year-old man who had been missing for a week after being 
				caught stealing from a shop in the gypsy quarter, where some 
				15,000 Romany live. 
				The shop's owners, two brothers, have been arrested on 
				suspicion of murder. 
				Some 100 police entered the Nov Pat (New Path) quarter on 
				Sunday, where a 41-year-old man was killed in an axe attack, a 
				police sergeant was injured by rioters throwing stones and at 
				least five protestors were hurt. 
				Three hundred more police arrived on Sunday. 
				Two houses have been burnt down, with women and children 
				stopping fire fighters from trying to halt the blazes, and the 
				situation remained tense Monday when Interior Ministry Secretary 
				General Boiko Borissov and national police Director Vassil 
				Vassilev arrived on the scene. 
				In February gypsies living in a poverty-struck ghetto of 
				Plovdiv, southern Bulgaria, rioted after electricity firms cut 
				their supplies because they had not paid their bills. 
				The few Bulgarians living in the quarter have gone on 
				hunger strike in an appeal to authorities to move them out of 
				the area. 
				In Kustendil in western Bulgaria municipal authorities 
				have begun building a wall between the Romany quarter and the 
				international motorway to Macedonia, after gypsies threw stones 
				at passing cars to try and steal them. 
				Bulgarians and gypsies in the central village of Metchka 
				have been at each others' throats for two years, with the 
				Bulgarians calling for the Romany population to be deported, 
				accusing its members of an assassination and numerous thefts. 
				Gypsies make up 600,000 of Bulgaria's eight million 
				inhabitants, and are the ethnic minority hardest hit by the 
				country's economic crisis, with more than 90 percent out of 
				work. 
				Social Affairs Minister 
				Lidia Chuleva recently announced a plan to give local 
				authorities grants which they would use to create jobs for 
				gypsies, and "to teach them how to work again". 
				
				 | 
			 
			
				| 
				 NCC General Secretary Arrested in 
				Protest Outside Sudan Embassy 
				July 14, 2004, Washington, D.C. -- In an 
				act of civil disobedience and protest of the genocide unfolding 
				in Darfur, Sudan, the Rev. Dr. Robert W. Edgar, General 
				Secretary of the National Council of Churches USA, was arrested 
				outside of the Sudanese Embassy here today.  Dr. Edgar 
				presented himself for arrest as part of a campaign to call 
				attention to what the United Nations calls the worst 
				humanitarian crisis in the world today and to mobilize U.S. and 
				world action to stop it.  
				
				
				The campaign, 
				coordinated by Christian Solidarity International, includes 
				daily noontime demonstrations in front of the Sudanese Embassy 
				that began June 30.  It is pressing Congress to pass House 
				Concurrent Resolution 467 declaring genocide in Darfur, Sudan, 
				and calling on the Bush Administration to lead an international 
				intervention, impose targeted sanctions on the Sudanese 
				government and establish a humanitarian aid fund. 
				
				At today’s 
				protest, about 50 participants, including many children, marched 
				outside of the embassy to demand that the government of Sudan 
				stop attacks by its military and proxy militia against civilians 
				in Darfur.  The Rev. Dr. Walter Fauntroy, Pastor of New 
				Bethel Baptist Church in Washington, D.C., and a formermember of 
				Congress, led the demonstration, which ended shortly after Dr. 
				Edgar and Dr. Carole Burnett, Professor 
				of Ancient and Medieval Christianity at the Ecumenical Institute 
				of Theology in Baltimore, were arrested.  Drs. Edgar and 
				Burnett were taken to a local police station, fined and 
				released. 
				
				According to 
				the United Nations, tens of thousands of people have died and 
				more than one million people in the region have been displaced 
				in an apparent attempt at ethnic cleansing in Sudan’s Darfur 
				region.  Refugees are living in makeshift camps, where mass 
				rape of women and girls is common, living conditions are 
				deplorable and diseases such as cholera, meningitis and polio 
				threaten to take the lives of infants, children and the elderly.  
				If nothing is done to prevent it, countless thousands will die 
				in the weeks and months ahead. 
				
				“It is clear 
				that a genocide is unfolding in Sudan,” Dr. Edgar said today.  
				“In April 2004, as the world commemorated the tragic Rwandan 
				genocide of 1994, we all said we would never allow this to 
				happen again.  Yet we are faced today with another horror 
				that is clearly preventable.  The National Council of 
				Churches joins with people of goodwill throughout the world who 
				want to end the needless deaths of countless innocent Sudanese 
				citizens.     
				
				"Getting 
				arrested for this cause is the very least one could do to bring 
				attention to the urgency of this situation.  The solution 
				rests at the door of the government of Sudan -- and also at the 
				feet of the international community. We must face the fact that 
				time grows dangerously short for action.  As our 
				governments hesitate to do what is right, the loss of precious 
				lives accelerates with each passing week."  
				
				Dr. Burnett 
				commented, “No thinking and feeling person can be indifferent to 
				the magnitude of the crisis in the Sudan.”  She prayed 
				alongside Dr. Edgar as the two were arrested by the Secret 
				Service.  Congressman Charles Rangel (NY) was arrested 
				yesterday and the Rev. Fauntroy last week.  Additional acts 
				of disobedience are planned. 
				
				-end- 
				
				NCC Contacts:  
				Leslie Tune, 202-544-2350 x 11, 202-297-2191(cell), ltune@ncccusa.org; 
				Tony Kireopoulos, 212-870-3422, tkireopoulos@ncccusa.org 
				
				 
				 | 
			 
			
				Wednesday, July 28, 2004 
				 
				Resolve needed to halt Sudan genocide 
				 
				SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER EDITORIAL BOARD 
				 
				It's going to take concerted efforts for the world to stop the 
				growing humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The situation demands 
				sustained focus. 
				 
				The U.N. Security Council could vote as early as this week on a 
				U.S.-drafted resolution demanding Sudan deliver on its promises 
				to stop Arab militia attacks on black African communities in the 
				western Darfur region. That kind of international pressure, 
				including at least an implied threat of sanctions, is critical. 
				 
				As a congressional resolution suggested, the attacks amount to a 
				campaign of genocide, carried out with Sudanese government 
				support. 
				 
				U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, U.S. Secretary of State Colin 
				Powell and other diplomats have done significant work to gain 
				Sudanese promises to act responsibly. But Sudan must act, not 
				just talk. 
				 
				Humanitarian aid is also urgent. Federal Way-based World Vision 
				says Sudan is promising to facilitate aid deliveries for refugee 
				camps. The U.N. World Food Program and private agencies, 
				including World Vision, also are sending food to refugee camps 
				in Chad. 
				 
				A U.S. agency has warned that 350,000 or more Sudanese could die 
				this year. That gruesome prospect can be averted only with 
				international resolve. 
				 
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				POLITICAL DREAMS 
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				| 
				 
				DREAMS OF THE GREAT EARTHCHANGES - MAIN INDEX 
				 | 
			 
		 
		
		
		
		
		
		
		THE DRAFT RIOTS OF 1863 
		
		DUBLIN - 1913 
		
		WTO (WORLD TRADE 
		ORGANIZATION) SEATTLE PROTEST 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/prep.htm  
		
		NATIONAL SECURITY - 
		THE ANNIVERSARY OF WACO/OKLAHOMA BOMBING 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/wacovst.htm  
		
		THE WACO FIRE 
		INVESTIGATION 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/waconews.htm  
		
		KENT STATE - PROTEST - 
		A DREAM 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/kent.htm  
		
		HOW THE 
		GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/trade_blew_up.htm  
		
		9-11-2001 - THE WORLD 
		TRADE CENTER 
		
		LEO TAXIL - 
		GABRIEL-ANTOINE JOGAND-PAGES   
		-1881-1887 
		
		... . Fortunately for the proprietors of the lecture hall, the police 
		were summoned before a full-scale riot had broken out. Jogand's success 
		had been due, primarily, to his journalistic flair and to the 
		credibility 
		
		...http://www.greatdreams.com/jogand.htm
		 
		
		RUSSIAN PROPHECY BY 
		DEE 
		
		... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and 
		was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group 
		of four or five men were dealing with the attacker, and the streets ... 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/russia.htm  
		
		THE HOMELESS ARE 
		DYING 
		
		... occurred in the last two weeks alone. The demonstration came less 
		than two weeks after police in riot gear clashed with a group of some 
		300 anti-poverty protesters near the Parliament building 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/homeless.htm  
		
		DREAMS AND VISIONS OF 
		WAR 
		
		... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and 
		was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group 
		of four or five men were dealing with the attacker 
		
		
		http://www.greatdreams.com/war.htm  
		
		  
		
		  
		
		  
		
		
		
		THIS IS WHERE I POST WHAT I'M DOING AND THINKING 
		
		 
		
		
		
		BLOG INDEX  
		2011 
		
		
		 
		
		
		BLOG INDEX 2012  - 
		page 1 
		
		JANUARY THRU APRIL 2012 
		
		  
		
		
		BLOG INDEX 2012 - PAGE 2 
		
		MAY THRU AUGUST 2012 
		
		  
		
		
		BLOG INDEX 2012 - PAGE 3 
		
		SEPTEMBER THRU DECEMBER 
		
		  
		
		BLOG INDEX 2013 
		
		
		JAN, FEB, MAR, APR. 2013 
		
		  
		
		BLOG INDEX - PAGE 2 - 2013 
		
		
		MAY, JUNE, JULY, AUGUST 2013 
		
		  
		
		BLOG INDEX - PAGE 3 - 2013 
		
		
		SEPT, OCT, NOV, DEC, 2013 
		
		 
		 
		
		
		  
		
		 
		 
		 
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