12 tribes of Israel

THE 12 TRIBES OF ISRAEL

 

Dee Finney's blog
start date July 20, 2013
today's date December 16, 2013
page 610

TOPIC:  LOST TRIBES OF ISRAEL

A CD I RECEIVED IN THE MAIL YESTERDAY PRODUCED IN JAPAN BY TOSHIBA EMI RECORDS HELPED ME TO DISCOVER ONE OF THE LOST TRIBES OF ISRAEL IN JAPAN.

FOLLOWING IS HOW THIS OCCURED:

12-16-13 -  DREAM - I was working on a computer, either copying or downloading a strange picture language. I had to separate a group of picture letters into a more coherent list of picture letters.  I did this for quite some time, thinking they were Hebrew words or letters, but it wasn't real Hebrew  - it was something before that - or from the ETs I thought.

I had that dream twice.  Upon discussions later, it was not hyroglyphics - the pictures were not recognizable figures, they were more like strange star bursts - but not like stars either -  but strange configurations and each one was different.

On 12-17-13 - I found these similar letters on an album cover published in Japanese.  Japanese kanji language

Now the question is, why was I working on a Japanese page?

http://www.omniglot.com/writing/japanese_kanji.htm

It came to me while I was walking through a doorway that the connection between my thinking that the language was Hebrew, and discovering this album which arrived in the mail today - a used copy I purchased a couple of days ago on Amazon.com
   

KANJI LANGUAGE

Since it came to me that this set of dreams was about a lost Hebrew Tribe, I decided to do some research on that and if I can trace a Hebrew tribe to China and then to Japan which is the way the language tracks across the countries.



Jewish Japan


The ten lost tribes refers to the ten of the twelve tribes of ancient Israel that were deported from the Kingdom of Israel after it was conquered by Assyria in about 722 BCE. Claims of descent from the lost tribes have been proposed in relation to many groups, and some religions espouse a millenarian view that the tribes will return.

Tudor Parfitt has declared that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but a myth", and writes that, "...this myth is a vital feature of colonial discourse throughout the long period of European overseas empires, from the beginning of the fifteenth century, until the later half of the twentieth.

The motif of "the lost tribes" first appeared in the post-biblical era, and was subsequently elaborated upon in a number of apocryphal texts. The return of the lost tribes was eventually tied to the notion of the coming of the messiah in the 7th and 8th centuries CE. 

The recorded history is at variance with the legends elaborated in apocryphal texts. For example, no record exists of the Assyrians having exiled people from Dan, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun or western Manasseh. Descriptions of the deportation of people from Reuben, Gad, Manasseh in Gilead, Ephraim and Naphtali indicate that only a portion of these tribes were deported and the places to which they were deported are known locations given in the accounts. The deported communities are mentioned as still existing at the time of the composition of the books of Kings and Chronicles, and not wholly assimilated into the Assyrian populace.

DNA studies have found no evidence of the existence of any lost tribes. DNA studies have refuted any connection between ethnic Jews and most all of the ethnic groups discussed below, with the exception of the Lemba, for whom a Y-chromosome connection has been confirmed, but no maternal DNA.

 

The twelve tribes

According to the Hebrew Bible, Jacob (who was later named Israel; Gen 35:10) had 12 sons and at least one daughter (Dinah) by two wives and two concubines. The twelve sons fathered the twelve Tribes of Israel.

  • When the land of Israel was apportioned among the tribes in the days of Joshua, the Tribe of Levi, being chosen as priests, did not receive land (Joshua 13:33, (14:3). However, the tribe of Levi were given cities. Six cities were to be refuge cities for all men of Israel, which were to be controlled by the Levites. Three of these cities were located on each side of the Jordan River. In addition, 42 other cities (and their respective open spaces), totaling 48 cities, were given to the Tribe of Levi. (Numbers 35)
  • Joshua elevated the descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh (the two sons of Joseph by his Egyptian wife Asenath) (Genesis 41:50) to the status of full tribes in their own right, replacing the Tribe of Joseph (Joshua 14:4). Each received its own land and had its own encampment during the 40 years of wandering in the desert.

Thus, the two divisions of the tribes are:

Traditional division:

  1. Reuben
  2. Simeon
  3. Levi
  4. Judah
  5. Issachar
  6. Zebulun
  7. Dan
  8. Naphtali
  9. Gad
  10. Asher
  11. Joseph
  12. Benjamin

Division according to apportionment of land in Israel:

  1. Reuben
  2. Simeon
  3. Judah
  4. Issachar
  5. Zebulun
  6. Dan
  7. Naphtali
  8. Gad
  9. Asher
  10. Benjamin
  11. Ephraim (son of Joseph)
  12. Manasseh (son of Joseph)
  • Levi (no territorial allotment, except a number of cities located within the territories of the other tribes)

According to the Bible, the Kingdom of Israel (or Northern Kingdom) was one of the successor states to the older United Monarchy (also called the Kingdom of Israel), which came into existence in about the 930s BCE after the northern Tribes of Israel rejected Solomon's son Rehoboam as their king. Nine landed tribes formed the Northern Kingdom: the tribes of Reuben, Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Ephraim and Manasseh. In addition, some members of Tribe of Levi, who had no land allocation, were found in the Northern Kingdom. The Tribes of Judah and Benjamin remained loyal to Rehoboam, and formed the Kingdom of Judah (or Southern Kingdom). Members of Levi and the remnant of Simeon were also found in the Southern Kingdom.

According to 2 Chronicles 15:9, members of the tribes of Ephraim, Manasseh and Simeon "fled" to Judah during the reign of Asa of Judah. Whether these groups were absorbed into the population or remained distinct groups, or returned to their tribal lands is not indicated.

In c. 732 BCE, the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser III sacked Damascus and Israel, annexing Aramea and territory of the tribes of Reuben, Gad andManasseh in Gilead including the desert outposts of Jetur, Naphish and Nodab. People from these tribes including the Reubenite leader, were taken captive and resettled in the region of the Khabur River system in Assyria/Mesopotamia. Tiglath-Pilesar also captured the territory of Naphtali and the city of Janoah in Ephraim and an Assyrian governor was placed over the region of Naphtali. According to 2 Kings 16:9 and 15:29, the population of Aram and the annexed part of Israel was deported to Assyria.

Israel continued to exist within the reduced territory as an independent kingdom subject to Assyria until around 720 BCE, when it was again invaded by Assyria and the rest of the population deported. The Bible relates that the population of Israel was exiled, leaving only the Tribe of Judah, the Tribe of Simeon (that was "absorbed" into Judah), the Tribe of Benjamin and the people of the Tribe of Levi who lived among them of the original Israelites tribes in the southern Kingdom of Judah. However, Israel Finkelstein estimated that only a fifth of the population (about 40,000) were actually resettled out of the area during the two deportation periods under Tiglath-Pileser III and his successor Sargon II. Many also fled south to Jerusalem, which appears to have expanded in size fivefold during this period, requiring a new wall to be built, and a new source of water (Siloam) to be provided by King Hezekiah. Furthermore, 2 Chronicles 30:1-11 explicitly mentions northern Israelites who had been spared by the Assyrians—in particular, members of Dan, Ephraim, Manasseh, Asher and Zebulun—and how members of the latter three returned to worship at the Temple in Jerusalem at that time.

However in 2 Kings 17:34 it says of the newly exiled Israelites that were in Assyria; To this day they persist in their former practices. They neither worship Yahweh nor adhere to the decrees and regulations, the laws and commands that Yahweh gave the descendants of Jacob, whom he named Israel. The medieval rabbi and biblical commentator David Kimhi explains that this is in reference to the tribes that were exiled, and that they remained in their ways, neither accepting a monotheistic God nor in adhering to any of the laws and regulations that were common to all Jews.

The Hebrew Bible does not use the phrase "ten lost tribes", leading some to question the number of tribes involved. However, 1 Kings 11:31 states that the kingdom would be taken from Solomon and give ten tribes to Jeroboam:

And he said to Jeroboam, Take thee ten pieces: for thus saith the LORD, the God of Israel, Behold, I will rend the kingdom out of the hand of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee.

But I will take the kingdom out of his son's hand, and will give it unto thee, even ten tribes.

The ten lost tribes and Biblical apocrypha

According to Zvi Ben-Dor Benite

Centuries after their disappearance, the ten lost tribes sent an indirect but vital sign... In 2 Esdras, we read about the ten tribes and “their long journey through that region, which is called Arzareth”... The book of the “Vision of Ezra,” or Esdras, was written in Hebrew or Aramaic by a Palestinian Jew sometime before the end of the first century CE, shortly after the destruction of the temple by the Romans. It is one of a group of texts later designated as the so-called Apocrypha—pseudoepigraphal books attached to but not included in the Hebrew biblical canon.

The ten lost tribes and the New Testament

Some evidence exists of a continuing identification in later centuries of individual Israelites to the Lost Tribes. For example, in Luke 2:36 of the New Testament, an individual is identified with the tribe of Asher.

Millenarian religious beliefs and the lost tribes

Judaism

There are numerous references in biblical writings. In Ezekiel 37:16-17, the prophet is told to write on one stick (an ancient reference to scrolls) (quoted here in part) "For Judah..." and on the other (quoted here in part), "For Joseph..." (the main Lost Tribe). The prophet is then told that these two groups shall be someday reunited.

Moreover, thou son of man, take thee one stick, and write upon it, For Judah, and for the children of Israel his companions: then take another stick, and write upon it, For Joseph, the stick of Ephraim, and for all the house of Israel his companions: And join them one to another into one stick; and they shall become one in your hand.

—Ezekiel 37:16-17, HE

There are also discussions in the Talmud as to whether the ten lost tribes will eventually be reunited with the Tribe of Judah, that is, with the Jewish people.

Mormonism

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) has extensive teachings regarding the gathering of Israel and the restoration of the ten tribes. One of their main Articles of Faith written by Joseph Smith Jr. is as follows: "We believe in the literal gathering of Israel and in the restoration of the Ten Tribes; that Zion (the New Jerusalem) will be built upon the American continent; that Christ will reign personally upon the earth; and, that the earth will be renewed and receive its paradisiacal glory." (LDS Articles of Faith #10)

Regarding the Ezekiel 37 prophecy, the LDS Church teaches that the Book of Mormon is the stick of Ephraim mentioned and that the Bible is the stick of Judah, thus comprising two witnesses for Jesus Christ. The LDS Church believes The Book of Mormon to be a collection of records by prophets of the ancient Americas, written on plates of gold and translated by Joseph Smith Jr. circa 1830. The LDS Church considers the Book of Mormon one of the main tools for the spiritual gathering of Israel.

17th- to mid-20th-century theories

The increased currency of tales relating to lost tribes was brought about in the 17th century owing to the confluence of several factors. According to Parfitt

...As Michael Pollack shows, Menassah's argument was based on, 'three separate and seemingly unrelated sources: a verse from the book of Isaiah, Matteo Ricci's discovery of an old Jewish community in the heart of China and Antonio Montezinos' reported encounter with members of the Lost Tribes in the wilds of South America.

The Portuguese traveler and Marrano Sephardic Jew Antonio de Montezinos returned to Europe with accounts that some of the Lost Tribes were living among the Native Americans of the Andes in South America. Menasseh ben Israel, a noted rabbi and printer of Amsterdam, was excited by this news. He believed that a Messianic age was approaching, and that Jewish people being settled around the world was necessary for it.

In 1649 Menassah published his book, The Hope of Israel, in Spanish and in Latin in Amsterdam, including Montezinos' account of the Lost Tribes in the New World.[10][11] An English translation was published in London in 1650. In it Menasseh argued, and for the first time tried to give learned support in European thought and printing, to the theory that the native inhabitants of America at the time of the European discovery were descendants of the [lost] Ten Tribes of Israel.[10] He noted how important Montezinos' account was,

"...for the Scriptures doe not tell what people first inhabited those Countries; neither was there mention of them by any, til Christop. Columbus, Americus, Vespacius, Ferdinandus, Cortez, the Marquesse Del Valle, and Franciscus Pizarrus went thither..."

He wrote on 23 December 1649:

... I think that the Ten Tribes live not only there ... but also in other lands scattered everywhere; these never did come back to the Second Temple and they keep till this day still the Jewish Religion...

In 1655, Menasseh ben Israel petitioned Oliver Cromwell to allow the Jews to return to England in furtherance of the Messianic goal. (Since the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, Jews had been prohibited by law from living in England.) With the approach of 1666, considered a significant date, Cromwell was allegedly interested in the return of the Jews to England because of the many theories circulating related to millennial thinking about the end of the world. Many of these ideas were fixed upon the year 1666 and the Fifth Monarchy Men who were looking for the return of Jesus as the Messiah; he was expected to establish a final kingdom to rule the physical world for a thousand years. Messianic believers supported Cromwell's Republic in the expectation that it was a preparation for the fifth monarchy—that is, the monarchy that should succeed the Babylonian, Persian, Greek, and Romanworld empires.

Apocryphal accounts concerning the Lost Tribes, based to varying degrees on biblical accounts, have been produced by both Jews and Christianssince at least the 17th century.[14] An Ashkenazi Jewish tradition speaks of these tribes as Die Roite Yiddelech, "The little red Jews", cut off from the rest of Jewry by the legendary river Sambation "whose foaming waters raise high up into the sky a wall of fire and smoke that is impossible to pass through".

Historians have generally arrived at the conclusion that the Lost Tribes merged with the local population. For instance, the New Standard Jewish Encyclopedia states,

"In historic fact, some members of the Ten Tribes remained in Palestine, where apart from the Samaritans some of their descendants long preserved their identity among the Jewish population, others were assimilated, while others were presumably absorbed by the last Judean exiles who in 597-586 BC were deported to Assyria...Unlike the Judeans of the southern Kingdom, who survived a similar fate 135 years later, they soon assimilated...

In declaring his conviction that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but a myth", Parfitt writes that,

The continued belief in the Lost Tribes is unabated... The present writer does not believe that the Ten Tribes are still to be found and accepts their disappearance as a historical fact that requires no further proof.

Groups which claim descent from lost tribes

Bene Israel

The Bene Israel may be descended from the sea-faring Zebulun tribe.

Bnei Menashe

Main article: Bnei Menashe

Some tribes in Mizoram and Manipour claim they are Lost Israelites.

Africa

Beta Israel of Ethiopia

Main article: Beta Israel

The Beta Israel (also known derogatorily as Falashas) are Ethiopian Jews. Some members of the Beta Israel as well as several Jewish scholars believe that they are descended from the lost Tribe of Dan, as opposed to the traditional story of their descent from the Queen of Sheba. They always longed for Jerusalem.[21] Numerous genetics studies, however, refute the possibility of a connection.[22][23][24][25][26]

Igbo Jews

Main article: Igbo Jews

The Igbo Jews of Nigeria claim descent variously from the tribes of Ephraim, Naphtali, Menasseh, Levi, Zebulun and Gad. The theory, however, does not hold up to historical scrutiny. Historians have examined the historical literature on West Africa from the colonial era and elucidated diverse functions which such theories served for the writers that proposed them.[27][28]

Lemba

Main article: Lemba people

The Lemba people (Vhalemba) from Southern Africa claim to be descendants of several Jewish men who traveled from what is now Yemen to Africa in search of gold, where they took wives and established new communities DNA testing has genetically linked the Lemba with modern Jews and Muslim Semites. They have specific religious practices similar to those in Judaism and a tradition of being a migrant people, with clues pointing to an origin in West Asia or North Africa. According to the oral history of the Lemba, their ancestors were Jews who came from a place calledSena several hundred years ago and settled in East Africa. Sena is an abandoned ancient town in Yemen, located in the eastern Hadramaut valley, which history indicates Jews inhabited in past centuries. Some research suggests that "Sena" may refer to Wadi Masilah (near Sayhut) in Yemen, often called Sena, or alternatively to the city of Sana'a, also located in Yemen.

Pashtuns of the Afghanistan and Pakistan region

The Pashtuns are a predominantly Muslim people, native to Afghanistan and Pakistan, who adhere to a pre-Islamic indigenous religious code of honor and culture Pashtunwali. The myth about Pashtuns and Kashmiris being from the lost tribes of Israel has never been substantiated through concrete historical evidence. Genetics studies also refute the myth. 

Written sources

The tribal name 'Yusef Zai' in Pashto has been claimed to translate as the 'sons of Joseph', as described by Makhzan-i-Afghani, a historical work from the 17th Century by Nehamtullah, an official in the royal court of Mughal Emperor Jehangir. A similar story is told by Iranian historian Ferishta.

DNA studies

A number of genetics studies refute the possibility of a connection.

China

Kaifeng Jews

Main article: Kaifeng Jews

Though not connected with any of the typical lore relating to claims of descent from lost tribes, as described above, Parfitt and other scholars consider the discovery of a Jewish community by a Jesuit missionary in the early 17th century to have been important factor leading to the increased currency of theories and tales related to the Lost Tribes.

In 1605, Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci discovered a small community consisting of approximately ten to twelve families of Chinese Jews in Kaifeng, China. According to historical records, a Jewish community in Kaifaeng built a synagogue in 1163, during the Southern Song Dynasty, which existed until the late nineteenth century.

The Americas

The United States, American Indians

In 1650, a British divine named Thomas Thorowgood, who was a preacher in Norfolk, published a book entitled Jewes in America or Probabilities that the Americans are of that Race, which he had prepared for the New England missionary society. Tudor Parfitt writes:

The society was active in trying to convert the Indians but suspected that they might be Jews and realized they better be prepared for an arduous task. Thorowgood's tract argued that the native population of North America were descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes.

In 1652 Sir Hamon L'Estrange, an English author writing on topics such as history and theology published an exegitical tract called Americans no Jews, or improbabilities that the Americans are of that Race in response to the tract by Thorowgood.

In response to L'Estrange, Thorowgood published a second edition of his book in 1660 with a revised title and included a forward written by John Eliot, a Puritan missionary to the Indians who had translated the bible into an Indian language.

Speculation regarding other ethnic groups

Scythian / Cimmerian Theories

Several theories claim that the Scythians and/or Cimmerians were in whole or in part the Lost Tribes of Israel. These are generally based on the belief that the Northern Kingdom of Israel, which had been deported by the Assyrians, became known in history as the Scythians and/or Cimmerians. Various points of view exist as to their modern descendants.

The Behistun Inscription is often cited as a link between the deported Israelites, the Cimmerians and the Scythians (Saka).


Jehu Obolisk

The 19th-century British scholar George Rawlinson wrote:

We have reasonable grounds for regarding the Gimirri, or Cimmerians, who first appeared on the confines of Assyria and Media in the seventh century B.C., and the Sacae of the Behistun Rock, nearly two centuries later, as identical with the Beth-Khumree of Samaria, or the Ten Tribes of the House of Israel.

Adherents point out that the Behistun Inscription connects the people known in Old Persianand Elamite as Saka, Sacae or Scythian with the people known in Babylonian as Gimirri orCimmerian.

It should be made clear from the start that the terms 'Cimmerian' and 'Scythian' were interchangeable: in Akkadian the name Iskuzai (Asguzai) occurs only exceptionally. Gimirrai (Gamir) was the normal designation for 'Cimmerians' as well as 'Scythians' in Akkadian.

E. Raymond Capt, a British Israelite, claimed similarities between King Jehu's pointed headdress and that of the captive Saka king seen to the far right on the Behistun Inscription. He also posited that the Assyrian word for the House of Israel, Khumri, which was named after Israel's King Omri of the 8th century BC, is connected phonetically to Gimirri (Cimmerian).

Critics of the Israel / Scythian theory argue that the customs of the Scythians and Cimmerians differ from those of the Ancient Israelites. In addition, the greater body of research on the history of ancient populations does not provide support for the purported links between these ancient populations.


British Israelism variant

British Israelism (also known as 'Anglo-Israelism') espouses a theory that people of Western European descent, especially Britain and the United States, are descended from the lost tribes of Israel.

Tudor Parfitt, author of The Lost Tribes: The History of a Myth, states that the proof cited by adherents of British Israelism is "of a feeble composition even by the low standards of the genre." (Parfitt,2003. p. 61.)

Other critics cite similar problems:

“When reading Anglo-Israelite literature, one notices that it generally depends on folklore, legends, quasi-historical genealogies and dubious etymologies. None of these sources prove an Israelite origin for the peoples of northwestern Europe. Rarely, if ever, are the disciplines of archeology, sociology, anthropology, linguistics or historiography applied to Anglo-Israelism. Anglo-Israelism operates outside the sciences. Even the principles of sound biblical exegesis are seldom used, for...whole passages of Scripture that undermine the entire system are generally ignored...Why this unscientific approach? This approach must be taken because to do otherwise is to destroy Anglo-Israelism's foundation.” (Orr, 1995)

Adherents argue that the deported Israelites became Scythians / Cimmerians who are ancestors of the Celts / Anglo-Saxons of Western Europe.The theory arose in England, whence it spread to the United States. During the 20th century, British Israelism was promoted by Herbert W. Armstrong, founder of the Worldwide Church of God. Armstrong argued that this theory provided a 'key' to understanding biblical prophecy; he felt called to proclaim these prophecies to the 'lost tribes' of Israel before the coming of the 'end-times'. The Worldwide Church of God no longer teaches the theory, but some offshoot churches such as the Philadelphia Church of God, the United Church of God, and the Living Church of God continue to teach it.

British Israelism has also been refuted by the findings of modern genetics, which show no connection between Semitic people from the Middle Easternregion and the people of the United Kingdom.

Brit-Am variant

Brit-Am, sometimes confused with British Israelism, is an organization centered in Jerusalem, and composed of Jews and non-Jews. Brit-Am, like British Israel, identifies the Lost Ten Tribes with peoples of West European descent, but does so from a Jewish perspective, quoting both biblical and Rabbinical sources. It uses Rabbinical Commentary supplemented by secular theories that posit the Lost Tribes / Scythian / Cimmerian connection, which are believed to have been ancestors of current Western European cultures and nations. An example of Brit-Am scholarship may be seen from its treatment of Obadiah 1:20 [in Hebrew Obadiah mentions the Sepharad, believed by some to refer to Iberian Jews, where the original Hebrew as understood by Rabbinical Commentators such as Rashi and Don Isaac Abrabanel is referring to the Lost Ten Tribes in France and England. Brit-Am also believes that "Other Israelite Tribes gave rise to elements within Finland, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Ireland, Wales, France, Holland, andBelgium" and that "The Tribe of Dan is to be found amongst part of the Danish, Irish, and Welsh." Brit-Am also believes that the Khazars were descended from the Ten Tribes and quotes Jewish and non-Jewish sources that were contemporaneous with them.

Other variants

Other organizations teach other variants of the theory, including the claim that the Scythians / Cimmerians represented in whole or in part the Lost Ten Tribes. One such theory posits that the lost Israelites can be defined by the Y-DNA haplogroup R, which makes up much of the population of Europe and Russia, which is in contrast to British Israelism and Brit-Am, which believe that the Israelites became only Western Europeans. It should be noted that the genetic findings postulated by this and other theories are typically inconsistent with the findings of generally accepted research inarcheology, anthropology and population genetics.

Japanese

Some writers have speculated that the Japanese people may be direct descendants of part of the Ten Lost Tribes. Tudor Parfitt writes that "the spread of the fantasy of Israelite origin... forms a consistent feature of the Western colonial enterprise":

"It is in fact in Japan that we can trace the most remarkable evolution in the Pacific of an imagined Judaic past. As elsewhere in the world, the theory that aspects of the country were to be explained via an Israelite model was introduced by Western agents."

In 1878, Scottish immigrant to Japan Nicholas McLeod published Epitome of the Ancient History of Japan. McLeod drew correlations between his observations of Japan and the fulfillment of biblical prophecy:

The civilized race of the Aa. Inus, the Tokugawa and the Machi No Hito of the large towns, by dwelling in the tent or tabernacle shaped houses first erected by Jin Mu Tenno, have fulfilled Noah's prophecy regarding Japhet, "He shall dwell in the tents of Shem."(McLeod, 1878. p. 7)

Several other authors have followed McLeod in speculating about parallels between Japanese and Israelite rituals, culture and language in an attempt to support the hypothesis. Arismas Kubo, an ordained Christian minister, has translated McLeod's book into Japanese, and has published a number of works on the topic. In his article, "Mystery of the Ten Lost Tribes: Japan," he asserts that many traditional customs and ceremonies in Japan are very similar to those of ancient Israel. He postulates that perhaps these rituals came from the Jews through members of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, who might have come to ancient Japan.

Jon Entine emphasizes that DNA evidence shows there are no genetic links between Japanese and Israelite peoples.

Other religions

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) believes in the literal gathering of Israel, and the LDS Church actively preaches the gathering of people from the twelve tribes. "Today Israelites are found in all countries of the world. Many of these people do not know that they are descended from the ancient house of Israel," the church teaches in its basic Gospel Principles manual. "The Lord promised that His covenant people would someday be gathered .... God gathers His children through missionary work. As people come to a knowledge of Jesus Christ, receiving the ordinances of salvation and keeping the associated covenants, they become 'the children of the covenant' (3 Nephi 20:26)."

The church also teaches that "The power and authority to direct the work of gathering the house of Israel was given to Joseph Smith by the prophetMoses, who appeared in 1836 in the Kirtland Temple.... The Israelites are to be gathered spiritually first and then physically. They are gathered spiritually as they join The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and make and keep sacred covenants.... The physical gathering of Israel means that the covenant people will be “gathered home to the lands of their inheritance, and shall be established in all their lands of promise” (2 Nephi 9:2). The tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh will be gathered in the Americas. The tribe of Judah will return to the city of Jerusalem and the area surrounding it. The ten lost tribes will receive from the tribe of Ephraim their promised blessings (see D&C 133:26–34). . . The physical gathering of Israel will not be complete until the Second Coming of the Savior and on into the Millennium (see Joseph Smith—Matthew 1:37)."

See also

Bibliography

  • Bruder, Édith: Black Jews of Africa, Oxford 2008.
  • Lange, Dierk: "Yoruba origins and the 'Lost Tribes of Israel'", Anthropos 106 (2011), 579-595.
  • Parfitt, Tudor: The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth, London 2002.
  • Weil, Shalva: Beyond the Sambatyon: the Myth of the Ten Tribes, Tel Aviv 1991.

Documentary

References and notes

Footnotes

  1. Jump up^ Jospehus, The Antiquities of the Jews, Book 11 chapter 1 and II Esdras 13:39-45
  2. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. pp. 1, 225.
  3. Jump up^ The Ten Lost Tribes Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, Oxford University Press. pp. 58-62
  4. ^ Jump up to:a b Weil, S. 1989 Beta Israel: A House Divided, Binghamton State University of NewYork.
  5. Jump up^ Lester L. Grabbe, Ancient Israel: What Do We Know and How Do We Know It? (New York: T&T Clark, 2007): 134
  6. Jump up^ Finkelstein & Silberman 2001, The Bible Unearthed.
  7. Jump up^ David Kimhi. Commentary on 2 Kings 17:34
  8. Jump up^ The Ten Lost Tribes: A World History, Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, Oxford University Press, p.57
  9. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. p. 69.
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  26. Jump up^ Shen, Peidong; Lavi, Tal; Kivisild, Toomas; Chou, Vivian; Sengun, Deniz; Gefel, Dov; Shpirer, Issac; Woolf, Eilon et al. (2004). "Reconstruction of patrilineages and matrilineages of Samaritans and other Israeli populations from Y-Chromosome and mitochondrial DNA sequence Variation". Human Mutation 24 (3): 248–60.doi:10.1002/humu.20077. PMID 15300852.
  27. Jump up^ Sanders, Edith (1963). "The Hamitic Hypothesis: Its Origin and Functions in Time Perspective". Journal of African History 10 (4): 521–532. JSTOR 179896.
  28. Jump up^ Zachernuk, Philip (1994). "Of Origins and Colonial Order: Southern Nigerians and the 'Hamitic Hypothesis' c. 1870-1970". Journal of African History 35 (3): 427–55. JSTOR 182643.
  29. Jump up^ Transcript, INSIDE AFRICA: Current Events on the African Continent, CNN, 11 September 2004.
  30. Jump up^ "The Lemba, The Black Jews of Southern Africa", NOVA episode, PBS.
  31. Jump up^ The Story of the Lemba People by Dr. Rudo Mathivha, 15 October 1999.
  32. ^ Jump up to:a b Tudor Parfitt's Remarkable Journey Part 2, NOVA, PBS website.
  33. Jump up^ "Lemba: South African Jews", San Diego Jewish Journal, March 2004.
  34. Jump up^ "Ethnic Groups". Library of Congress Country Studies. 1997. Retrieved 2010-10-29.
  35. Jump up^ menl#1 "The People - The Pashtuns". Center for Applied Linguistics (CAL). June 30, 2002. Retrieved 2010-10-29.[dead link]
  36. Jump up^ Introduction: Muhammad Qāsim Hindū Šāh Astarābādī Firištah,History Of The Mohamedan Power In India, The Packard Humanities Institute Persian Texts in Translation (retrieved 10 January 2007).
  37. Jump up^ Haber, M.; Platt, D. E.; Ashrafian Bonab, M.; Youhanna, S. C.; Soria-Hernanz, D. F.; Martínez-Cruz, B. A.; Douaihy, B.; Ghassibe-Sabbagh, M.; Rafatpanah, H.; Ghanbari, M.; Whale, J.; Balanovsky, O.; Wells, R. S.; Comas, D.; Tyler-Smith, C.; Zalloua, P. A.; Genographic, C. (2012)."Afghanistan's Ethnic Groups Share a Y-Chromosomal Heritage Structured by Historical Events". In Kayser, Manfred. PLoS ONE 7 (3): e34288. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0034288. PMC 3314501.PMID 22470552. edit
  38. ^ Jump up to:a b Abraham's children: race, identity, and the DNA of the chosen people Jon Entine
  39. Jump up^ De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas, p. 108 in Gallagher's English translation (1953)
  40. Jump up^ Oliver's Bookshelf, The Premier Web-Site for Early Mormon History
  41. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. p. 66.
  42. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. pp. 66, 76.
  43. Jump up^ George Rawlinson, noted in his translation of History of Herodotus, Book VII, p. 378
  44. Jump up^ Maurits Nanning Van Loon. Urartian Art. Its Distinctive Traits in the Light of New Excavations, Istanbul, 1966. p. 16
  45. ^ Jump up to:a b E. Raymond Capt, Missing Links Discovered in Assyrian Tablets,Artisan Pub, 1985 ISBN 0-934666-15-6
  46. Jump up^ (Greer, 2004. p57-60)Greer, Nick (2004). The British-Israel Myth. p. 55.
  47. Jump up^ Dimont, C (1933). The Legend of British-Israel.
  48. Jump up^ (Greer, 2004. p57-60)Greer, Nick (2004). The British-Israel Myth. p. 62.
  49. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. p. 61.
  50. Jump up^ Orr, Ralph. "The United States and Britain in Prophecy: An Analysis of the Biblical Evidence". Retrieved 2009-01-13.
  51. Jump up^ "The United States and Britain in Bible Prophecy". Retrieved 2009-01-14. Weil, S. 1989 Beta Israel: A House Divided, Binghamton State University of NewYork.
  52. Jump up^ Parfitt, T: The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth, London, 2002, p. 52-65.
  53. Jump up^ Parfitt, T: The Lost Tribes of Israel: The history of a myth, London, 2002, p. 57.
  54. Jump up^ [1] Orr, R: "How Anglo-Israelism Entered Seventh-day Churches of God: A history of the doctrine from John Wilson to Joseph W.Tkach."
  55. Jump up^ [2] "Transformed by Christ: A Brief History of the Worldwide Church of God"
  56. Jump up^ Davidiy, Yair (1996). "The Cimmerians, Scythians, and Israel". Retrieved 2009-02-04.
  57. Jump up^ "Brit-Am Commentary" by Yair Davidiy, Brit-Am website, accessed 10/3/08.
  58. Jump up^ "Biblical Locations of the Lost Ten Tribes: Scriptural Proof," by Yair Davidiy, Brit-Am website, accessed 7/15/08.
  59. Jump up^ "The Khazars and the Scottish," by Yair Davidiy, britam website, accessed 10/3/08.
  60. Jump up^ Hanok. "Israelite and Noahic Haplogroup Hypotheses". Retrieved 2009-02-04.
  61. Jump up^ Parfitt, Tudor (2003). The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix. p. 158.
  62. Jump up^ Epitome of the ancient history of Japan N. McLeod
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  67. Jump up^ Gospel Principles, chapter 42, "The Gathering of the House of Israel".

Notations[edit]

  • Michael Riff. The Face of Survival: Jewish Life in Eastern Europe Past and Present. Valentine Mitchell, London, 1992. ISBN 0-85303-220-3

External links

JAPANESE KANJI LANGUAGE

Kanji (漢字; Japanese pronunciation: [kandʑi] About this sound listen) are the adopted logographic Chinese characters (hanzi) that are used in the modern Japanese writing system along with hiragana, katakana, Hindu-Arabic numerals, and the occasional use of the Latin alphabet. The Japanese term kanji for the Chinese characters literally means "Han characters" and is written using the same characters as the Chinese word hanzi (simplified Chinese: 汉字;traditional Chinese: 漢字).

Kanji
Type Logographic
Languages Old Japanese, Japanese
Parent systems
Sister systems Hanja, Zhuyin, Simplified Chinese,Nom, Khitan script, Jurchen script
ISO 15924 Hani, 500
Direction Left-to-right
Unicode alias Han
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters.

Chinese characters first came to Japan on official seals, letters, swords, coins, mirrors, and other decorative items imported from China. The earliest known instance of such an import was the King of Na Gold Seal given by Emperor Guangwu of Han to a Yamato emissary in 57 AD. Chinese coins from the 1st century AD have been found in Yayoi period archaeological sites. However, the Japanese of that era probably had no comprehension of the script, and would remain illiterate until the 5th century AD. According to the Nihon Shoki and Kojiki, a semi-legendary scholar called Wani(王仁) was dispatched to Japan by the Kingdom of Baekje during the reign of Emperor Ōjin in the early 5th century, bringing with him knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese characters.

The earliest Japanese documents were probably written by bilingual Chinese or Korean officials employed at the Yamato court.[5] For example, the diplomatic correspondence from King Bu of Wa toEmperor Shun of Liu Song in 478 has been praised for its skillful use of allusion. Later, groups of people called fuhito were organized under the monarch to read and write Classical Chinese. During the reign of Empress Suiko (593–628), the Yamato court began sending full-scale diplomatic missions to China, which resulted in a large increase in Chinese literacy at the Japanese court.

The Japanese language had no written form at the time Chinese characters were introduced, and texts were written and read only in Chinese. Later, during the Heian period however, a system known as kanbun emerged, which involved using Chinese text with diacritical marks to allow Japanese speakers to restructure and read Chinese sentences, by changing word order and adding particles and verb endings, in accordance with the rules of Japanese grammar.

Chinese characters also came to be used to write Japanese words, resulting in the modern kana syllabaries. Around 650 CE, a writing system called man'yōgana (used in the ancient poetry anthology Man'yōshū) evolved that used a number of Chinese characters for their sound, rather than for their meaning. Man'yōgana written in cursive style evolved into hiragana, a writing system that was accessible to women (who were denied higher education). Major works of Heian era literature by women were written in hiragana. Katakana emerged via a parallel path:monastery students simplifiedman'yōgana to a single constituent element. Thus the two other writing systems, hiragana and katakana, referred to collectively as kana, are actually descended from kanji.

In modern Japanese, kanji are used to write parts of the language such as nouns, adjective stems, and verb stems, while hiragana are used to write inflected verb and adjective endings and as phonetic complements to disambiguate readings (okurigana), particles, and miscellaneous words which have no kanji or whose kanji is considered obscure or too difficult to read or remember. Katakana are used for representing onomatopoeia, non-Japanese loanwords (except those borrowed from ancient Chinese), the names of plants and animals (with exceptions), and for emphasis on certain words.

Orthographic reform and lists of kanji

Main article: Japanese script reform
A young woman practicing kanji. Ukiyo-ewoodblock print by Yōshū Chikanobu, 1897

In 1946, following World War II, the Japanese government instituted a series of orthographic reforms. This was done with the goal of facilitating learning for children and simplifying kanji use in literature and periodicals. The number of characters in circulation was reduced, and formal lists of characters to be learned during each grade of school were established. Some characters were given simplified glyphs, called新字体 (shinjitai). Many variant forms of characters and obscure alternatives for common characters were officially discouraged.

These are simply guidelines, so many characters outside these standards are still widely known and commonly used; these are known as hyōgaiji (表外字?).

Kyōiku kanji

Main article: Kyōiku kanji

The Kyōiku kanji (教育漢字, "education kanji") are 1,006 characters that Japanese children learn in elementary school. The number was 881 until 1981. The grade-level breakdown of the education kanji is known as the gakunen-betsu kanji haitōhyō (学年別漢字配当表), or the gakushū kanji.

Jōyō kanji

Main article: Jōyō kanji

The Jōyō kanji (常用漢字, "regular-use kanji") are 2,136 characters consisting of all the Kyōiku kanji, plus 1,130 additional kanji taught in junior high and high school. In publishing, characters outside this category are often given furigana. The Jōyō kanji were introduced in 1981, replacing an older list of 1,850 characters known as the Tōyō kanji (当用漢字, "general-use kanji") introduced in 1946. Originally numbering 1,945 characters, the Jōyō kanji list was extended to 2,136 in 2010. Some of the new characters were previously Jinmeiyō kanji; some are used to write prefecture names: 阪, 熊, 奈, 岡, 鹿, 梨, 阜, 埼, 茨, 栃 and 媛.

Jinmeiyō kanji

Main article: Jinmeiyō kanji

Since September 27, 2004, the Jinmeiyō kanji (人名用漢字, "kanji for use in personal names") consist of 2,928 characters, containing the Jōyō kanjiplus an additional 983 kanji found in people's names. There were only 92 kanji in the original list published in 1952, but new additions have been made frequently. Sometimes the term Jinmeiyō kanji refers to all 2,928, and sometimes it only refers to the 983 that are only used for names.

Hyōgaiji

Main article: Hyōgaiji

Hyōgaiji (表外字?, "unlisted characters") are any kanji not contained in the jōyō kanji and jinmeiyō kanji lists. These are generally written using traditional characters, but extended shinjitai forms exist.

Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji

The Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji and kana define character code-points for each kanji and kana, as well as other forms of writing such as the Latin alphabet, Cyrillic script, Greek alphabet, Hindu-Arabic numerals, etc. for use in information processing. They have had numerous revisions. The current standards are:

  • JIS X 0208 (JIS X 0208:1997), the most recent version of the main standard. It has 6,355 kanji.
  • JIS X 0212 (JIS X 0212:1990), a supplementary standard containing a further 5,801 kanji. This standard is rarely used, mainly because the common Shift JIS encoding system could not use it. This standard is effectively obsolete;
  • JIS X 0213 (JIS X 0213:2000), a further revision which extended the JIS X 0208 set with 3,695 additional kanji, of which 2,743 (all but 952) were in JIS X 0212. The standard is in part designed to be compatible with Shift JIS encoding;
  • JIS X 0221:1995, the Japanese version of the ISO 10646/Unicode standard.

Gaiji

Gaiji (外字), literally meaning "external characters", are kanji that are not represented in existing Japanese encoding systems. These include variant forms of common kanji that need to be represented alongside the more conventional glyph in reference works, and can include non-kanji symbols as well.

Gaiji can be either user-defined characters or system-specific characters. Both are a problem for information interchange, as the codepoint used to represent an external character will not be consistent from one computer or operating system to another.

Gaiji were nominally prohibited in JIS X 0208-1997, and JIS X 0213-2000 used the range of code-points previously allocated to gaiji, making them completely unusable. Nevertheless, they persist today with NTT DoCoMo's "i-mode" service, where they are used for emoji (pictorial characters).

Unicode allows for optional encoding of gaiji in private use areas, while Adobe's SING (Smart INdependent Glyphlets] technology allows the creation of customized gaiji.

The Text Encoding Initiative uses a <g> element to encode any non-standard character or glyph, including gaiji. (The g stands for "gaiji".

Total number of kanji

The number of possible characters is disputed; in principle any Chinese character can be used as kanji, which often occurs with proper names or names of food. The Daikanwa Jiten contains about 50,000 characters, which is considered to be comprehensive in Japan. The Zhonghua Zihai, published in 1994 in China where Chinese characters is used more extensively, contain about 80 000 characters.

Approximately 2,000 to 3,000 characters are in common use in Japan, a few thousand more find occasional use, and a total of about 13,000 characters can be encoded in various Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji.

Readings

Borrowing Typology of Han Characters
Meaning Pronunciation
a) semantic on L1 L1
b) semantic kun L1 L2
c) phonetic on L1
d) phonetic kun L2
*With L1 representing the language borrowed from (Chinese) and L2 representing the borrowing language (Japanese).

Because of the way they have been adopted into Japanese, a single kanji may be used to write one or more different words (or, in some cases, morphemes), and thus the same character may be pronounced in different ways. From the point of view of the reader, kanji are said to have one or more different "readings". Deciding which reading is appropriate depends on recognizing which word it represents, which can usually be determined from context, intended meaning, whether the character occurs as part of a compound word or an independent word, and sometimes location within the sentence. For example, (今日?) is usually read kyō, meaning "today", but in formal writing is instead read konnichi, meaning "nowadays"; this is understood from context. Nevertheless, some cases are ambiguous and require a furigana gloss, which are also used simply for difficult readings or to specify a non-standard reading.

Kanji readings are categorized as either on'yomi (literally "sound reading", from Chinese) or kun'yomi (literally "meaning reading", native Japanese), and most characters have at least two readings, at least one of each. However, some characters have only a single reading, such as kiku (?, chrysanthemum) (on) or iwashi (?, sardine) (kun); kun-only are common for Japanese-coined kanji (kokuji). Some common kanji have ten or more possible readings; the most complex common example is 生, which is read as sei, shō, nama, ki, o-u, i-kiru, i-kasu, i-keru, u-mu, u-mareru, ha-eru,and ha-yasu, totaling 8 basic readings (first 2 are on, rest are kun), or 12 if related verbs are counted as distinct; see okurigana: 生 for details.

Most often a character will be used for both sound and meaning, and it is simply a matter of choosing the correct reading based on which word it represents. In other cases, a character is used only for sound (ateji), in which case pronunciation is still based on an standard reading, or used only for meaning (broadly a form of ateji, narrowly jukujikun), in which case the individual character does not have a reading, only the full compound; this is significantly more complicated; see special readings, below.

The analogous phenomenon occurs to a much lesser degree in Chinese languages, where there are literary and colloquial readings of Chinese characters – borrowed readings and native readings. In Chinese these borrowed readings and native readings are etymologically related, since they are between Chinese languages (which are related), not from Chinese to Japanese (which are not related). They thus form doublets and are generally similar, analogous to different on'yomi, reflecting different stages of Chinese borrowings into Japanese.

On'yomi (Sino-Japanese reading)

The on'yomi (音読み), the Sino-Japanese reading, is the modern descendant of the Japanese approximation of the Chinese pronunciation of the character at the time it was introduced. Some kanji were introduced from different parts of China at different times, and so have multiple on'yomi, and often multiple meanings. Kanji invented in Japan would not normally be expected to have on'yomi, but there are exceptions, such as the character 働 "to work", which has the kun'yomi "hataraku" and the on'yomi "dō", and 腺 "gland", which has only the on'yomi "sen" – in both cases these come from the on'yomi of the phonetic component, respectively 動 "dō" and 泉 "sen".

Generally, on'yomi are classified into four types:

  • Go-on (呉音?, "Wu sound") readings are from the pronunciation during the Southern and Northern Dynasties during the 5th and 6th centuries. There is a high probability of Go referring to the Wu region (in the vicinity of modern Shanghai), which still maintains linguistic similarities with modern Sino-Japanese vocabulary.
  • Kan-on (漢音?, "Han sound") readings are from the pronunciation during the Tang Dynasty in the 7th to 9th centuries, primarily from the standard speech of the capital, Chang'an (長安 or 长安, modern Xi'an). Here, Kan is used in the sense of China.
  • Tō-on (唐音?, "Tang sound") readings are from the pronunciations of later dynasties, such as the Song (宋) and Ming (明). They cover all readings adopted from the Heian era (平安) to the Edo period (江戸). This is also known as Tōsō-on (唐宋音), "Tang and Song sound".
  • Kan'yō-on (慣用音?, "Customary sound") readings, which are mistaken or changed readings of the kanji that have become accepted into the language. In some cases, they are the actual readings that accompanied the character's introduction to Japan, but do not match how the character “should” be read according to the rules of character construction and pronunciation.
Examples (rare readings in parentheses)
Kanji Meaning Go-on Kan-on Tō-on Kan'yō-on
bright myō mei (min)
go gyō

(an)
extreme goku kyoku
pearl shu shu ju (zu)
degree do (to)
transport (shu) (shu) yu
masculine
bear
child shi shi su
clear shō sei (shin)
capital kyō kei (kin)
soldier hyō hei
strong kyō

The most common form of readings is the kan-on one, and use of a non-kan-on reading in a word where the kan-on reading is well-known is a common cause of reading mistakes or difficulty, such as in ge-doku (解毒?, detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on), where (?) is usually instead read as kai. Thego-on readings are especially common in Buddhist terminology such as gokuraku 極楽 "paradise", as well as in some of the earliest loans, such as the Sino-Japanese numbers. The tō-on readings occur in some later words, such as isu 椅子 "chair", futon 布団 "mattress", and andon 行灯, "a kind of paper lantern". The go-on, kan-on, and tō-on readings are generally cognate (with rare exceptions of homographs; see below), having a common origin in Old Chinese, and hence form linguistic doublets or triplets, but they can differ significantly from each other and from modern Chinese pronunciation.

In Chinese, most characters are associated with a single Chinese sound, though there are distinctliterary and colloquial readings of Chinese characters. However, some homographs called 多音字 (pinyin: duōyīnzì) such as 行 (pinyin: háng or xíng) (Japanese: an, gō, gyō) have more than one reading in Chinese representing different meanings, which is reflected in the carryover to Japanese as well. Additionally, many Chinese syllables, especially those with an entering tone, did not fit the largely consonant-vowel (CV) phonotactics of classical Japanese. Thus most on'yomi are composed of twomorae (beats), the second of which is either a lengthening of the vowel in the first mora, the vowel i, or one of the syllables ku, ki, tsu, chi, or moraic n, chosen for their approximation to the final consonants of Middle Chinese. It may be that palatalized consonants before vowels other than i developed in Japanese as a result of Chinese borrowings, as they are virtually unknown in words of native Japanese origin.

On'yomi primarily occur in multi-kanji compound words (熟語 jukugo), many of which are the result of the adoption, along with the kanji themselves, of Chinese words for concepts that either did not exist in Japanese or could not be articulated as elegantly using native words. This borrowing process is often compared to the English borrowings from Latin, Greek, and Norman French, since Chinese-borrowed terms are often more specialized, or considered to sound more erudite or formal, than their native counterparts. The major exception to this rule is family names, in which the nativekun'yomi are usually used (though on'yomi are found in many personal names, especially men's names).

Kun'yomi (Japanese reading)

The kun'yomi (訓読み), Japanese reading, or native reading (literally, meaning reading), is a reading based on the pronunciation of a native Japaneseword, or yamato kotoba, that closely approximated the meaning of the Chinese character when it was introduced. As with on'yomi, there can be multiple kun'yomi for the same kanji, and some kanji have no kun'yomi at all.

For instance, the kanji for east, , has the on'yomi tō. However, Japanese already had two words for "east": higashi and azuma. Thus the kanji  had the latter readings added as kun'yomi. In contrast, the kanji , denoting a Chinese unit of measurement (about 30 mm or 1.2 inch), has no nativeJapanese equivalent; it only has an on'yomi, sun, with no native kun'yomi. Most kokuji, Japanese-created Chinese characters, only have kun'yomi(although some have back-formed a pseudo-on'yomi by analogy with similar characters, such as  dō, from  dō), though some, such as  sen"gland", have only an on'yomi.

Kun'yomi are characterized by the strict (C)V syllable structure of yamato kotoba. Most noun or adjective kun'yomi are two to three syllables long, while verb kun'yomi are usually between one and three syllables in length, not counting trailing hiragana called okurigana. Okurigana are not considered to be part of the internal reading of the character, although they are part of the reading of the word. A beginner in the language will rarely come across characters with long readings, but readings of three or even four syllables are not uncommon. This contrasts with on'yomi, which are monosyllabic, and is unusual in the Chinese family of scripts, which generally use one character per syllable – not only in Chinese, but also in Korean, Vietnamese, and Zhuang; polysyllabic Chinese characters are rare and considered non-standard.

承る uketamawaru,  kokorozashi, and  mikotonori have five syllables represented by a single kanji, the longest readings in the Jōyō character set. These unusually long readings are due a single character representing a compound word. In detail, due respectively to 承る being a single character for a compound verb, one component of which has a long reading (alternative spelling as 受け賜る u(ke)-tamawa(ru), hence (1+1)+3=5; compare common受け付ける u(ke)-tsu(keru), to  being a nominalization of the verb 志す which has a long reading kokoroza(su) (due to being derived from a noun-verb compound, 心指す kokoro-za(su)), the nominalization removing the okurigana, hence increasing the reading by one mora, yielding 4+1=5 (compare common  hanashi 2+1=3, from 話す hana(su), and  being a triple compound (alternative spelling 御言宣 mi-koto-nori, hence 1+2+2=5). Longer readings exist for non-Jōyō characters and non-kanji symbols, where a long gairaigo word may be the reading (this is classed as kun'yomi – see single character gairaigo, below) – the character  has the seven kana reading センチメートル senchimētoru "centimeter", though it is generally written as "cm" (with two half-width characters, so occupying one space); another common example is '%' (the percent sign), which has the five kana reading パーセント pāsento. Further, some Jōyō characters have long non-Jōyō readings (students learn the character, but not the reading), such as omonpakarufor 慮る.

In a number of cases, multiple kanji were assigned to cover a single Japanese word. Typically when this occurs, the different kanji refer to specific shades of meaning. For instance, the word なおす, naosu, when written 治す, means "to heal an illness or sickness". When written 直す it means "to fix or correct something". Sometimes the distinction is very clear, although not always. Differences of opinion among reference works is not uncommon; one dictionary may say the kanji are equivalent, while another dictionary may draw distinctions of use. As a result, native speakers of the language may have trouble knowing which kanji to use and resort to personal preference or by writing the word in hiragana. This latter strategy is frequently employed with more complex cases such as もと moto, which has at least five different kanji: 元, 基, 本, 下, and , the first three of which have only very subtle differences. Another notable example is sakazuki "sake cup", which may be spelt as at least five different kanji: 杯, 盃, 巵/卮, and ; of these, the first two are common – formally  is a small cup and  a large cup.

Local dialectical readings of kanji are also classified under kun'yomi, most notably readings for words in Ryukyuan languages. Further, in rare casesgairaigo (borrowed words) have a single character associated with them, in which case this reading is formally classified as a kun'yomi, because the character is being used for meaning, not sound. This is discussed under other readings, below.

Mixed readings

A jūbako (重箱?), which has a mixed on-kun reading.
A yutō (湯桶?), which has a mixed kun-on reading.

There are many kanji compounds that use a mixture of on'yomi and kun'yomi, known as jūbako (重箱?, multi-layered food box) or yutō (湯桶?, hot liquid pail) words (depending on the order), which are themselves examples of this kind of compound (they are autological words): the first character of jūbako is read usingon'yomi, the second kun'yomi (on-kun), while it is the other way around with yutō (kun-on). Formally, these are referred to as jūbako-yomi (重箱読み?, jūbako reading) and yutō-yomi (湯桶読み?, yutō reading). Note that in both these words, the on'yomi has a long vowel; long vowels in Japanese generally come from Chinese, hence distinctive of on'yomi. These are the Japanese form of hybrid words. Other examples include 場所 basho "place" (kun-on), 金色 kin'iro "golden" (on-kun) and 合気道 aikidō "the martial art Aikido" (kun-on-on).

Special readings

Gikun (義訓) and jukujikun (熟字訓) are readings of kanji combinations that have no direct correspondence to the characters' individual on'yomi or kun'yomi, but rather are connected with their meaning – this is the opposite of ateji. From the point of view of the character, rather than the word, this is known as a nankun(難訓?, difficult reading), and these are listed in kanji dictionaries under the entry for the character. Gikunare when non-standard kanji are used, generally for effect, such as using 寒 with reading fuyu (ふゆ, "winter"), rather than the standard character 冬. Jukujikun are when the standard kanji for a word are related to the meaning, but not the sound – the word is pronounced as a whole, not corresponding to sounds of individual kanji. For example, 今朝 ("this morning") is jukujikun, and read neither as *ima'asa, the kun'yomiof the characters, nor konchō, the on'yomi of the characters, nor any combination thereof. Instead it is read as kesa—a native Japanese word with two syllables (which may be seen as a single morpheme, or as a fusion of kyō (previously kefu), "today", and asa, "morning"). Jukujikun are primarily used for some native Japanese words, and for some old borrowings, such as 柳葉魚 (shishamo, literally "willow leaf fish"), from Ainu, or 煙草 (tabako, literally "smoke grass"), from Portuguese. Words whose kanji are jukujikun are often usually written as hiragana (if native), or katakana (if borrowed); some old borrowed words are also written as hiragana.

Jukujikun are quite varied. Often the kanji compound for jukujikun is idiosyncratic and created for the word, with the corresponding Chinese word not existing; in other cases a kanji compound for an existing Chinese word is reused, with the Chinese word and on'yomi may or may not be used in Japanese; for example, (馴鹿?, reindeer) is jukujikun for tonakai, from Ainu, but the on'yomi junroku is also used. In some cases Japanese coinages have subsequently been borrowed back into Chinese, such as ankō (鮟鱇?, monkfish).

The underlying word for jukujikun is a native Japanese word or foreign borrowing, which either does not have an existing kanji spelling (either kun'yomior ateji) or for which a new kanji spelling is produced. Most often the word is a noun, which may be a simple noun (not a compound or derived from a verb), or may be a verb form or a fusional pronunciation; for example sumō (相撲?, sumo) is originally from the verb suma-u (争う?, to vie), while kyō (今日?, today) is fusional. In rare cases jukujikun is also applied to inflectional words (verbs and adjectives), in which case there is frequently a corresponding Chinese word.

Examples of jukujikun for inflectional words follow. The most common example of a jukujikun adjective is kawai-i (可愛い?, cute), originally kawayu-i;the word (可愛?) is used in Chinese, but the corresponding on'yomi is not used in Japanese. By contrast, the jukujikun fusawa-shii (相応しい?, appropriate) and on'yomi sōō (相応?, appropriate) are both used; the -shii ending is because these were formerly a different class of adjectives. A common example of a verb with jukujikun is haya-ru (流行る?, to spread, to be in vogue), corresponding to on'yomi ryūkō (流行?). A sample jukujikun deverbal (noun derived from a verb form) is yusuri (強請?, extortion), from yusu-ru (強請る?, to extort), spelling from kyōsei (強請?, extortion). See 義訓and 熟字訓 for many more examples. Note that there are also compound verbs and, less commonly, compound adjectives, and while these may have multiple kanji without intervening characters, they are read using usual kun'yomi; examples include omo-shiro-i (面白い?, interesting) face-whiteningand zuru-gashiko-i (狡賢い?, sly).

Typographically, the furigana for jukujikun are often written so they are centered across the entire word, or for inflectional words over the entire root – corresponding to the reading being related to the entire word – rather than each part of the word being centered over its corresponding character, as is often done for the usual phono-semantic readings.

Broadly speaking, jukujikun can be considered a form of ateji, though in narrow usage "ateji" refers specifically to using characters for sound and not meaning (sound-spelling), rather than meaning and not sound (meaning-spelling), as in jukujikun.

Many jukujikun (established meaning-spellings) began life as gikun (improvised meaning-spellings). Occasionally a single word will have many such kanji spellings; an extreme example is hototogisu (lesser cuckoo), which may be spelt in a great many ways, including 杜鵑, 時鳥, 子規, 不如帰, 霍公鳥, 蜀魂, 沓手鳥, 杜宇, 田鵑, 沓直鳥, and 郭公 – many of these variant spellings are particular to haiku poems.

Single character gairaigo

In some rare cases, an individual kanji has a reading that is borrowed from a modern foreign language (gairaigo), though most often these words are written in katakana. Notable examples include pēji (頁、ページ?, page), botan (釦/鈕、ボタン?, button), zero (零、ゼロ?, zero), and mētoru (米、メートル?, meter). See list of single character gairaigo for more. These are classed as kun'yomi of a single character, because the character is being used for meaning only (without the Chinese pronunciation), rather than as ateji, which is the classification used when a gairaigo term is written as a compound (2 or more characters). However, unlike the vast majority of other kun'yomi, these readings are not native Japanese, but rather borrowed, so the "kun'yomi" label can be misleading. The readings are also written in katakana, unlike the usual hiragana for native kun'yomi. Note that most of these characters are for units, particularly SI units, in many cases using new characters (kokuji) coined during the Meiji period, such as kiromētoru(粁、キロメートル?, kilometer, 米 "meter" + 千 "thousand").

Other readings

Some kanji also have lesser-known readings called nanori (名乗り), which are mostly used for names (often given names), and are generally closely related to the kun'yomi. Place names sometimes also use nanori or, occasionally, unique readings not found elsewhere.

For example, in the case of surname 小鳥遊, literally it mean little birds playing around, and that imply no eagle (as eagles is little birds' natural enemy, and it's only eagle aren't around so little birds can play happily), (鷹(たか)がいない), Taka ga i nai)), thus it is then converted to become pronounced as タカナシ (Takanashi). 

When to use which reading

Although there are general rules for when to use on'yomi and when to use kun'yomi, the language is littered with exceptions, and it is not always possible for even a native speaker to know how to read a character without prior knowledge (this is especially true for names, both of people and places); further, a given character may have multiple kun'yomi or on'yomi. When reading Japanese, one primarily recognizes words (multiple characters and okurigana) and their readings, rather than individual characters, and only guess readings of characters when trying to "sound out" an unrecognized word.

Homographs exist, however, which can sometimes be deduced from context, and sometimes cannot, requiring a glossary. For example, 今日 may be read either as kyō "today (informal)" (special fused reading for native word) or as konnichi "these days (formal)" (on'yomi); in formal writing this will generally be read as konnichi. In some cases multiple readings are common, as in 豚汁 "pork soup", which is commonly pronounced both as ton-jiru(mixed on-kun) and buta-jiru (kun-kun), with ton somewhat more common nationally. Inconsistencies abound – for example 牛肉 gyu-niku "beef" and 羊肉 yō-niku "mutton" have on-on readings, but 豚肉 buta-niku "pork" and 鶏肉 tori-niku "poultry" have kun-on readings.

The main guideline is that a single kanji followed by okurigana (hiragana characters that are part of the word) – as used in native verbs and adjectives –always indicates kun'yomi, while kanji compounds (kango) usually use on'yomi, which is usually kan-on; however, other on'yomi are also common, andkun'yomi are also commonly used in kango. For a kanji in isolation without okurigana, it is typically read using their kun'yomi, though there are numerous exceptions. For example, 鉄 "iron" is usually read with the on'yomi tetsu rather than the kun'yomi kurogane. Chinese on'yomi which are not the common kan-on one are a frequent cause of difficulty or mistakes when encountering unfamiliar words or for inexperienced readers, though skilled natives will recognize the word; a good example is ge-doku (解毒?, detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on), where (?) is usually instead read as kai.

Okurigana are used with kun'yomi to mark the inflected ending of a native verb or adjective, or by convention – note that Japanese verbs and adjectives are closed class, and do not generally admit new words (borrowed Chinese vocabulary, which are nouns, can form verbs by adding -suru (〜する?, to do) at the end, and adjectives via 〜の -no or 〜な -na, but cannot become native Japanese vocabulary, which inflect). For example: 赤い aka-i "red", 新しい atara-shii "new", 見る mi-ru "(to) see". Okurigana can be used to indicate which kun'yomi to use, as in 食べる ta-beru versus 食う ku-u (casual), both meaning "(to) eat", but this is not always sufficient, as in 開く, which may be read as a-ku or hira-ku, both meaning "(to) open". 生 is a particularly complicated example, with multiple kun and on'yomi – see okurigana: 生 for details. Okurigana is also used for some nouns and adverbs, as in 情けnasake "sympathy", 必ず kanarazu "invariably", but not for 金 kane "money", for instance. Okurigana is an important aspect of kanji usage in Japanese; see that article for more information on kun'yomi orthography

Kanji occurring in compounds are generally read using on'yomi, called 熟語 jukugo in Japanese (though again, exceptions abound). For example, 情報jōhō "information", 学校 gakkō "school", and 新幹線 shinkansen "bullet train" all follow this pattern. This isolated kanji versus compound distinction gives words for similar concepts completely different pronunciations. 東 "east" and 北 "north" use the kun'yomi higashi and kita, being stand-alone characters, while 北東 "northeast", as a compound, uses the on'yomi hokutō. This is further complicated by the fact that many kanji have more than one on'yomi: 生 is read as sei in 先生 sensei "teacher" but as shō in 一生 isshō "one's whole life". Meaning can also be an important indicator of reading; 易 is read i when it means "simple", but as eki when it means "divination", both being on'yomi for this character.

These rules of thumb have many exceptions. Kun'yomi compound words are not as numerous as those with on'yomi, but neither are they rare. Examples include 手紙 tegami "letter", 日傘 higasa "parasol", and the famous 神風 kamikaze "divine wind". Such compounds may also have okurigana, such as 空揚げ (also written 唐揚げ) karaage "Chinese-style fried chicken" and 折り紙 origami, although many of these can also be written with the okurigana omitted (for example, 空揚 or 折紙).

Similarly, some on'yomi characters can also be used as words in isolation: 愛 ai "love", 禅 Zen, 点 ten "mark, dot". Most of these cases involve kanji that have no kun'yomi, so there can be no confusion, although exceptions do occur. A lone 金 may be read as kin "gold" or as kane "money, metal"; only context can determine the writer's intended reading and meaning.

Multiple readings have given rise to a number of homographs, in some cases having different meanings depending on how they are read. One example is 上手, which can be read in three different ways: jōzu (skilled), uwate (upper part), or kamite (stage left/house right). In addition, 上手い has the reading umai (skilled). More subtly, 明日 has three different readings, all meaning "tomorrow": ashita (casual), asu (polite), and myōnichi (formal).Furigana (reading glosses) is often used to clarify any potential ambiguities.

Conversely, in some cases homophonous terms may be distinguished in writing by different characters, but not so distinguished in speech, and hence potentially confusing. In some cases when it is important to distinguish these in speech, the reading of a relevant character may be changed. For example, 私立 (privately established, esp. school) and 市立 (city established) are both normally pronounced shi-ritsu; in speech these may be distinguished by the alternative pronunciations watakushi-ritsu and ichi-ritsu. More informally, in legal jargon 前文 "preamble" and 全文 "full text" are both pronounced zen-bun, so 前文 may be pronounced mae-bun for clarity, as in "Have you memorized the preamble [not 'whole text'] of the constitution?". As in these examples, this is primarily using a kun'yomi for one character in a normally on'yomi term.

As stated above, 重箱 jūbako and 湯桶 yutō readings are also not uncommon. Indeed, all four combinations of reading are possible: on-on, kun-kun,kun-on and on-kun.

Some famous place names, including those of Tokyo (東京 Tōkyō) and Japan itself (日本 Nihon or sometimes Nippon) are read with on'yomi; however, the majority of Japanese place names are read with kun'yomi: 大阪 Ōsaka, 青森 Aomori, 箱根 Hakone. Names often use characters and readings that are not in common use outside of names. When characters are used as abbreviations of place names, their reading may not match that in the original. The Osaka (大阪) and Kobe (神戸) baseball team, the Hanshin (阪神) Tigers, take their name from the on'yomi of the second kanji of Ōsaka and the first of Kōbe. The name of the Keisei (京成) railway line, linking Tokyo (東京) and Narita (成田) is formed similarly, although the reading of 京 from 東京 is kei, despite kyō already being an on'yomi in the word Tōkyō.

Japanese family names are also usually read with kun'yomi: 山田 Yamada, 田中 Tanaka, 鈴木 Suzuki. Japanese given names often have very irregular readings – although they are not typically considered jūbako or yutō, they often contain mixtures of kun'yomi, on'yomi and nanori, such as 大助Daisuke [on-kun], 夏美 Natsumi [kun-on]. Being chosen at the discretion of the parents, the readings of given names do not follow any set rules and it is impossible to know with certainty how to read a person's name without independent verification. Parents can be quite creative, and rumours abound of children called 地球 Āsu and 天使 Enjeru, quite literally "Earth" and "Angel"; neither are common names, and have normal readings chikyū andtenshi respectively. Common patterns do exist, however, allowing experienced readers to make a good guess for most names.

Chinese place names and Chinese personal names appearing in Japanese texts, if spelled in kanji, are almost invariably read with on'yomi. Especially for older and well-known names, the resulting Japanese pronunciation may differ widely from that used by Chinese speakers. For example, Mao Zedong's name, written 毛沢東, is pronounced as Mō Takutō in Japanese. Today, Chinese names that aren't well known in Japan are often spelled inKatakana instead, in a form much more closely approximating the native Chinese pronunciation. Alternatively, they may be written in kanji with katakana furigana.

In some cases the same kanji can appear in a given word with different readings. Normally this occurs when a character is duplicated and the reading of the second character has voicing (rendaku), as in 人人 hito-bito "people" (more often written with the iteration mark as 人々), but in rare cases the readings can be unrelated, as in 跳び跳ねる tobi-haneru "hop around" (more often written 飛び跳ねる).

Pronunciation assistance

Because of the ambiguities involved, kanji sometimes have their pronunciation for the given context spelled out in ruby characters known as furigana, (small kana written above or to the right of the character) or kumimoji (small kana written in-line after the character). This is especially true in texts for children or foreign learners. It is also used in newspapers and manga (comics) for rare or unusual readings and for characters not included in the officially recognized set of essential kanji. Works of fiction sometimes use furigana to create new "words" by giving normal kanji non-standard readings, or to attach a foreign word rendered in katakana as the reading for a kanji or kanji compound of the same or similar meaning.

Spelling words

Conversely, specifying a given kanji, or spelling out a kanji word—whether the pronunciation is known or not—can be complicated, due to the fact that there is not a commonly used standard way to refer to individual kanji (one does not refer to "kanji #237"), and that a given reading does not map to a single kanji—indeed there are many homophonous words, not simply individual characters, particularly for kango (with on'yomi). Easiest is to write the word out—either on paper or tracing it in the air—or look it up (given the pronunciation) in a dictionary, particularly an electronic dictionary; when this is not possible, such as when speaking over the phone or writing implements are not available (and tracing in air is too complicated), various techniques can be used. These include giving kun'yomi for characters—these are often unique—using a well-known word with the same character (and preferably the same pronunciation and meaning), and describing the character via its components. For example, one may explain how to spell the word kōshinryō(香辛料?, spice) via the words kao-ri (香り?, fragrance), kara-i (辛い?, spicy), and in-ryō (飲料?, beverage)—the first two use the kun'yomi, the third is a well-known compound—saying "kaori, karai, ryō as in inryō."

Local developments and divergences from Chinese

Since Kanji are essentially Chinese hanzi used to write Japanese, majority of kanji used in modern Japanese still retain their Chinese meaning (especially with their modern traditional Chinese characters counterparts) and retain a degree of similarity in pronunciation with Classical Chinese pronunciation imported to Japan from 5th to 9th century. Nevertheless, after centuries of development, there is a notable number of kanji used in modern Japanese have different meaning from Chinese characters used in modern Chinese. Such differences is the resulted by (i) the use of characters created in Japan, (ii) characters that have been given different meanings in Japanese, and (iii) post-World War II simplifications of the kanji. Likewise, the process of character simplification in mainland China since the 1950s has the result that Japanese speakers who have not studied Chinese may not recognize some simplified characters.

Kokuji

Kokuji (国字, "national characters") are characters particular to Japan, generally devised in Japan. The term wasei kanji (和製漢字, "kanji made in Japan") is also used to refer to kokuji. These are primarily formed in the usual way of Chinese characters, namely by combining existing components, though using a combination that is not used in China. The corresponding phenomenon in Korea is called gukja (國字), which is the cognate term; there are however far fewer Korean-coined characters than Japanese-coined ones. Other languages using the Chinese family of scripts sometimes have far more extensive systems of native characters, most significantly Vietnamese chữ nôm, which comprises over 20,000 characters used throughout traditional Vietnamese writing, and Zhuang sawndip, which comprises over 10,000 characters, which are still in use.

Since kokuji are generally devised for existing native words, these usually only have native kun readings. However, they occasionally have a Chineseon reading, derived from a phonetic, as in , dō, from , and in rare cases only have an on reading, as in , sen, from , which was derived for use in technical compounds ( means "gland", hence used in medical terminology).

The majority of kokuji are ideogrammatic compounds (会意字), meaning that they are composed of two (or more) characters, with the meaning associated with the combination. For example, 働 is composed of 亻 (person radical) plus 動 (action), hence "action of a person, work". This is in contrast to kanji generally, which are overwhelmingly phono-semantic compounds. This difference is because kokuji were coined to express Japanese words, so borrowing existing (Chinese) readings could not express these – combining existing characters to logically express the meaning was the simplest way to achieve this. Other illustrative examples (below) include  sakaki tree, formed as 木 "tree" and  "god", literally "divine tree", and tsuji "crossroads, street" formed as  (⻌) "road" and  "cross", hence "cross-road".

In terms of meanings, these are especially for natural phenomena (esp. species) that were not present in ancient China, including a very large number of fish, such as 鰯 (sardine). In other cases they refer to specifically Japanese abstract concepts, everyday words (like 辻), or later technical coinages (such as 腺).

There are hundreds of kokuji in existence.[16] Many are rarely used, but a number have become commonly used components of the written Japanese language. These include the following:

Jōyō kanji has about 9 kokuji; there is some dispute over classification, but generally includes these:

  •  どう dō, はたら(く) hatara(ku) "work", the most commonly used kokuji, used in the fundamental verb 働く hatara(ku) "work", included in elementary texts and on the Japanese Language Proficiency Test N5, for example.
  •  こ(む) ko(mu), used in the fundamental verb 込む(こむ) komu "to be crowded"
  •  にお(う) nio(u), used in common verb 匂う(におう) niou "to smell, to be fragrant"
  •  はたけ hatake "field of crops"
  •  せん sen, "gland"
  •  とうげ tōge "mountain pass"
  •  わく waku, "frame"
  •  へい hei, "wall"
  •  しぼ(る) shibo(ru), "to squeeze" (disputed; see below)

Jinmeiyō kanji:

  •  さかき sakaki "tree, genus Cleyera"
  •  つじ tsuji "crossroads, street"
  •  もんめ monme (unit of weight)

Hyōgaiji:

  •  しつ(け) shitsu(ke) "training, rearing (an animal, a child)"

Some of these characters (for example, 腺, "gland" have been introduced to China. In some cases the Chinese reading is the inferred Chinese reading, interpreting the character as a phono-semantic compound (as in how on readings are sometimes assigned to these characters in Chinese), while in other cases (such as 働), the Japanese on reading is borrowed (in general this differs from the modern Chinese pronunciation of this phonetic). Similar coinages occurred to a more limited extent in Korea and Vietnam.

Historically, some kokuji date back to very early Japanese writing, being found in the Man'yōshū, for example – 鰯 iwashi "sardine" dates to the Nara period (8th century) – while they have continued to be created as late as the late 19th century, when a number of characters were coined in the Meiji era for new scientific concepts. For example, some characters were produced as regular compounds for some (but not all) SI units, such as 粁 (米 "meter" + 千 "thousand, kilo-") for kilometer – see Chinese characters for SI units for details.

In Japan the kokuji category is strictly defined as characters whose earliest appearance is in Japan. If a character appears earlier in the Chinese literature, it is not considered a kokuji even if the character was independently coined in Japan and unrelated to the Chinese character (meaning "not borrowed from Chinese"). In other words, kokuji are not simply characters that were made in Japan, but characters that were first made in Japan. An illustrative example is ankō (鮟鱇?, monkfish). This spelling was created in Edo period Japan from the ateji (phonetic kanji spelling) 安康 for the existing word ankō by adding the 魚 radical to each character – the characters were "made in Japan". However, 鮟 is not considered kokuji, as it is found in ancient Chinese texts as a corruption of 鰋 (魚匽). 鱇 is considered kokuji, as it has not been found in any earlier Chinese text. Casual listings may be more inclusive, including characters such as 鮟.[18] Another example is 搾, which is sometimes not considered kokuji due to its earlier presence as a corruption of Chinese 榨.

Kokku

In addition to kokuji, there are kanji that have been given meanings in Japanese different from their original Chinese meanings. These are not considered kokuji but are instead called kokkun (国訓) and include characters such as:

  •  fuji (wisteria; Ch. téng rattan, cane, vine)
  •  oki (offing, offshore; Ch. chōng rinse, minor river (Cantonese))
  • 椿 tsubaki (Camellia japonica; Ch. chūn Toona spp.)

Types of Kanji: by category

Han Dynasty scholar Xu Shen in his ancient dictionary Shuowen Jiezi classified Chinese characters into six categories (Chinese: 六書 liùshū, Japanese: rikusho). The traditional classification is still taught but is problematic and no longer the focus of modern lexicographic practice, as some categories are not clearly defined, nor are they mutually exclusive: the first four refer to structural composition, while the last two refer to usage.

Shōkei moji (象形文字

Shōkei (Chinese: xiàngxíng) characters are pictographic sketches of the object they represent. For example, 目 is an eye, while 木 is a tree. (Shōkei象形 is also the Japanese word for Egyptian hieroglyphs). The current forms of the characters are very different from the originals, though their representations are more clear in oracle bone script and seal script. These pictographic characters make up only a small fraction of modern characters.

Shiji moji (指事文字)

Shiji (Chinese: zhǐshì) characters are ideographs, often called "simple ideographs" or "simple indicatives" to distinguish them and tell the difference from compound ideographs (below). They are usually simple graphically and represent an abstract concept such as 上 "up" or "above" and 下 "down" or "below". These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.

Kaii moji (会意文字)

Kaii (Chinese: huìyì) characters are compound ideographs, often called "compound indicatives", "associative compounds", or just "ideographs". These are usually a combination of pictographs that combine semantically to present an overall meaning. An example of this type is 休 (rest) from 人 (person) and 木 (tree). Another is the kokuji 峠 (mountain pass) made from 山 (mountain), 上 (up) and 下 (down). These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.

Keisei moji (形声文字)

Keisei (Chinese: xíngshēng) characters are phono-semantic or radical-phonetic compounds, sometimes called "semantic-phonetic", "semasio-phonetic", or "phonetic-ideographic" characters, are by far the largest category, making up about 90% of the characters in the standard lists; however, some of the most frequently used kanji belong to one of the three groups mentioned above, so keisei moji will usually make up less than 90% of the characters in a text. Typically they are made up of two components, one of which (most commonly, but by no means always, the left or top element) suggests the general category of the meaning or semantic context, and the other (most commonly the right or bottom element) approximates the pronunciation. The pronunciation relates to the original Chinese, and may now only be distantly detectable in the modern Japanese on'yomi of the kanji; it generally has no relation at all to kun'yomi. The same is true of the semantic context, which may have changed over the centuries or in the transition from Chinese to Japanese. As a result, it is a common error in folk etymology to fail to recognize a phono-semantic compound, typically instead inventing a compound-indicative explanation.

Tenchū moji (転注文字)

Tenchū (Chinese: zhuǎnzhù) characters have variously been called "derivative characters", "derivative cognates", or translated as "mutually explanatory" or "mutually synonymous" characters; this is the most problematic of the six categories, as it is vaguely defined. It may refer to kanji where the meaning or application has become extended. For example, 楽 is used for 'music' and 'comfort, ease', with different pronunciations in Chinese reflected in the two different on'yomi, gaku 'music' and raku 'pleasure'.

Kasha moji (仮借文字)

Kasha (Chinese: jiǎjiè) are rebuses, sometimes called "phonetic loans". The etymology of the characters follows one of the patterns above, but the present-day meaning is completely unrelated to this. A character was appropriated to represent a similar sounding word. For example, 来 in ancient Chinese was originally a pictograph for "wheat". Its syllable was homophonous with the verb meaning "to come", and the character is used for that verb as a result, without any embellishing "meaning" element attached. The character for wheat 麦, originally meant "to come", being a keisei moji having 'foot' at the bottom for its meaning part and "wheat" at the top for sound. The two characters swapped meaning, so today the more common word has the simpler character. This borrowing of sounds has a very long history.

Related symbols

The iteration mark (々) is used to indicate that the preceding kanji is to be repeated, functioning similarly to a ditto mark in English. It is pronounced as though the kanji were written twice in a row, for example 色々 (iroiro "various") and 時々 (tokidoki "sometimes"). This mark also appears in personal and place names, as in the surname Sasaki (佐々木). This symbol is a simplified version of the kanji 仝 (variant of 同 dō "same").

Another abbreviated symbol is , in appearance a small katakana "ke", but actually a simplified version of the kanji 箇, a general counter. It is pronounced "ka" when used to indicate quantity (such as 六ヶ月, rokkagetsu "six months") or "ga" in place names like Kasumigaseki (霞ヶ関). .

Collation

Kanji, whose thousands of symbols defy ordering by conventions such as those used for the Latin script, are often collated using the traditional Chinese radical-and-stroke sorting method. In this system, common components of characters are identified; these are called radicals. Characters are grouped by their primary radical, then ordered by number of pen strokes within radicals. For example, the kanji character , meaning "cherry", is sorted as a ten-stroke character under the four-stroke primary radical  meaning "tree". When there is no obvious radical or more than one radical, convention governs which is used for collation.

Other kanji sorting methods, such as the SKIP system, have been devised by various authors.

Modern general-purpose Japanese dictionaries (as opposed to specifically character dictionaries) generally collate all entries, including words written using kanji, according to their kana representations (reflecting the way they are pronounced). The gojūon ordering of kana is normally used for this purpose.

Kanji education

An image which lists most joyo-kanji, according toHalpern's KLD indexing system, with kyo-iku kanji color-coded by grade level.

Japanese school children are expected to learn 1,006 basic kanji characters, the kyōiku kanji, before finishing the sixth grade. The order in which these characters are learned is fixed. The kyōiku kanji list is a subset of a larger list, originally of 1,945 kanji characters, in 2010 extended to 2,136, known as the jōyō kanji – characters required for the level of fluency necessary to read newspapers and literature in Japanese. This larger list of characters is to be mastered by the end of the ninth grade.[19] Schoolchildren learn the characters by repetition and radical.

Students studying Japanese as a foreign language are often required by a curriculum to acquire kanji without having first learned the vocabulary associated with them. Strategies for these learners vary from copying-based methods to mnemonic-based methods such as those used in James Heisig's series Remembering the Kanji. Other textbooks use methods based on the etymology of the characters, such as Mathias and Habein's The Complete Guide to Everyday Kanji and Henshall's A Guide to Remembering Japanese Characters. Pictorial mnemonics, as in the text Kanji Pict-o-graphix, are also seen.

The Japanese government provides the Kanji kentei (日本漢字能力検定試験 Nihon kanji nōryoku kentei shiken; "Test of Japanese Kanji Aptitude") which tests the ability to read and write kanji. The highest level of the Kanji kentei tests about 6,000 kanji.

See also

Notes

  1. Jump up^ Taylor, Insup; Taylor, Maurice Martin (1995). Writing and literacy in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 305. ISBN 90-272-1794-7.
  2. Jump up^ Suski, P.M. (2011). The Phonetics of Japanese Language: With Reference to Japanese Script. p. 1.
  3. Jump up^ Malatesha Joshi, R.; Aaron, P.G. (2006). Handbook of orthography and literacy. New Jersey: Routledge. pp. 481–2. ISBN 0-8058-4652-2.
  4. Jump up^ "Gold Seal (Kin-in)". Fukuoka City Museum. Retrieved August 3, 2011.
  5. ^ Jump up to:a b c Miyake (2003), 8.
  6. ^ Jump up to:a b Miyake (2003), 9.
  7. Jump up^ Introducing the SING Gaiji architecture, Adobe.
  8. Jump up^ OpenType Technology Center, Adobe.
  9. Jump up^ "Representation of Non-standard Characters and Glyphs", P5: Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, TEI-C.
  10. Jump up^ "TEI element g (character or glyph)", P5: Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange, TEI-C.
  11. Jump up^ Kuang-Hui Chiu, Chi-Ching Hsu, Chinese Dilemma: How Many Ideographs are needed, National Taipei University, 2006
  12. Jump up^ Shouhui Zhao, Dongbo Zhang, The Totality of Chinese Characters – A Digital Perspective
  13. Jump up^ Daniel G. Peebles, SCML: A Structural Representation for Chinese Characters, May 29, 2007
  14. Jump up^ Rogers, Henry. Writing Systems: A Linguistic Approach. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. Print.
  15. Jump up^ 【名字】小鳥遊
  16. Jump up^ "Kokuji list", SLJ FAQ.
  17. Jump up^ James H Buck, Some Observations on kokuji, in The Journal-Newsletter of the Association of Teachers of Japanese, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Oct. 15, 1969), pp. 45–9.
  18. Jump up^ 国字 at 漢字辞典ネット demonstrates this, listing both 鮟 and 鱇 as kokuji, but starring 鮟 and stating that dictionaries do not consider it to be a kokuji.
  19. Jump up^ J. Halpern, The Kodansha Kanji Learner's Dictionary, p. 38a (2006).

References

  • DeFrancis, John (1990). The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 0-8248-1068-6.
  • Hadamitzky, W., and Spahn, M., (1981) Kanji and Kana, Boston: Tuttle.
  • Hannas, William. C. (1997). Asia's Orthographic Dilemma. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 0-8248-1892-X (paperback); ISBN 0-8248-1842-3 (hardcover).
  • Kaiser, Stephen (1991). Introduction to the Japanese Writing System. In Kodansha's Compact Kanji Guide. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 4-7700-1553-4.
  • Miyake, Marc Hideo (2003). Old Japanese: A Phonetic Reconstruction. New York, London: RoutledgeCurzon.
  • Morohashi, Tetsuji. 大漢和辞典 Dai Kan-Wa Jiten (Comprehensive Chinese–Japanese Dictionary) 1984–1986. Tokyo: Taishukan
  • Mitamura, Joyce Yumi and Mitamura, Yasuko Kosaka (1997). Let's Learn Kanji. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN 4-7700-2068-6.
  • Unger, J. Marshall (1996). Literacy and Script Reform in Occupation Japan: Reading Between the Lines. ISBN 0-19-510166-9

External links

The Wikibook Japanese has a page on the topic of: Kanji
Look up kanji in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Glyph conversion

 

JEWS IN CHINA

Jews and Judaism in China have had a long history. Jewish settlers are documented in China as early as the 7th or 8th century CE. Relatively isolated communities developed through the Tang and Song Dynasties (7th to 12th centuries CE) all the way through the Qing Dynasty (19th century), most notably in the Kaifeng Jews (the term "Chinese Jews" is often used in a restricted sense to refer to these communities). By the time of the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, few if any native Chinese Jews were known to have maintained the practice of their religion and culture. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, however, some international Jewish groups have helped Chinese Jews rediscover their heritage.

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Jewish immigrants from around the world arrived with Western commercial influences, particularly in the commercial centers of Hong Kong, which was for a time a British colony,Shanghai (the International Settlement and French Concession), and Harbin (the Trans-Siberian Railway). In the first half of the 20th century, thousands of Jewish refugees escaping from the 1917 Russian Revolutionand the Holocaust in Europe arrived in China.

China's Jewish communities have been ethnically diverse ranging from the Jews of Kaifeng and other places during the history of Imperial China, who, it is reported, came to be more or less totally assimilated into Chinese culture, to 19th- and 20th-century Ashkenazi Jews, to Baghdadis, to Indians.

The presence of a community of Jewish immigrants in China is consistent with the history of the Jewish people during the first and second millennia CE, which saw them disperse and settle throughout the Eurasian landmass, with an especial concentration throughout central Asia.By the 9th century, ibn Khordadbehnoted the travels of Jewish merchants called Radhanites, whose trade took them to China via the Silk Roadthrough Central Asia and India. Jacob of Ancona, the supposed author of a book of travels,was a scholarly Jewish merchant who wrote in vernacular Italian, and reached China in 1271, although some authors question it.

During the period of international opening and quasi-colonialism, the first group to settle in China were Jews who arrived in China under British protection following the First Opium War. Many of these Jews were ofIndian or Iraqi origin, due to British colonialism in these regions, and became the largest dealers in opium[citation needed]. The second community came in the first decades of the 20th century when many Jews arrived in Hong Kong and Shanghai during those cities' periods of economic expansion.

Many more arrived as refugees from the Russian Revolution of 1917. A surge of Jews and Jewish families was to arrive in the late 1930s and 1940s, for the purpose of seeking refuge from the Holocaust in Europe and were predominantly of European origin. Shanghai was notable for its volume of Jewish refugees, most of whom left after the war, the rest relocating prior to or immediately after the establishment of the People's Republic of China.

Over the centuries, the Kaifeng community came to be virtually indistinguishable from the Chinese population and is not recognized by the Chinese government as a separate ethnic minority. This is as a result of having adopted many Han Chinese customs including patrilineal descent, as well as extensive intermarriage with the local population. Since their religious practices are functionally extinct, they are not eligible for expedited immigration to Israel under the Law of Return unless they explicitly convert.

Today, some descendants of the Jews still live in the Han Chinese and Hui population. Some of them, as well as international Jewish communities, are beginning to revive their interest in this heritage. This is especially important in modern China because belonging to any minority group includes a variety of benefits includingreduced restrictions on the number of children and easier admission standards to tertiary education.

The study of Judaism in China has been, like other Abrahamic religions, a subject of interest to some Westerners, and has achieved moderate success compared to other Western studies in China.

History

It has been asserted by some that the Jews who have historically resided in various places in China originated with the Lost Ten Tribes of the exiled ancient Kingdom of Israel who relocated to the areas of present-day China. Traces of some ancient Jewish rituals have been observed in some places.

One well-known group was the Kaifeng Jews, who are purported to have traveled from Persia to India during the mid-Han Dynasty and later migrated from the Muslim-inhabited regions of northwestern China (modern day Gansuprovince) to Henan province during the early Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127).

A massacre of Jews in Canton, China occurred during the Chinese Tang Dynasty in the 9th century during theHuang Chao Rebellion.

Origins

Jews of Kaifeng, late 19th or early 20th century

There is an oral tradition that the first Jews immigrated to China through Persia following the Roman Emperor Titus's capture of Jerusalem in 70 CE. A large number of Jews emigrated from Persia during the reign ofEmperor Ming of Han (58-75 CE). Writing in 1900, Father Joseph Brucker hypothesized that Jews came to China from India by a sea route during the Song dynasty between 960 and 1126.

Three steles with inscriptions found at Kaifeng bear some historical suggestions. The oldest, dating from 1489, commemorates the construction of a synagogue (1163) (bearing the name Qīngzhēn Sì, a term often used for mosque in Chinese), states the Jews entered China from India in the Later Han Dynasty (25–220 CE), the Jews' 70 Chinese surnames, their audience with an "un-named" Song Dynasty Emperor, and finally lists the transmission of their religion from Abraham down to the prophet Ezra. The second table, dated 1512 (found in the synagogueXuanzhang Daojing Si) details the Jews' religious practices. The third is dated 1663 and commemorates the re-rebuilding of the Qingzhen sisynagogue and recaps the information from the other two steles.

Father Joseph Brucker believed Matteo Ricci's manuscripts indicate there were only approximately ten or twelve Jewish families in Kaifeng in the late 16th and early 17th century, and that they had reportedly resided there for five or six hundred years. It was also stated in the manuscripts that there was a greater number of Jews inHangzhou. This could be taken to suggest that loyal Jews fled south along with the soon-to-be crowned Emperor Gaozong to Hangzhou. In fact, the 1489 stele mentions how the Jews "abandoned Bianliang" (Kaifeng) after theJingkang Incident.

Section of the 1512 stele which mentions Yue's famous tattoo.

Many Jewish communities were established in China in the Middle Ages. However, not all left evidence of their existence. The following are those known today: Kaifeng, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Yangzhou, and Ningxia.

Names

The contemporary term for Jews in use among Chinese today is Youtairen (Chinese: 猶太人; pinyin: Yóutài Rén) in Mandarin Chinese. The term Youtai has similar phonetic sound of Yehudai, the Aramaic word for Jew, as well as Greek terms Jude or Judah.

It has been recorded that the Chinese historically called the Jews Tiao jin jiao (挑筋教), loosely, "the religion which removes the sinew," probably referring to the Jewish dietary prohibition against eating the sciatic nerve (from Genesis32:32).

Jewish dietary law (kashruth), which forbids the eating of, among other foods, non-ruminant mammals, shellfish andreptiles, would have most likely caused Jewish communities to stand out from the surrounding mainstream Chinese population, as Chinese culture is typically very free in the range of items it deems suitable for food.[citation needed]

Jews have also been called the Blue-Hat Hui (Chinese: 藍帽回; pinyin: Lánmào Húi), in contrast to other populations of Hui people, who have identified with hats of other colors. The distinction between Muslim and Jewish Hui is not, and historically has not been, well recognised by the dominant Han population.

A modern translation of the "Kaifeng Steles" has shown the Jews referred to their synagogue as "The Pure and Truth", which is essentially the same as the term used in modern China to refer to Muslim mosques (清真寺).

According to an oral tradition dictated by Xu Xin, Director of the Center for Judaic Studies at Nanjing University, in his book Legends of the Chinese Jews of Kaifeng, the Kaifeng Jews called Judaism Yīcìlèyè jiào (一賜樂業教), lit. the religion of Israel. Yīcìlèyè is a transliteration and partial translation of "Israel". Xu Xin translates this phrase as "Chosen people, endowed by God, and contented with their lives and work".

Early record

Bird's eye view of the synagogue of Kaifeng.

The earliest evidence showing the presence of Jews in China is from the beginning of the 8th century: a business letter written in the Judeo-Persian language, discovered by Marc Aurel Stein. The letter (now housed in the British Museum) was found in Danfan Uiliq, an important post along the Silk Road in northwest China during the Tang Dynasty (618-907). The text is thirty-seven lines in length and was written on paper, a product then manufactured only in China. It was identified, by David Samuel Margoliouth, as dating from 718 CE. Ibn Zeyd al Hassan of Siraf, a 9th-century Arabian traveler, reports that in 878 followers of the Chinese rebel leader Huang Chao besieged Canton (Guangzhou) and killed a large number of foreign merchants, Arabs, Persians, Christians, and Jews, resident there.

Sources indicate that Jews in China were often mistaken for Muslims by other Chinese. The first plausible recorded written Chinese mention of Jews uses the term Zhuhu (竹忽), orZhuhudu (朱乎得) (perhaps from Arabic Yehoud, or from Hebrew Yehudim, "Jews") found in the Annals of the Yuan Dynasty in 1329 and 1354. The text spoke of the reinforcement of a tax levied on "dissenters" and of a government decree that the Jews come en-masse toBeijing, the capital.

Famous Venetian traveler Marco Polo, who visited China, then under the Yuan Dynasty, in the late 13th century, described the prominence of Jewish traders in Beijing. Similar references can be found in the notes of the Franciscan John of Montecorvino, first archbishop of theRoman Catholic Archdiocese of Beijing in the early 14th century, and the writings of Ibn Batuta, an Arabian envoy to the Mongol Empire in the middle of the 14th century.

Genghis Khan called both Jews and Muslims Huihui (回回), calling the Jews Zhuhu Huihui (竹忽回回), when he forbade Jews and Muslims from practicing Kosher and Halal preparation of their food, calling both of them "slaves" and forcing them to eat Mongol food, and banned them from practicing circumcision.

Among all the [subject] alien peoples only the Hui-hui say “we do not eat Mongol food”. [Cinggis Qa’an replied:] “By the aid of heaven we have pacified you; you are our slaves. Yet you do not eat our food or drink. How can this be right?” He thereupon made them eat. “If you slaughter sheep, you will be considered guilty of a crime.” He issued a regulation to that effect ... [In 1279/1280 under Qubilai] all the Muslims say: “if someone else slaughters [the animal] we do not eat”. Because the poor people are upset by this, from now on,Musuluman [Muslim] Huihui and Zhuhu [Jewish] Huihui, no matter who kills [the animal] will eat [it] and must cease slaughtering sheep themselves, and cease the rite of circumcision.

 

During the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), a Ming emperor conferred seven surnames upon the Jews, by which they are identifiable today: Ai (艾), Shi(石), Gao (高), Jin (金), Li (李), Zhang (張), and Zhao (趙); sinofications of the original seven Jewish clan's family names: Ezra, Shimon, Cohen, Gilbert, Levy, Joshua, and Jonathan, respectively. Interestingly, two of these: Jin and Shi are the equivalent of common Jewish names in the west: Gold and Stone.

The first modern Western record of Jews residing in China is found in the records of the 17th-century Jesuit missionaries in Beijing. The prominent Jesuit Matteo Ricci, received a visit from a young Jewish Chinese man in 1605. Ricci mentioned this man's name as Ngai, who has since been identified by the French sinologist Paul Pelliot as a Jew named Ai T'ien, who explained that the community he belonged to was monotheistic, or believing in only one God. It is recorded that when he saw a Christian image of Mary with the child Jesus, he took it to be a picture of Rebecca withEsau or Jacob, figures from Hebrew Scripture. Ngai (Ai Tian, Ai T'ien) declared that he had come from Kaifeng, and stated that this was the site of a large Jewish population.[22] Ricci sent an ethnic Chinese Jesuit Lay Brother to visit Kaifeng; later, other Jesuits (mostly European) also visited the city. It was later discovered that the Jewish community had a synagogue (Libai si), which was constructed facing the west, and housed a number of written materials and books.

The Jews who managed the synagogue were called "Mullahs". Floods and Fire repeatedly destroyed the books of the Kaifeng synagogue, they obtained some from Ningxia and Ningbo to replace them, another Hebrew roll of law was bought from a Muslim in Ning-keang-chow in Shen-se (Shanxi), who acquired it from a dying Jew at Canton.

The Chinese called Muslims, Jews, and Christians in ancient times by the same name, "Hui Hui" (Hwuy-hwuy). Crossworshipers (Christians) were called "Hwuy who abstain from animals without the cloven foot", Muslims were called "Hwuy who abstain from pork", Jews were called "Hwuy who extract the sinews (removes the sciatic nerve)". Hwuy-tsze (Hui zi) or Hwuy-hwuy (Hui Hui) is presently used almost exclusively for Muslims, but Jews were still called Lan Maou Hwuy tsze (Lan mao Hui zi) which means "Blue cap Hui zi". At Kaifeng, Jews were called "Teaou kin keaou "extract sinew religion". Jews and Muslims in China shared the same name for synagogue and mosque, which were both called "Tsing-chin sze" (Qingzhen si) "Temple of Purity and Truth", the name dated to the 13th century. The synagogue and mosques were also known as Le-pae sze (Libai si). A tablet indicated that Judaism was once known as "Yih-tsze-lo-nee-keaou" (israelitish religion) and synagogues known as Yih-tsze lo nee leen (Israelitish Temple), but it faded out of use.

A Muslim in Nanjing told Semedo that four families of Jews converted to Islam since they were the last Jews in the area, their numbers diminishing.

Employment

Various Jewish Chinese individuals worked in government service and owned big properties in China in the 17th century.

19th century

During the Taiping rebellion of the 1850s, the Jews of Kaifeng apparently suffered a great deal and were dispersed. Following this dislocation, they returned to Kaifeng, yet continued to be small in number and to face hardships, as is recorded in the early 20th century.

Shanghai's first wave of Jews came in the second half of the 19th century, many being Mizrahi Jews from Iraq. The first Jew who arrived there was Elias David Sassoon, who, about the year 1850, opened a branch in connection with his father's Bombay house. Since that period Jews gradually migrated from India to Shanghai, most of them being engaged from Bombay as clerks by the firm of David Sassoon & Co. The community was composed mainly of "Asian," (Sephardi) German, and Russian Jews, though there were a few of Austrian, French, and Italian origin among them. Jews took a considerable part in developing trade in China, and several served on the municipal councils, among them being Silas Aaron Hardoon, partner in the firm of E. D. Sassoon & Co., who served on the French and English councils at the same time. During the early days of Jewish settlement in Shanghai the trade in opium and Bombay cotton yarn was mainly in Jewish hands.

Modern times

A plaque commemorates the former Jewish Middle School in Harbin, now the No. 2 Korean Middle School

Contemporaneous sources estimated the Jewish population in China in 1940 — including Manchukuo — at 36,000 (source: Catholic Encyclopedia).

Jewish life in Shanghai had really taken off with the arrival of the British. Mizrahi Jews from the Middle East came as traders via India and Hong Kong and established some of the leading trading companies in the second half of the 19th century. Later, after World War I, many Ashkenazi Jews came from Europe. RebbeMeir Ashkenazi (Chabad-Lubavitch) was the Chief Rabbi of Shanghai (1926–1949).

At the early 20th century many Russian Jews fleeing pogroms in several towns in Russian Empire decided to move to northeast China for permanent settlement (Rabbi Aaron Kiselev served in Harbin from 1913 until his death in 1949). After the Russian Revolution of 1917, a lot of White Russians, fled to Harbin (formerManchuria). These included, among others, Dr. Abraham Kaufman, who played a leading role in the Harbin Jewish community after 1919, the parents of future Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and Teodor Parnicki at the age of 12.

Dr. Sun Yat-sen, founder of the Republic of China, held admirations for the Jewish people and Zionism, and saw parallels between the persecution of Jews and the domination of China by the Western powers. He stated, "Though their country was destroyed, the Jewish nation has existed to this day... [Zionism] is one of the greatest movements of the present time. All lovers of democracy cannot help but support wholeheartedly and welcome with enthusiasm the movement to restore your wonderful and historic nation, which has contributed so much to the civilization of the world and which rightfully deserve [sic] an honorable place in the family of nations."

The Japanese occupation of northeast China in 1931 and the establishment of Manchukuo in 1932 had a negative impact on the Harbin Jewish community (13,000 in 1929). Most of those Jews left Harbin for Tianjin, Shanghai, and British Mandate of Palestine. Until 1939, the Russian Jews were about 5,000 in Shanghai.

World War II

Another wave of 18,000 Jews from Germany, Austria, and Poland immigrated to Shanghai in the late 1930s and the early 1940s. Shanghai at the time was an open city and did not have restrictions on immigration, and some Chinese diplomats such as Ho Feng Shan issued "protective" passports. In 1943, the occupying Japanese army required these 18,000 Jews, formally known as "stateless refugees," to relocate to an area of 0.75 square miles (1.9 km2) in Shanghai's Hongkew district (today known as Hongkou District) where many lived in group homes called "Heime".[31] The total number of Jews entering Shanghai during this period equaled the number of Jews fleeing to Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand and South Africa combined. Many of the Jews in China later moved to found modern Israel.

Shanghai was an important safe-haven for Jewish refugees during the Holocaust, since it was one of the few places in the world where one didn't need a visa. However, it was not easy to get there. The Japanese, who controlled the city, preferred in effect to look the other way. Some corrupt officials however, also exploited the plight of the Jews. By 1941 nearly 20,000 European Jews had found shelter there.

Jakob Rosenfeld, a doctor for the New Fourth Army, between Liu Shaoqi (left) andChen Yi (right).

Notable Jews during the Second Sino-Japanese War include Hans Shippe, Dr. Jakob Rosenfeld, Stanisław Flato, Eva Sandberg, Ruth Weiss, photographer and wife of Communist leader Xiao San, and Morris Abraham Cohen.

Late in the War, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to devise a plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this pressure eventually became known to the Jewish community's leadership. However, the Japanese had no intention of further provoking the anger of the Allies after their already notorious invasion of China and a number of other Asian nations, and thus delayed the German request until the War ended. With the intercession of the Amshenower Rebbe and the translation skills ofLeo (Ariyeh) Hanin, the Japanese ultimately kept the Jews of Shanghai safe.

In general, in the period of 1845 to 1945 more than 40,000 Jews came to China for business development or for a safe haven.

Late 20th century

After World War II and the establishment of the PRC in 1949, most of these Jews emigrated to Israel or the West, although a few remained. Three prominent non-Chinese lived in China from the establishment of the People's Republic of China to the contemporary period: Sidney Shapiro, Israel Epstein, and Ruth Weiss, two American emigres and one Austrian emigre, are of Jewish descent. Another Jewish-American, Sidney Rittenberg served as interpreter to many top Chinese officials.

Sara Imas, the Shanghai-born daughter of Shanghai's Jewish Club president, Leiwi Imas, became the first Jewish-Chinese immigrant to Israel after the two countries established formal diplomatic relations in 1992. Leiwi Imas, who had to leave Germany for Poland in 1939, arrived in Shanghai the same year. He spent his final years in Shanghai until 1962, prior to the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Although Sara Imas's non-Chinese appearance and family background brought her much trouble during the Cultural Revolution when she was accused of being a foreign capitalist and spy, today Sara Imas has returned to Shanghai, working as the Chinese representative of an Israeli diamond company.

The Institute of Jewish Studies was established at Nanjing University in 1992.

Since the 1990s, the Shanghai municipal government has taken the initiative to preserve historical Western architectures that were constructed during Shanghai's colonial past. Many formerly Jewish-owned hotels and private residence have been included in the preservation project. In 1997, theKadoorie-residence-turned Shanghai Children's Palace, had their spacious front garden largely removed in order to make room for the city's overpass system under construction. A One Day Tour of the history of Jewish presence in Shanghai can be arranged through the Center of Jewish Studies Shanghai.[36] Rabbi Shalom Greenberg from Chabad-Lubavitch in New York arrived in Shanghai to serve this community in August 1998. Rabbi Arthur Schneier, president of the Appeal of Conscience Foundation of New York, donated a Torah to the community that same year. On the first day of Rosh Hashanah, in September 1999, a Jewish New Year service was held at the Ohel Rachel Synagogue for first time since 1952.

21st century

While the Chinese government maintained their support for Arab states, a general pro-Jewish outlook has been observed amongst China's urban populace. These attitudes arose largely due to an admiration of Jewish business skills. In particular, books on Jews and their purported connection to financial successes are best-sellers in China.

Synagogues are found in Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong today, serving both international Jews and native Jews. In 2001, Rabbi Shimon Freundlich from the Chabad-Lubavitch movement came and settled in Beijing with the mission of building and leading the center of Chabad-Lubavitch of Beijing, an Orthodox congregation.

In 2005, the Israeli embassy to China held their Hanukkah celebrations at the Great Wall of China.

In 2007, the Sephardic community of Shanghai opened a synagogue, study hall, kosher kitchen, and educational classes for children and adults. The community has its own Hacham, who functions as a teacher and chazan, in addition to Rabbi Ephraim Bezalel, who manages local community affairs and kashrut needs.

As of 2010, it is estimated that 2,000 to 3,000 Jews lived in Shanghai. In May 2010, the Ohel Rachel Synagogue in Shanghai was temporarily reopened to the local Jewish community for weekend services.

See also

Reference

  •  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain"China". Jewish Encyclopedia. 1901–1906.
  •  This article incorporates text from Chinese and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1, a publication from 1863 now in the public domain in the United States.
  •  This article incorporates text from The preaching of Islam: a history of the propagation of the Muslim faith, by Sir Thomas Walker Arnold, a publication from 1896 now in the public domain in the United States.
  1. Jump up^ "Jewish Communities in Asia." Asia Society. 12 July 2000 (Accessed 19 Nov 2006).
  2. Jump up^ David Selbourne. The City of Light. Abacus, London 1998. ISBN 978-0-349-10895-7
  3. Jump up^ Mark Honigsbaum. Chinese fake away? The Spectator, October 25, 1997
  4. Jump up^ J.R.S. Philips. The Medieval Expansion of Europe. Oxford University Press, 1998, p.289. ISBN 978-0-19-820740-5
  5. Jump up^ David L. Gold. A Fresh Essay on Duty and Responsibility. 2008
  6. Jump up^ http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/israel/losttribes3.html
  7. ^ Jump up to:a b Weisz, Tiberiu. The Kaifeng Stone Inscriptions: The Legacy of the Jewish Community in Ancient China. New York: iUniverse, 2006 (ISBN 0-595-37340-2)
  8. Jump up^ Atlas of the Jewish world, by Nicholas DeFlange, PAGE 42
  9. Jump up^ Alfred Edelsheim. History of the Jewish Nation after the destruction of Jerusalem under Titus. Kessinger Publishing, 2004, p. 71. ISBN 1-4179-1234-0
  10. Jump up^ Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, pp.153-154, Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
  11. Jump up^ Catholic Encyclopedia.
  12. Jump up^ Xu Xin, The Jews of Kaifeng, China. History, Culture, and Religion. p.153, KTAV Publishing House, Inc., 2003. ISBN 0-88125-791-5, ISBN 978-0-88125-791-5
  13. Jump up^ Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.153, Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
  14. Jump up^ Gabriel Ferrand, ed. (1922). Voyage du marchand arabe Sulaymân en Inde et en Chine, rédigé en 851, suivi de remarques par Abû Zayd Hasan (vers 916). p. 76.
  15. Jump up^ Michael Dillon (1999). China's Muslim Hui community: migration, settlement and sects. Richmond: Curzon Press. p. 24. ISBN 0-7007-1026-4. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  16. Jump up^ Johan Elverskog (2010). Buddhism and Islam on the Silk Road(illustrated ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 228. ISBN 0-8122-4237-8. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  17. Jump up^ Donald Daniel Leslie (1998). "The Integration of Religious Minorities in China: The Case of Chinese Muslims". The Fifty-ninth George Ernest Morrison Lecture in Ethnology. p. 12. Retrieved 30 November 2010..
  18. Jump up^ M. Avrum Ehrlich (Ed.). The Jewish-Chines Nexus: A Meeting of Civilizations. Routledge, UK, 2008. ISBN 978-0-415-45715-6
  19. Jump up^ Chang, Hsiang Wen (February 2011), "An Early Chinese Source on the Kaifeng Jewish Community", Folklore Studies 4: 327–331,JSTOR 3182906
  20. Jump up^ A Visit to Kaifeng by Beverly Friend Ph.D.
  21. Jump up^ Kaifeng Jewish Descendants
  22. ^ Jump up to:a b De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas, Book One, Chapter 11. Pages 107-111 in the English translation: Gallagher (1953). "China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matteo Ricci", Random House, New York, 1953. The Latin original text, De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate Jesu can be found on Google Books. The corresponding text is on pages 131 and onward of Book One of the Latin text.
  23. Jump up^ Chinese and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1. s.n. 1863. p. 48. Retrieved 2011-07-06.
  24. Jump up^ Chinese and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1. s.n. 1863. p. 18. Retrieved 2011-07-06.
  25. Jump up^ Chinese and Japanese repository of facts and events in science, history and art, relating to Eastern Asia, Volume 1. s.n. 1863. p. 49. Retrieved 2011-07-06.
  26. Jump up^ Sir Thomas Walker Arnold (1896). The preaching of Islam: a history of the propagation of the Muslim faith. A. Constable and co. p. 249. Retrieved 2011-05-29.
  27. Jump up^ Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.159, Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
  28. ^ Jump up to:a b Berton, Peter. The Evolution of Sino-Israeli Relations. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, Vol. IV, No. 3. September 2010, pp. 69-80.
  29. Jump up^ Shanghai Jews as seen by Chinese
  30. Jump up^ Adam Minter (January 15, 2006). "Return of a Shanghai Jew". Los Angeles Times.
  31. Jump up^ "Former Jewish refugees revisit Shanghai Ark". People's Daily / Xinhua. November 11, 2005.
  32. Jump up^ Tokayer, Marvin; Swartz, Mary (2004-05-31). The Fugu Plan: The Untold Story of the Japanese and the Jews During World War II. Gefen Publishing House Ltd.
  33. Jump up^ Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.155, Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
  34. Jump up^ A Chinese Jew's tale of adversity and triumph
  35. Jump up^ "Religion Journal; A Professor in Nanjing Takes Up Jewish Studies" by Gustav Niebuhr New York Times, March 13, 2007. full text
  36. Jump up^ One Day Private Shanghai Jewish Culture Tour
  37. ^ Jump up to:a b Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I, Jewish Diaspora in China by Xu Xin, p.162, Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (Eds.), Springer 2004, ISBN 0-306-48321-1
  38. Jump up^ Fish, Issac (Dec 29, 2010). "Selling the Talmud as a Business Guide". Retrieved 18 May 2012.
  39. Jump up^ Cha, Ariana (February 7, 2007). "Sold on a Stereotype". The Washington Post.
  40. Jump up^ Synagogues in China
  41. Jump up^ China's Great Wall hosts Hanukkah celebration
  42. Jump up^ Jewish Community Shanghai
  43. Jump up^ Shanghai's Jews celebrate historic synagogue reopening

External links

 

JEWS IN JAPAN

The history of the Jews in Japan is well documented in modern times with various traditions relating to much earlier eras.

 

A Japanese Festival Illustrates the Story of Isaac.

In Nagano prefecture, Japan, there is a large Shinto shrine named "Suwa-Taisha" (Shinto is the traditional religion peculiar to Japan.) At Suwa-Taisha, the traditional festival called "Ontohsai" is held on April 15 every year. This festival illustrates the story of Isaac in chapter 22 of Genesis in the Bible, that is, the story that Abraham was about to sacrifice his own son Isaac. The festival "Ontohsai" has been held since ancient days and has been thought of as the most important festival of "Suwa-Taisha."

Next to the shrine "Suwa-Taisha," there is a mountain called Mt. Moriya ("Moriya-san" in Japanese). And the people from the Suwa area call the god of Mt. Moriya "Moriya no kami" which means "the god of Moriya." At the festival, a boy is tied up by a rope to a wooden pillar, and placed on a bamboo carpet. A Shinto priest comes to him preparing a knife, but then a messenger (another priest) comes there, and the boy is released. It reminds us of the story that Isaac was released after an angel comes to Abraham.

At this festival, animal sacrifices are also offered. 75 deer are sacrificed, but among them it is believed that there is a deer with its ears split. The deer is believed to be the one God prepared. It may have some connection with the ram that God prepared and was sacrificed after Isaac was released. Even in historic times, people thought that this custom of deer sacrifice was strange, because animal sacrifice is not a Shinto tradition.

People call this festival "the festival for Misakuchi-god". "Misakuchi" might be "mi-isaku-chi." "Mi" means "great," "isaku" is probably Isaac (the Hebrew word "Yitzhak"), and "chi" is something for the end of the word. It seems that the people of Suwa made Isaac a god, probably by the influence of idol worshipers.

Today, this custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and then released, is no longer practiced, but we can still see the custom of the wooden pillar called "oniye-basira" which means "sacrifice-pillar."

Today, people use stuffed animals instead of performing a real animal sacrifice. Tying a boy along with animal sacrifice was regarded as savage by people of the Meiji-era (about 100 years ago), and those customs were discontinued. But the festival itself still remains today.

The custom of the boy had been maintained until the beginning of Meiji era. Masumi Sugae, who was a Japanese scholar and a travel writer in the Edo era (about 200 years ago), wrote a record of his travels and noted what he saw at Suwa. The record shows the details of "Ontohsai." It tells that the custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and his ultimate release, as well as animal sacrifices, existed in those days. His records are kept at the museum near Suwa-Taisha.

The festival of "Ontohsai" has been maintained by the Moriya family ever since ancient times. The Moriya family think of "Moriya-no-kami" (god of Moriya) as their ancestor's god. And they think of "Mt. Moriya" as their holy place. The name "Moriya" may have come from "Moriah" (the Hebrew word "Moriyyah") of Genesis 22:2.

The Moriya family have been hosting the festival for 78 generations. The festival of Ontohsai must have existed since ancient times.

I am not aware of any country, other than Japan, which has a festival illustrating the story of Isaac. I believe that this tradition provides strong evidence that the Israelites came to ancient Japan.

SEE MORE EVIDENCE HERE: http://www.biblemysteries.com/library/tribesjapan.htm

 

Status of Jews in Japan

Jews are a minor ethnic and religious group in Japan, presently consisting of only about 2,000[1] people or about 0.0016% of Japan's total population. Although Jews have been present in Japan and Judaism has been practiced since the 16th century, on a very limited scale, in Japan, Japan comprised but a small part ofJewish history from the ending of Japan's "closed-door" foreign policy to World War II.

Jewish history in Japan

Early settlements

The first confirmed contacts between the Japanese and people of Jewish ancestry began during the Age of Discovery (16th century) with the arrival of European travelers and merchants (primarily the Portuguese andDutch). However it was not until 1853, with the arrival of Commodore Matthew Perry following the Convention of Kanagawa ending Japan's "closed-door" foreign policy that Jewish families began to settle in Japan. The first recorded Jewish settlers arrived at Yokohama in 1861. By 1895 this community, which now consisted of about 50 families, established the first synagogue in Japan. Part of this community would later move toKobe after the great Kanto earthquake of 1923.

Another early Jewish settlement was one established in the 1880s in Nagasaki, a large Japanese port cityestablished by the Portuguese. This community was larger than the one in Yokohama, consisting of more than 100 families. It was here that the Beth Israel Synagogue was created in 1894. The settlement would continually grow and remain active until it eventually declined by the Russo-Japanese War in the early 20th century. The community's Torah scroll would eventually be passed down to the Jews of Kobe, a group formed of freed Russian Jewish war prisoners that had participated in the Czar's army and the Russian Revolution of 1905.

From the mid 1920s until the 1950s, the Kobe Jewish community was the largest Jewish community in Japan, formed by hundreds of Jews arriving from Russia (originating from the Manchurian city of Harbin), the Middle East (mainly from Iraq and Syria), as well as from Centraland Eastern European countries (primarily Germany). It had both an Ashkenazi and a Sephardic synagogue. During this time Tokyo's Jewish community (now Japan's largest) was slowly growing with the arrival of Jews from the United States, Western Europe, and Russia.

Jewish settlement in Imperial Japan

Some Japanese leaders, such as Captain Inuzuka Koreshige (犬塚 惟重), Colonel Yasue Norihiro (安江 仙弘) and industrialist Aikawa Yoshisuke (鮎川 義介), came to believe that Jewish economic and political power could be harnessed by Japan through controlled immigration, and that such a policy would also ensure favor from the United States through the influence of American Jewry. Although efforts were made to attract Jewish investment and immigrants, the plan was limited by the government's desire not to interfere with its alliance with Nazi Germany. Ultimately it was left up to the world Jewish community to fund the settlements and to supply settlers, and the plan failed to attract a significant long-term population or create the strategic benefits for Japan that had been expected by its originators.

On December 6, 1938, Five ministers council (Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Minister Seishirō Itagaki, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai,Foreign Minister Hachirō Arita and Finance Minister Shigeaki Ikeda), which was the highest decision making council, made a decision of prohibiting the expulsion of the Jews in Japan.

During World War II, Japan was regarded as a safe refuge from the Holocaust, despite being a part of the Axis and an ally of Germany. Jews trying to escape German-occupied Poland could not pass the blockades near the Soviet Union and the Mediterranean Sea and were forced to go through the neutral country of Lithuania (which was occupied by belligerents in June 1940, starting with the Soviet Union, then Germany, and then the Soviet Union again).

Of those who arrived, many (around 5,000) were sent to the Dutch West Indies with Japanese visas issued by Chiune Sugihara, the Japanese consulto Lithuania. Sugihara ignored his orders and gave thousands of Jews entry visas to Japan, risking his career and saving more than 6,000 lives. Sugihara is said to have cooperated with Polish intelligence, as part of a bigger Japanese-Polish cooperative plan.[6] They managed to flee across the vast territory of Russia by train to Vladivostok and then by boat to Kobe in Japan. The refugees, 2,185 in number, arrived in Japan from August 1940 to June 1941. Tadeusz Romer, the Polish ambassador in Tokyo, had managed to get transit visas in Japan, asylum visas to Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Burma, immigration certificates to Palestine, and immigrant visas to the United States and some Latin American countries. Most Jews were permitted and encouraged to move on from Japan to the Shanghai Ghetto, China, under Japanese occupation for the duration of World War II. Finally, Tadeusz Romer arrived in Shanghai on November 1, 1941, to continue the action for Jewish refugees. Among those saved in the Shanghai Ghetto were leaders and students of Mir yeshiva, the only European yeshiva to survive the Holocaust. They, some 400 in number, fled from Mir to Vilnawith the outbreak of World War II in 1939, and then to Keidan, Lithuania. In late 1940, they obtained visas from Chiune Sugihara, to travel from Keidan, then Lithuanian SSR, via Siberia and Vladivostok to Kobe, Japan. By November 1941 the Japanese moved this group and most of others on to the Shanghai Ghetto in order to consolidate the Jews under their control.

Throughout the war, the Japanese government continually rejected requests from the German government to establish anti-Semitic policies. Towards the end, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to devise a plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this pressure eventually became known to the Jewish community's leadership. However, the Japanese had no intention of further provoking the anger of the Allies, and thus delayed the German request for a time, eventually rejecting it entirely.

One famous Orthodox Jewish institution that was saved this way was the Lithuanian Haredi Mir yeshiva. The Japanese government and people offered the Jews temporary shelter, medical services, food, transportation, and gifts, but preferred that they move on to reside in Japanese-occupied Shanghai.

At war's end, about half of the Jews who had been in Japanese-controlled territories later moved on to the Western hemisphere (such as the United States and Canada) and the remainder moved to other parts of the world, mainly to Israel.

Jews and Judaism in modern Japan

After World War II, a large portion of the few Jews that were in Japan left, many going to what would become Israel. Some of those who remained married locals and were assimilated into Japanese society.

The Israeli Embassy and its staff is based in Tokyo. Presently, there are several hundred Jewish families living in Tokyo, and a small number of Jewish families in and around Kobe. A small number of Jewish expatriates of other countries live throughout Japan, temporarily, for business, research, a gap year, or a variety of other purposes. There are always Jewish members of the United States Armed Forces serving on Okinawa and in the other American military bases throughout Japan.

There are several active synagogues in Japan. The Beth David Synagogue is active in Tokyo, and the Ohel Shlomo Synagogue is active in Kobe.[11]The Chabad-Lubavitch organization has one official center in Tokyo, and there is an additional Chabad house run by Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin Edery.

Rabbis

Tokyo Jewish Community

Chabad

  • Rabbi Mendi Sudakevich
  • Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin Edery

Jewish Community of Kobe

  • Rabbi Gaoni Maatuf, 1998-2002
  • Rabbi Asaf Tobi, 2002-2006
  • Rabbi Yerachmiel Strausberg, 2006-2008
  • Hagay Blumenthal, 2008-2009, lay leader
  • Daniel Moskovich, 2009-2010, lay leader
  • Rabbi David Gingold, 2010-2013

List of notable Jews in Japan

Refugees, short expatriates
Other related people to Judaism and Jews in Japan


Ambassadors

Films

  • Jewish Soul Music: The Art of Giora Feidman (1980). Directed by Uri Barbash.

See also

References

External links

General
Occultism

 

DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT

RACE RIOTS

THE DREAM AND THE REALITY

LETS HOPE THIS ISN'T A FUTURE PROPHECY

compiled by Dee Finney

DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT

8-13-2002 - DREAM - I was living in an apartment in the Executive Building of Allis-Chalmers in West Allis, WI. I had a job working for A-C as well.

I looked at the clock on the wall and it was 7:30 a.m. I had to be to work by 8:00 a.m.

I had just gotten up and was trying to get to work on time, but was communicating with friends on the phone at the same time.

Rather than eating a decent breakfast, I swigged down the last of last nights open bottles of beer and wine, and then laughed about it.

I went into the bathroom and looked in the mirror while I brushed my hair. It looked like the women from the 1940's.

One of the women I talked to on the phone told me her name was DIASPORA. (She pronounced it 'Dispora") (This is not the first time I've met this woman by this name)  While I was talking to her, she was suddenly in the room with me.

I had originally put on a winter coat, but it was too warm for that and  I ended up with a layered look, a pink and yellow plaid shirt with a yellow blouse over it, with a blue sweater over that.

I tried using one of those little AVON sample lipsticks, but it was soft, so I threw it  across the room to one of the little girls there and went looking for the regular large size lipsticks.

Meanwhile DIASPORA had been cleaning my house and had shoved everything I needed into various drawers of a grey dresser, so I'd never find them again. Nothing was where I could find it and use it.

But I didn't have time to worry about that now. I had to get to work, so I just went out into the hallway. There were many other women just heading out to work as well. They were all wearing spring coats.

I decided I'd follow them down the steps instead of using the elevator and when I did, on the stairs were stacked folded sweaters with large numbers on them. They were green sweaters with red numbers on them. I as looking at the number upsidedown as they were facing away from me, but I recognized 84 and 87 right on top of the stacks.

I got outside and directly across the street, about 100 guys were trying to get into the factory building of A-C. They were locked out by a man named John, they said. (A-C once employed over 25,000 people, but had sold off portions of the business, moved some divisions to the south for cheap labor and no unions and then basically went downhill from there. Even the pension plan went bankrupt in the early 80's when I worked there)

These guys were trying to get in the building to go to work and had been locked out. If they had been allowed to work, they would have been fine, but being out on the street, they were starting to riot and it was getting ugly. What had started out as anger over trying to get to work, the men were turning against each other - black against white.

Some of the guys had been scouring the neighborhood for sticks and there were many of them laying on the ground, ready to be used for weapons against each other. The men were getting angrier and angrier, as I walked by, trying to avoid getting hit with a stick that they were now beginning to pick up and threaten each other instead of the company.

I attempted to walk by them so I wouldn't get hit by  flailing sticks, but I ended up in a fenced off place that was made of black sticks in a rough fashion similar to what the men were going to hit each other with. The fence was like a blockade, just to prevent people from from one place to another.

So I had to go a different direction to get to work and here I was walled in by the people who were selling cheap goods, and old leftover food, like cold congealed oatmeal.

One woman as actually cooking something where I could smell its wonderful aroma, but she had it half hidden so I would be tempted by tis wonderful smell. I asked her if I could get through that way and she said emphatically, "NO!"

Suddenly I realized i was dreaming and that I wanted this frustration to end and forced myself to wake up so I could go to work for real.

.

DIASPORA

Main Entry: di·as·po·ra

Pronunciation: dI-'as-p(&-)r&, dE-

Function: noun

Etymology: Greek, dispersion, from diaspeirein to scatter, from dia- + speirein to sow

Date: 1881

1 : capitalized a : the settling of scattered colonies of Jews outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile b : the area outside Palestine settled by Jews c : the Jews living outside Palestine or modern Israel

2 a : the breaking up and scattering of a people : MIGRATION <the black diaspora to northern cities> b : people settled far from their ancestral homelands <African diaspora> c : the place where these people live

Di·as·po· ra \di-'as-pe re\ n [ Gk, dispersion, fr. Diaspeirein to scatter,fr. Dia- + speirein to show ] the breaking up and scattering of a people; people settled far from their ancestral homelands; the places where these people live.

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DIASPORA ISN'T JUST ABOUT THE JEWS

The Neolithic Diaspora in Europe

FROM: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04775c.htm

Diaspora (Or DISPERSION).

Diaspora was the name given to the countries (outside of Palestine) through which the Jews were dispersed, and secondarily to the Jews living in those countries. The Greek term, diaspora, corresponds to the Hebrew word meaning "exile" (cf. Jer., xxiv, 5). It occurs in the Greek version of the Old Testament, e.g. Deut., xxviii, 25; xxx, 4, where the dispersion of the Jews among the nations is foretold as the punishment of their apostasy. In John, vii, 35, the word is used implying disdain: "The Jews therefore said among themselves: Whither will he go, that we shall not find him? Will he go unto the dispersed among the Gentiles?" Two of the Catholic Epistles, viz. that of James and I Peter, are addressed to the neophytes of the Diaspora. In Acts, ii, are enumerated the principal countries from which the Jews came who heard the Apostles preach at Pentecost, everyone "in his own tongue". The Diaspora was the result of the various deportations of Jews which invariably followed the invasion or conquest of Palestine. The first deportation took place after the capture of Samaria by Shalmaneser (Salmanasar) and Sargon, when a portion of the Ten Tribes were carried into the regions of the Euphrates and into Media, 721 B.C. (IV Kings, xvii). In 587 B.C. the Kingdom of Juda was transported into Mesopotamia.

When, about fifty years later, Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to their country, only the poorer and more fervent availed themselves of the permission The richer families remained in Babylonia forming the beginning of a numerous and influential community. The conquests of Alexander the Great caused the spreading of Jews throughout Asia and Syria. Seleucus Nicator made the Jews citizens in the cities he built in his dominions, and gave them equal rights with the Greeks and Macedonians. (Josephus, Antiquities, XII, iii, l.) Shortly after the transportation of Juda into Babylonia a number of Jews who had been left in Palestine voluntarily emigrated into Egypt. (Jer., xlii-xliv.) They formed the nucleus of the famous Alexandrine colony. But the great transportation into Egypt was effected by Ptolemy Soter. "And Ptolemy took many captives both from the mountainous parts of Judea and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria and led them into Egypt and settled them there" (Antiquities, XII, I, 1).

In Rome there was already a community of Jews at the time of Caesar. It is mentioned in a decree of Caesar cited by Josephus (Ant., XLV, x, 8). After the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus thousands of Jewish slaves were placed upon the market. They formed the nucleus of settlements in Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul. At the time of the Apostles the number of Jews in the Diaspora was exceedingly great. The Jewish author of the Sibylline Oracles (2nd century B.C.) could already say of his countrymen: "Every land and every sea is full of them" (Or. Sib., III, 271). Josephus mentioning the riches of the temple says: "Let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth sent their contributions" (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). The Jews of the Diaspora paid a temple tax, a kind of Peter's-pence; a didrachma being required from every male adult. The sums transmitted to Jerusalem were at times so large as to cause an inconvenient drainage of gold, which more than once induced the Roman government either to stop the transmittance or even to confiscate it.

Though the Diaspora Jews were, on the whole, faithful to their religion, there was a noticeable difference of theological opinion between the Babylonian and Alexandrine Jew. In Mesopotamia the Jews read and studied the Bible in Hebrew. This was comparatively easy to them since Chaldee, their vernacular, was kindred to the Hebrew. The Jews in Egypt and throughout Europe, commonly called Hellenistic Jews, soon forgot Hebrew. A Greek version of the Bible, the Septuagint, was made for them. The consequence was that they were less ardent in the punctilious observance of their Law. Like the Samaritans they showed a schismatic tendency by erecting a rival temple to that in Jerusalem. It was built by the son of Onias the high-priest in Leontopolis in Lower Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, 160 B.C., and was destroyed 70 B.C. (Ant., XIII, iii, sects. 2, 3). It is a curious fact that whereas Hellenistic Judaism became the soil in which Christianity took root and waxed strong, the colony in Babylonia remained a stronghold of orthodox Judaism and produced its famous Talmud. The deeply-rooted antagonism between the Jews and Greeks made the amalgamation of the two races impossible. Though some of the Seleucids and Ptolemies, such as Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus the Great, were favourable towards the Jews, there was constant friction between the two elements in Syria and Egypt. Occasional pillage and massacre were the inevitable result. Thus on one occasion the Greeks in Seleucia and Syria massacred some 50,000 Jews (Ant., XVIII, ix, 9). On another occasion the Jews, getting the upper hand in Cyprus, killed the Greek inhabitants of Salamis and were in consequence banished from the island (Dio Cassius, LXVIII, 23). In Alexandria it was found necessary to confine the Jews to a separate quarter, or ghetto. The Roman Empire was on the whole well-disposed towards the Jews of the Diaspora. They had everywhere the right of residence and could not be expelled. The two exceptions were the expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Tiberius (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5) and under Claudius (Acts, xviii, 2). But both these instances were of short duration. Their cult was declared a religio licita. All communities had their synagogue, proseuchai or sabbateia, which served also as libraries and places of assembly. The most famous was that in Antioch (De bell. Jud., VII, iii 3). They had their cemeteries; in Rome, like the Christians, they buried their dead in catacombs. They were allowed freely to observe their sabbaths, festivals, and dietary laws. They were exempt from the emperor-worship and from military service. Many Jews enjoyed Roman citizenship, e.g. St. Paul (Acts, xvi, 37-39). In many places the Jewish community formed a recognized organization with administrative, judicial, and financial powers. It was ruled by a council called gerousia, composed of elders, presbyteroi, at the head of which was the archon. Another token of the freedom which the Jews enjoyed throughout the empire was their active propagandism (cf. Matt., xxiii, 15). The neophytes were called phoboumenoi or sebomenoi, i.e. God-fearing (Acts, xiii, 16, 26, 43; Antiquities, XIV, vii, 2). Their number appears to have been very great. St. Paul met them in almost all the cities he visited. Josephus, praising the excellence of the Law, says: "the multitude of mankind itself has had a great inclination to follow our religious observances. There is not a city of the Grecians or Sabarians, where our customs and the prohibition as to our food are not observed" etc. (Contra Apion., II, xl). Many of the converts were distinguished persons, e.g. Aguila, the chamberlain of the Queen of Candace (Acts, viii, 26 sq.); Azizus, King of Emesa, and Polemo, King of Cilicia (Ant.,.xx, vii); the patrician lady Fulvia (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5).

Jewish Encyc. s. v. Dispersion; SCHURER, Geschichte des judischen Volkes (Leipzig, 1890); GRATZ, Geschichte der Juden; RENAN, Les Apétres; MOMMSEN, The Provinces of the Roman Empire (tr. London, l886). A list of the countries of the Diaspora is given by PHILO, Leg. ad Caium, 36.

C. VAN DEN BIESEN

Transcribed by Joseph E. O'Connor

IRANIAN DIASPORA - PRE-ISLAMIC

FROM: http://www.iranian.com/Dec96/Iranica/Diaspora/Diaspora.html

By Mary Boyce

Encyclopaedia Iranica

DIASPORA, IRANIAN, IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES. The Achaemenid empire attained its fullest extent under its first three kings; and for the next two centuries or so Iranians colonized in numbers the most attractive of its non-Iranian territories. Alexander's conquest of the empire in the 4th century B.C.E. led, under his successors, to those colonists being cut off from Persia, but they proved generally able to maintain their ethnic and cultural identity under alien rule for many generations.

Information about the original colonists is meager, but at its best for Egypt (largely from Aramaic papyri) and Asia Minor (from notices by Greek writers, a small number of tomb-carvings, Aramaic inscriptions, and significant devices on satrapal coins). There is also the evidence of personal and place names. That of personal names can only be safely used, however, to identify Iranians where there is additional information, or when such names occur in groups, or in significant associations and settings, because during the Achaemenid period Persian names were sometimes adopted quite extensively by their non-Iranian subjects.

Even in post-Achaemenid times some Persian names (notably Mitradata/Mithradates, and other Mithra-names) were used by non-Iranians in western regions. Conversely, some individuals of Persian descent under Macedonian rule are known to have adopted Greek names. The hereditary high priests of the temple of Anaitis at Hypaipa in Lydia provide a striking instance. For all regions except Egypt most of the evidence for the Iranian diaspora comes from post-Achaemenid times.

Most satrapies of the empire were governed by Persians, the wealthier and most important ones being generally entrusted to royal princes; but some of the minor non-Iranian satrapies became hereditary fiefs in the families of Persian nobles, who settled permanently there. Damascus may have been one instance, but the certain examples are Dascylium and Eastern Armenia.

All satrapal courts would have been frequented by the local Iranian nobility, and, reflecting the customs and manners of the imperial court, would have been centers of Persian culture. In foreign parts which were attractive to Iranians many Persian landowners received their estates from the king with the duty of rendering military service when called on. Many of these fiefdoms were probably granted as a result of confiscations after conquest, but the smaller populations of those days would also have allowed for new estates to be created in fertile areas.

The Iranians were not an urban people, and the way of life which these expatriates followed appears to have reflected that of Iran itself, with the nobles living for much of the year on their estates. In Cappadocia, with important highroads and passes that needed guarding, many hilltop fortresses are recorded, a number of which were presumably from Achaemenid times the seats of Persian nobles.

In Lydia, with its fertile river-valleys, the only dwelling of a Persian landowner to be described was a fortified manor house on his own estate. He had armed retainers in his service, as well as slaves to work the land; and when the house was attacked by Greek raiders, a beacon was lit which brought a Persian neighbor to his aid, with his own body of fighting men. Some official forces also responded to the alarm, and the marauders were driven off. The incident suggests a number of Persian estates in this, and doubtless other, fertile regions of western Asia Minor, with mutual support among the landowners and in general effective Persian vigilance and control.

The royal road which led from Sardis, Lydia's capital, east to Susa and Persepolis was said to pass for its whole length "through country that is inhabited and safe." This great highway made much of central Asia Minor accessible to Iranian colonists, who were attracted by its valleys and wide plains. Noble fiefholders naturally had an interest in developing their estates, and this interest was quickened in them as Zoroastrians, for whom good cultivation of the land is a religious duty.

Zoroastrian priests themselves were an important element in the Iranian diaspora. Armies would have been accompanied by many priests, some ministering to officers, others to men, and when ex-soldiers were settled on the land, their priests with their families presumably remained with them. Other priests are likely to have come out with the peasant farmers, and more exalted ones with the nobility. Originally they were known collectively in eastern Mediterranean lands as magousaioi, a Greco-Semitic plural for Persian magu "Mage, priest"; but in time, locally at least, this term came to be used for Persian colonists generally, with Greek magoi used for the priests themselves. As these usages suggest, to outside observers all Iranians were Zoroastrians, ethnic and religious labels being used interchangeably, and this probably reflects the broad reality.

As in Persia, so in the diaspora, in addition to priests who ministered to lay families in the traditional way, there were temple priests. There is a fair amount of information about Zoroastrian sanctuaries in Asia Minor, the oldest according to tradition being at Zela in Pontic Cappadocia, founded in the 6th century B.C.E. by Cyrus II the Great himself or his generals. According to the Iranian custom of worshipping in high places, the sanctuary was established on a hill, banked up yet higher and encircled by a wall. Later this hill bore one of the imposing temples to Anahid, by which the presence of Iranians is strikingly attested in Asia Minor.

FROM:  http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/diaspora.html

THE INDIAN DIASPORA

The Indian diaspora today constitutes an important, and in some respects unique, force in world culture. The origins of the modern Indian diaspora lie mainly in the subjugation of India by the British and its incorporation into the British empire. Indians were taken over as indentured labor to far-flung parts of the empire in the nineteenth-century, a circumstance to which the modern Indian populations of Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, Surinam, Malaysia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and other places attest in their own peculiar ways. Over two million Indian men fought on behalf of the empire in numerous wars, including the Boer War and the two World Wars, and some remained behind to claim the land on which they had fought as their own. As if in emulation of their ancestors, many Gujarati traders once again left for East Africa in large numbers in the early part of the twentieth century. Finally, in the post-World War II period, the dispersal of Indian labor and professionals has been a nearly world-wide phenomenon. Indians, and other South Asians, provided the labor that helped in the  reconstruction of war-torn Europe, particularly the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and in more recent years unskilled labor from South Asia has been the main force in the transformation of the physical landscape of much of the Middle East. Meanwhile, in countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, Indians have made their presence visibly felt in the professions.

GUAYANA

FROM:  http://geocities.com/TheTropics/Shores/9253/History.html

???? The Amerindians migrate to, and inhabit South America. The legend of the Empire Of Eldorado is born.

1593 -The earliest account of the territory of Guiana is made in a dispatch to the Royal Council of Spain in which the Governor of Trinidad, Antonio de Berreo, describes his journey down the Oronoco and his attempt to explore Guiana.

1594 -Sir Robert Dudley makes inquiries about the rumoured Empire of El Dorado when his ship puts in to Trinidad. A small boat is sent to investigate and its crew returns to say that the natives (Amerindians)had told them of gold-mines so rich that the people of the country powdered themselves with gold dust. 'And farre beyond them', they said, 'a great towne called El Dorado, with many other things.'

1598 -The Dutch make their first voyage to Guiana.

1621 - Dutch West India Company receives a charter for the Essequibo.

1640 - Slaves arrive in the colonies from Africa.

1657 -A small Dutch settlement is established on the Pomeroon River.

1666 - War breaks out between England and Holland.

1763 -The Berbice Slave Rebellion breaks out (at the time when Berbice is a separate Dutch colony). It begins on one estate, but soon spreads to others along the Berbice River. The revolt is the result of the cruelty with which the Dutch plantation owners have been treating their slaves, and it is led by a male slave called Coffy. The few hundred white settlers are soon overwhelmed, and the uprising will only be put down after the arrival of warships and with the help of troops from as far away as Barbados. [Coffy will commit suicide three months after the beginning of the affair . His followers will be hunted down for another year, before the Dutch authorities will be satisfied that the rebellion has been crushed.]

1781 -War breaks out between England and Holland. The colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice are taken by the English.

1782 - Some months later, the French, who are also at war with England (and who are the allies of Holland), under the command of the Marquis de Lusignan (whose name is perpetuated in the plantation of that name) take the three colonies. The French build Fort Dauphin at the mouth of the Demerara, and nearby, begin to build a new town - "Longchamps".

1783/4 - (a) The colonies are restored to Holland. (b)Longchamps is chosen as the site of the new colonial capital, later to be called Stabroek. (c) The Dutch move the seat of Government for the Demerara territory down river to its mouth, where they begin to build the town of Stabroek in a geometrical 'grid-iron' system of streets, divided by canals in the manner of their home-country. (d) The Dutch build a series of sluice-gates or kokers at points where the canals meet the Demerara estuary. At high tide, the kokers form a barrier between the Atlantic Ocean and the canals. At low tide they are opened to allow the accumulated water from the land to flow away.

1796 -War breaks out again between England and Holland. The colonies are taken by England, for the second time.

1802 -At the peace of Amiens, Guiana is returned to the Dutch. English settlers are given three years to wind up their affairs, and to then leave.

1803 - War breaks out again between England and Holland. In September, Hood arrives at the mouth of the Demerara, and demands the surrender of the Colony. Guiana is handed over without fighting, never again to be returned to Holland.

1814 - Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice are assigned to England during the Great peace.

1823 - There is a slave insurrection on the East Coast of Demerara.

1833 -The Act Of Abolition of slavery is passed. The slaves are not granted full freedom, but are bound to their masters for three-quarters of each day for a period of seven years.

1835 - Portuguese labourers are imported for work on the plantations. (Almost one thousand immigrant Portuguese die from tropical diseases).

1837 - John Gladstone suggests East Indian indentured labour as a solution to the drifting of Africans from the plantations to the towns. Permission is granted to bring 'Coolies' for his two plantations.

1838 - August 1st,"Full and unqualified liberation of the Negroes".

1838 - The first indentured labourers drawn from the hill areas of South India, arrive in Guiana. 156 East Indians arrive from Calcutta on the "Hesperus". They are under indenture for a five year period, and for the first part, they are housed and given rations, but are not paid. Great mistreatment of the labourers result in prosecution of some of the planters.

1839 - Four hundred German Rinelanders and Wurtembergers are enticed to British Guiana. (Almost all succumb to tropical diseases).

1843 - The end of the first period of indenture. Many of the labourers return to India.

The 1840's - England suspends the indentured labourer system. Immigrant labour from India, Portugal (mainly Madeira) and China is permitted, under Government control.

1853 - January 12th. The first contract Chinese labourers arrive in British Guiana on the "Glentanner". Most are assigned to Windsor Forest, Pouderoyen and La Jelousie estates.

1856 - February 18th,Georgetown riots - property of Portuguese destroyed.

1860 - March 11th. The first female Chinese labourers arrive on the "Whirlwind".

1874 - The last contract Chinese labourers arrive in Demerara.

1884 - The Promenade Garden is extended to its present (21st century)proportions on an entire city block (east of State House.) This area was once used as a public display for the hanging of slaves who were connected with the 1823 East Coast rebellion.

1904 - In June the King of Italy hands down his award in the arbitration proceedings between Brazil and British Guiana.

1917 - The Government of India abolishes the indentured system. No more East Indian labour is allowed to enter Guiana.

1928 - The Constitution is changed, and women are given the vote on the same terms as men.

1953 - The Waddington Constitution is suspended on December 22nd. The Royal Welsh Fusiliers are dispatched to British Guiana to control any outbreak of violence which may follow the suspension. The House Of Assembly is disbanded. All political parties are forbidden to hold meetings, and certain P.P.P. leaders are forbidden to leave Georgetown. The Legislative Council is now composed of nominated and ex-officio members.

1958 - The Legislative Council passes a resolution exhorting the British Government to grant Cabinet status to British Guiana, as it had conceded to both Trinidad and Jamaica.

1961 - Elections under Internal Self-Government Constitution. The PPP Party is victorious.

1962 - Arthur Schlesinger, U.S. Secretary of State visits British Guiana and concludes that Dr. Jagan's heart is with the Communist world, and although all alternatives to Dr. Jagan are terrible, he feels that if Mr. Burnham 'will commit himself to a multi-racial policy' an independent British Guiana under him would cause the U.S. fewer problems than one under Dr. Jagan.

The February Riot Commission sits from June 22 to 28th in Georgetown. Senior Counsel Lionel Luckhoo submits DR. Jagan to a robust examination in which Dr. Jagan admits that he is 'a communist'. The circumstances of this admission seriously affects the U.S. attitude to Dr. Jagan and to British Guiana and paves the way for their promotion of Mr. Burnham to political power in Guyana.

1963 - On June 21, 1963, as U.S. President John Kennedy and a high powered team prepares for a meeting with British Prime Minister Harold McMillan and his team at Birch Grove in the U.K., the State Department instructs its U.K. embassy by telegram to let it be known that McMillan had agreed that H.M.G. no longer has any faith in Dr. Jagan, preferring Mr. Burnham as the more manageable alternative. At the Birch Grove meeting, it is decided to establish a Burnham-D'Aguair Government and grant British Guiana independence.

Georgetown is declared a 'Proclamation Area' and another ban is put on all public meetings.

The Guyana Rice Marketing Board escapes being demolished when a large quantity of dynamite is discovered under the wharf. Two ships, one belonging to the Russian and the other Cuban, recently berthed, also escapes destruction.

1964 - Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Janet Jagan, resigns her post claiming she had no control over the police. Essentially her resignation is in protest of the police inaction to the violence perpetrated against Indians at Wismar-Christianburg earlier in May. Violence erupts on an intensified scale soon after the arrival on June 17 of a Cuban tanker M.V. Cuba bringing much needed fuel and gasoline to the colony. The forces opposed to the Government of the day had organized an embargo and as such, vital supplies of necessities were delayed. The Cuban vessel is interpreted as breaking the embargo and the opposition parties let loose the 'Gods of War' in Georgetown and its environs. The Parliament Building is blockaded by angry protesters who assault Ministers and civil servants who dare to remain on the job. An incendiary device is thrown into the Hadfield Street home of Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Works and Hydraulics, 52-year-old Mr. Arthur Abraham, causing his death. Seven of his nine children also die. After the fire, four bodies are found huddled together on the stairway and three on the upper flat.

Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, speaking in the House of Commons, on June 17, recommends that the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Meeting should consult on the crisis situation in British Guiana. On June 24th Prime Minister DR. Cheddie Jagan concurrs.

1964 - Proportional Representative System. A coalition Government of PNC and UF attains power.

1965 - A three storied building which houses the U.S. Consulate and the JFK Library is bombed on June 24. Miss Shakira Baksh (later to be Mrs. Michael Caine) is injured in the blast.

1966 - May 26th,Independence. The colony of British Guiana becomes independent of British rule, and is known as Guyana.

1966 - On June 23, officials from both Guyana and Suriname begin talks in London in relation to the countries' border dispute.

1966 - British troops leave Guyana.

1969 - The protocol of Port-of-Spain is signed by Guyana and Venezuela leading to a 12-year moratorium on the boundary controversy.

1970 - February 23rd,Guyana, the independent country - becomes a Co-operative Republic, and is now known as the "Republic Of Guyana".

The African Diaspora,   Ethiopianism, and Rastafari

From: http://www.rit.edu/~africa/diaspora/mapPg1.shtml

Africa and the Ancient Mediterranean 250 BC to 300 AD

Peoples of North Africa traveled and traded throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Wars between Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) and the Roman Empire saw an African army, lead by Hannibal, invade Roman territory in 218 .C. By the first century BC, Egypt was trading with Europe as well as with India and China. Between the 3rd century BC and the 4th century AD, scholars from the region converged on the Library of Alexandria in Egypt. Here Euclid wrote his famous book on geometry and Ptolemy analyzed the movement of the planets

Ethiopian and Jerusalem 400 AD to 1300 AD

After Ethiopia's king converted to Christianity in the 4th century AD, the country developed ties to the Byzantine church in present-day Turkey. Ethiopian Christians began regular pilgrimages to Jerusalem. There a bishop utilized Ethiopian script in developing the Armenian alphabet. In 1189, the Muslim conqueror of Jerusalem granted two pilgrimage sites to the Ethiopians, thus alerting Europeans to the existence of these African Christians. European crusaders against the Jerusalem Muslims sought alliances with Ethiopia until the Crusades ended in 1270.

Africa and Asia 14th to 19th centuries AD

In 1324, the Malian leader Mansa Musa made pilgrimage to Mecca--an Islamic Holy site in Arabia--and returned with a Spanish architect who designed the mosque in Timbuctu. In the 15th century, East African ambassadors sailed to China, where they presented the Chinese Emperor with two giraffes, beginning a series of exchanges. In the 16th and 17th centuries, East African soldiers settled in and ruled parts of India. In the early 19th century, the East African island of Zanzibar became the capital of the Omani empire encompassing parts of coastal East Africa and southern Arabia.

Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas 1500 to 1800

Africans living in the western, central, and southern parts of the continent were enslaved and taken to the Americas. They were victims of the "triangle trade" in which American, British, Dutch, French, and Portuguese merchants carried textiles, iron, guns, and alcohol to Africa and traded them for enslaved people. The traders sold their captives to planters and mine owners in the Americas for gold, silver, sugar, and tobacco which they returned to Europe for sale and profit.

Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas --1800s

As the trade continued, slave rebellions mounted and people around the Atlantic organized against slavery. After outlawing slavery in 1808, the British gradually tried to suppress the trade on the high seas. Still slave traders willingly risked punishment to earn huge profits, as agricultural booms increased demand for slaves in the Caribbean and Brazil from the 1820s through the 1860s. With the abolition of slavery in all American nations by 1888, this violent chapter of world history ended.

Since 1960

Since the early 1960s, millions of Africans have immigrated to the Americas, Asia, and Europe. The first waves of immigration came as African nations won independence--with freedom from colonialism came the freedom to travel. Over the decades, African immigrants have continued to seek new opportunities in education and business abroad. Some Africans have also emigrated to escape civil upheaval and war. At the dawn of the 21st century, between 70 to 100 million Africans and people of African descent live in the Americas.

FROM: http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasessay.html

Historically, black peoples in the New World have traced memories of an African homeland through the trauma of slavery and through ideologies of struggle and resistance.

Arguably the most poignant of these discursive topographies is that of the Rastafari faith and culture. Like the Garvey Movement and other forms of pan-Africanism before it, the Rastafari fashion their vision of an ancestral homeland through a complex of ideas and symbols known as Ethiopianism, an ideology which has informed African-American concepts of nationhood, independence, and political uplift since the late 16th century. Derived from references in the Holy Bible to black people as 'Ethiopians', this discourse has been used to express the political, cultural, and spiritual aspirations of blacks in the Caribbean and North America for over three centuries. From the last quarter of the 18th century to the present, Ethiopianism has, at various times, provided the basis for a common sense of destiny and identification between African peoples in the North American colonies, the Caribbean, Europe, and the African continent.

From the period prior to the American Revolutionary War, slaves in North America equated Ethiopia with the ancient empires that flourished in the upper parts of the Nile Valley and--largely through biblical references and sermons--perceived this territory as central to the salvation of the black race. black converts to Christianity in colonial America cherished references to Ethiopia in the Bible for a number of reasons. These references depicted Blacks in a dignified and human light and held forth the promise of freedom. Such passages also suggested that African peoples had a proud and deep cultural heritage that pre-dated European civilization. The summation of these sentiments was most frequently identified with Psalm 68:31 where it is prophesied that "Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." During the late 18th century, black churchmen in the North American colonies made extensive use of Ethiopianist discourse in their sermons. Bishop Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, was among those who identified the cause of African freedom with this prophecy in Psalms. During the Revolutionary War, it is reputed that one black regiment proudly wore the appellation of "Allen's Ethiopians." Phyllis Wheatley, the black poet-laureate of colonial America, also made frequent use of this discourse as did Prince Hall, a black Revolutionary War veteran and founder of the African Masonic Lodge. Commenting upon the successful slave insurrection in Haiti (1792-1800), Hall observed: "Thus doth Ethiopia begin to stretch forth her hand, from the sink of slavery, to freedom and equality." There was, in nearly all expressions of Ethiopianism, a belief in the redemption of the race linked to the coming of a black messiah. Perhaps the first expressed articulation of this idea is seen in The Ethiopian Manifesto published by Robert Alexander Young, a slave preacher in North America in 1829.

In large part because of the movement of peoples spurred in its aftermath, the American  Revolutionary War provided a major impetus for the spread of Ethiopianism from Britain's North American to its Caribbean colonies. As British loyalists departed from North America for places like Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados, the churched slaves and former slaves who traveled with them transplanted Ethiopianism to these plantation societies and inaugurated an independent black religious tradition. In Jamaica, George Liele, a former slave and churchman from Savannah, Georgia, founded the first Ethiopian Baptist church in 1783. Liele called his followers "Ethiopian Baptists." Thus began a deep rooted tradition of Ethiopian identification in Jamaica, the birthplace of both Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association (founded in 1914) and the Rastafari movement (born in 1930).

THE JEWISH DIASPORA

FROM: http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/History/Diaspora.html

The Jewish state comes to an end in 70 AD, when the Romans begin to actively drive Jews from the home they had lived in for over a millennium. But the Jewish Diaspora ("diaspora" ="dispersion, scattering") had begun long before the Romans had even dreamed of Judaea. When the Assyrians conquered Israel in 722, the Hebrew inhabitants were scattered all over the Middle East; these early victims of the dispersion disappeared utterly from the pages of history. However, when Nebuchadnezzar deported the Judaeans in 597 and 586 BC, he allowed them to remain in a unified community in Babylon. Another group of Judaeans fled to Egypt, where they settled in the Nile  delta. So from 597 onwards, there were three distinct groups of Hebrews: a group in Babylon and other parts of the Middle East, a group in Judaea, and another group in Egypt. Thus, 597 is considered the beginning date of the Jewish Diaspora. While Cyrus the Persian allowed the Judaeans to return to their homeland in 538 BC, most chose to remain in Babylon. A large number of Jews in Egypt became mercenaries in Upper Egypt on an island called the Elephantine. All of these Jews retained their religion, identity, and social customs; both under the Persians and the Greeks, they were allowed to run their lives under their own laws. Some converted to other religions; still others combined the Yahweh cult with local cults; but the majority clung to the Hebraic religion and its new-found core document, the Torah.

In 63 BC, Judaea became a protectorate of Rome. Coming under the administration of a governor, Judaea was allowed a king; the governor's business was to regulate trade and maximize tax revenue. While the Jews despised the Greeks, the Romans were a nightmare. Governorships were bought at high prices; the governors would attempt to squeeze as much revenue as possible from their regions and pocket as much as they could. Even with a Jewish king, the Judaeans revolted in 70 AD, a desperate revolt that ended tragically. In 73 AD, the last of the revolutionaries were holed up in a mountain fort called Masada; the Romans had besieged the fort for two years, and the 1000 men, women, and children inside were beginning to starve. In desperation, the Jewish revolutionaries killed themselves rather than surrender to the Romans. The Romans then destroyed Jerusalem, annexed Judaea as a Roman province, and systematically drove the Jews from Palestine. After 73 AD, Hebrew history would only be the history of the Diaspora as the Jews and their world view spread over Africa, Asia, and Europe

CONFIGURING THE FILIPINO DIASPORA IN THE U.S.

FROM: http://www.boondocksnet.com/centennial/sctexts/esj_94a.html

According to the 1990 census, the Filipino community is now the largest segment of Asian Americans, 21.5%, followed by the Chinese and the Vietnamese (Patel 112). By the year 2000, there will be over 2 million Filipinos in the United States. In recent surveys of Asian American literature sponsored by the Modern Language Association of America (MLA) and other professional organizations, however, there is a notable absence of any serious attention to Filipino writers, either born in the United States or self-exiled. In scholarly discourse and curricular offerings, "Asian American" usually designates Chinese (Kingston, Chin, etc.) or Japanese (Yamamoto, Okada, etc.) writers, or else Filipinos are tokenized with allusions to Carlos Bulosan or Hagedorn. At the turn of the century, William Dean Howells reviewed the novels of Jose Rizal, the national hero; Carlos Bulosan had to wait until World War II to be discovered. MLA president Houston Baker's edition of Three American Literatures privileged the Chinese and Japanese components of the category 'Asian American," perhaps a form of editorial reverse discrimination repeated by A. LaVonne Ruoff and Jerry Ward's expanded survey Redefining American Literary History. This has no doubt vitiated the honorably pluralist intent of an emergent canonizing, if revisionary, scholarship. Why were such well-known authors as Bulosan, Jose Garcia Villa, Bienvenido Santos, and others not considered on a par with Maxine Hong Kingston or Toshio Mori? Why this ethnic/multicultural marginalization or erasure?

Given the genuine historical, political, and cultural differences between the Filipino nationality and other Asian ethnic groups in the United States, one cannot help but discern how scholars have articulated "Asian American" in a selective and exclusivist direction, translating "Asian" as either Chinese or Japanese, rendering it useless as a totalizing signifier (for one, recent arrivals like Hmong refugees have had no participation in the disciplinary constitution of the term "Asian American" even if they are bureaucratically subsumed in it). Within the field of Asian Studies in the United States, the holy trinity of China, Japan (with Korea included in the space between the first two), and India still dominates, with Southeast Asian countries (mainly Indonesia) occupying the periphery. The Philippines then constitutes the margin or fold within the periphery, better known as the "Pacific Rim," despite the fact of its being the only Asian colony of the United States. Geopolitics, however, has superseded historical memory in the present realignment of historical capitalisms after the demise of the Soviet Union and Japan's economic ascendancy.

The entry of Filipinos into United States territory in sizable numbers began in 1908, when 141 workers were recruited by the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association. From then to 1946, when formal independence was granted to the islands, at least 125,000 Filipino workers exchanged their labor as commodity with the sugar planters (McWilliams 235). By 1930, there were 108,260 Filipinos all over the United States -- though most were farmworkers concentrated on the West Coast. They had an indeterminate status; neither protected wards nor citizens, they were subjected to various forms of racist discrimination and exclusion, circumscribed by (among others) laws of antimiscegenation and prohibited from employment in government and ownership of land. Deterritorialized in this way, Filipinos in the process of affirming their human rights and dignity forged a culture of resistance linking their homeland and place of expatriation. Parallel to the incessant revolts of peasants in the colonized islands, Filipino workers organized one of the first unions in Hawaii in 1919, the Filipino Federation of Labor, which spearheaded industrywide multiracial strikes in 1920 and 1924. In 1934, the Filipino Labor Union was organized in California with 2,000 active members; it organized the historic strike of 1934 in Salinas, California, and set the stage for the Filipino Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, which led the grape strike of 1965, matrix of the United Farm Workers of America (UFW) (CIIR).

CHINA  Nanjing Massacre (1937-1938)

FROM: http://www.cnd.org/mirror/nanjing/

In December 1937, Nanjing fell to the Japanese Imperial Army. The Japanese army launched a massacre for six weeks. According to the records of several welfare organizations which buried the dead bodies after the Massacre, around three hundred thousand people, mostly civilians and POWs, were brutally slaughtered.

Over twenty thousand cases of rape were reported. Many of the victims were gang raped and then killed. The figure did not include those captives who were sent to army brothels (the so-called "comfort stations").

It must be reminded that contrary to Germany the Japanese government has never made any formal or official apology to the Chinese people for their crimes committed during the war.

Instead, a number of Japanese politicians and writers denied not just the Massacre but any of their wrong doings in the Second World War. They claimed that they had "liberated" Asian peoples from Western colonialism. The Nanjing Massacre is one of their so-called "liberations".

INDINESIA - 1998/1999
CHINESE IN THE USA

JOB LOCKOUTS vs RIOTS

From: http://newman.baruch.cuny.edu/digital/redscare/HTMLCODE/CHRON/RS033.HTM

NEW ORLEANS - 1900

FROM: http://www.marxists.org/archive/deleon/works/000730.htm

RACE RIOTS

by

Daniel DeLeon

The Daily People

July 30, 1900

A flood of ignorance is pouring out of the papers regarding the slaughter of the Negroes in New Orleans by the mob.

Various explanations are given, all silly, and many "remedies" are suggested, each one vying with the other in craziness.

The war in New Orleans is not between black and white. It is a war between workingmen, and the prize they battle for is a "job"; and that job means the same to them as the carcass of the animal, over which two savages fight, means to the savage: life or death.

When the vulgar editors prate about "racial hate" and ascribe the riots to that, they merely display their crass ignorance.

We are living in a time when the comforts of life, and all the material wealth needed to bring happiness to every human being, can be produced in abundance. There is no need whatever for one human being to go hungry, homeless or naked. Man's inventive genius has developed the tool to that point, and guided the natural forces to that degree, that abundance is possible to all.

But between that abundance and its enjoyment by the children of men an obstacle is interposed. That obstacle is the modern social system, capitalism, and its defenders and beneficiaries are the capitalist class.

Balked and baffled by this obstacle, eyeing wistfully that abundance of wealth which the capitalist class forbids them to touch, the ignorant workingmen, black and white, instead of fighting the capitalist, with wealth and freedom as the prize at stake, fall to fighting each other; and the stakes in that conflict are: death to the loser; poverty, misery and wage-slavery to the winner.

More horrible than the battle of the savages who fought for the meat, is this fight between workingmen. This has for a result the survival of the slave. A more brutal and demoralizing spectacle cannot be conceived.

How strong becomes the desire to forever end a system and a class responsible for this manifestation of social atavism! What bitter hate must fill the breast of the class-conscious proletarian for the real authors: the capitalist class!

To the work, then, of organizing and educating the proletariat, to fight for wealth and freedom, and not for poverty and slavery; to fight their masters and not their fellow slaves, and to win that victory in the class war which will forever put an end to race riots.

SPRINGFIELD, IL - 1908

FROM: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/

By the turn of the century, Springfield, Illinois was no longer the small town in which Abraham Lincoln lived, but a growing industrial center. The population of Springfield had grown at an alarming rate; it had nearly doubled since the last shot of the Civil War was heard in 1865. The numbers of people moving into Springfield increased faster than the creation of new jobs. The new workers added more tension to an already tight job market. The southern blacks emigrants and new European immigrants vied with white workers for factory and coal mining jobs. Blacks were, in some instances, brought in as scabs (replacements for striking laborers). Springfield had the largest percentage of blacks of any comparable city in Illinois. This fierce competition for jobs created an enormous amount of strife between the established white population and the new influx of blacks.

During the miserably hot summer of 1908, the racial tension heightened. On the night of Independence Day, 1908, Clergy Ballard, a respectable mining engineer, had his home broken into. He was awakened from his sleep by some unfamiliar noises in his home. When investigating, he saw a stranger at the bedside of his young innocent daughter. The intruder, upon discovery ran out of the house. Ballard gave chase and caught the assailant who, unfortunately for Ballard, had a straight razor and slashed Ballard's throat. Clergy Ballard died the next morning from wounds received that horrible night.

The people of Springfield were led by the press to believe that the crime was a thwarted sexual assault attempt. The public was outraged by the ugliness of the crime. Before Clergy Ballard died he managed to identify the assailant as a Joe James, a local black man with a long police record of minor criminal offenses. He was later caught by a band of angry whites and beaten unconscious. The police rescued James from the crowd and carted him off to jail for murder and attempted rape.

The townspeople outraged by two horrible and vicious crimes on respectable white women gathered at the southwest corner of Seventh and Jefferson. There the Sangamon County Jail housed the two hated individuals, James and Richardson. As the temperature soared into the high nineties, the mood of the crowd became more hostile. Obviously becoming intent on some kind of vigilante justice, the crowd demanded the release of the two alleged offenders. Sheriff Charles Werner, seeing that the crowd was getting out of hand and fearing the safety of his prisoners, devised a plan to transport the two to safety. A false fire alarm was sounded to divert the crowd's attention while the prisoners were escorted out the back of the jail to a car owned by a local restaurateur, Harry Loper. By 5 o'clock the two prisoners were on the train to safety in Bloomington, a town sixty miles north of Springfield.

Then the sheriff announced that the crowd might as well disperse because the men that they wanted were no longer in the jail. This apparently enraged the crowd and that's where the violent trouble began. Under the leadership of a few inspiring individuals like Kate Howard, a local rooming house owner who was notorious for her hatred of blacks, the crowd moved from the county jail down to Harry Loper's restaurant when it learned that his car was used in the escape plot. The crowd stalled at the sight of Harry Loper standing in the doorway with his rifle, but after he left by the back door the mob preceded to trash and destroy his stylish restaurant. They consumed the liquor, broke plate glassed windows, demolished the interior, and torched his five thousand dollar automobile.

The local authorities attempted to control the crowd, but were overwhelmed and outnumbered. Mayor Roy Reece of Springfield was forced into hiding by threats from the angry crowd. Fortunately for Springfield, Governor Charles Dedeen was in town and promptly activated the State militia. The crowd, however, was still on the move.

Urged on by shouts of "Women desire protection and this seems the only way to get it" the mob's intent had changed from the original purpose of seeking their own form of justice to clearing the entire town of blacks. Now the crowd headed toward the black commercial section of the city called the Levee where they broke into Fishman's pawn shop, a Jewish owned business, and stole weapons that would in the near future destroy many businesses, homes, and dreams. The mob now possessing guns, ammunition, and ropes, moved through the Levee, destroying all black businesses that were in sight. The violent crowd destroyed two or three blocks of the Levee. After having laid waste to a number of Negro established businesses in Springfield the mob then moved north heading toward the black residential section known as the Badlands.

On the way, however, a section of the angry crowd encountered the first resistance when they confronted a black barber named Scott Burton. When he saw the mob approach, Burton decided to protect his property and stood in the doorway with a shotgun. The mob wanted to destroy the barber shop because it was owned by a black man and because he had a white wife, but they did not want to get killed themselves. Out of fear Burton fired a blast of buckshot into the crowd. The crowd returned the fire and Burton was killed. His barber shop was burned and his body was paraded from his porch to a place several blocks away where it was hanged from a tree outside a saloon. Burton's corpse became the symbol of the mob's hatred of blacks and was riddled by bullets until the militia came and put a stop to that action.

But then the mob then moved on to the black residential area of Springfield. Rioters set fire to the houses of blacks avoiding only the homes with white handkerchiefs tied outside which signified they were homes owned or inhabited by whites. When firemen arrived, the crowd hindered their progress and even cut their hoses. It was estimated that a crowd of nearly 12,000 people had gathered to watch the Badlands burn. Black families were forced to run to surrounding towns or find refuge within the hostile city. Some blacks found safety with white people they knew, others went to the State Armory, and still others tried just to get out of town. Those that went to surrounding towns were met by signs that read, "All Niggers are warned out of town by Monday, 12 Sharp!". By midnight some national guard units arrived and dispersed the mob and the violence ended for Friday night.

See site link for the rest of the story and photos: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/?tqskip1=1&tqtime=0816

CHICAGO - 1919

(1919), most severe of approximately 25 race riots throughout the U.S. in the "Red Summer" (meaning "bloody") following World War I; a manifestation of racial frictions intensified by large-scale Negro migration to the North, industrial labour competition, overcrowding in urban ghettos, and greater militancy among black war veterans who had fought "to preserve democracy." In the South, revived Ku Klux Klan activities resulted in 64 lynchings in 1918 and 83 in 1919; race riots broke out in Washington, D.C.; Knoxville, Tenn.; Longview, Texas; and Phillips County, Ark. In the North the worst race riots erupted in Chicago and in Omaha, Neb.

Chicago racial tension, concentrated on the South Side, was particularly exacerbated by the pressure for adequate housing: the black population had increased from 44,000 in 1910 to more than 109,000 in 1920. The riot was triggered by the death of a black youth on July 27. He had been swimming in Lake Michigan and had drifted into an area tacitly reserved for whites; he was stoned and he shortly drowned. When police refused to arrest the white man whom black observers held responsible for the incident, indignant crowds began to gather on the beach, and the disturbance began. Distorted rumours swept the city as sporadic fighting broke out between gangs and mobs of both races. Violence escalated with each incident, and for 13 days Chicago was without law and order despite the fact that the state militia had been called out on the fourth day. By the end, 38 were dead (23 blacks, 15 whites), 537 injured, and 1,000 black families made homeless.

The horror of the Chicago Race Riot helped shock the nation out of indifference to its growing racial conflict. Pres. Woodrow Wilson castigated the "white race" as "the aggressor" in both the Chicago and Washington riots, and efforts were launched to promote racial harmony through voluntary organizations and ameliorative legislation in Congress. The period also marked a new willingness on the part of black men to fight for their rights in the face of injustice and oppression.

FROM: http://www.uic.edu/orgs/kbc/ganghistory/Industrial%20Era/Riotbegins.html - SEE THIS LINK FOR PHOTOS

From July 27 to August 2, 1919, a race riot broke out in Chicago. When it was over thirty-eight people were dead, 537 injured and about 1000 rendered homeless. The incident which sparked the riot was the drowning of a black youth after he drifted onto a white area of a beach, on a hot, 96 degree day. The reasons for the riot, however, lie with segregation, vicious racism, and the organized activities of white gangs, many of which were sponsored by Chicago's political machine. Most of the rioting, murder, and arson were concentrated in the Black Belt.

"The rioting was characterized by much activity on the part of gangs of hoodlums, and the clashes developed from sudden and spontaneous assaults into organized raids against life and property." (1)

"As part of the background of the Chicago riot, the activities of gangs of hoodlums should be cited. There had been friction for years, especially along the western boundary of the area in which the Negroes mainly live, and in the spring just preceding the riot. They reached a climax on the night of June 21, 1919, five weeks before the riot, when two Negroes were murdered. Each was alone at the time and was the victim of unprovoked and particularly brutal attack. Molestation of Negroes by hoodlums had been prevalent in the vicitiy of parks and playgrounds and at bathing-beaches." (3)

As the riot began, clashes between whites and blacks stepped up. The report continues;

"Further to the west, as darkness came on, white gangsters became active. Negores in whtie districts suffered severely at their hands. From 9:00pm until 3:00am twenty-seven Negores were beaten, seven were stabbed, and four were shot." (5)

Black and white people went to work the next day without incident, but a street strike forced workers to walk, creating opportunities for mayhem. "But as the afternoon wore on, white men and boys living between the Stock Yarks and the "Black Belt" sought malicious amusement in directing mob violence against Negro workers returning home." (5-6)

Black mobs retaliated against the white violence. As the violence increased, police fired into a crowd of black demonstrators, killing four. Whites became emboldened "Gangs in white districts grew bolder, finally taking the offensive in raids through territory "invaded" by Negro home seekers. Boys between sixteen and twenty-two banded together to enjoy the excitement of the chase….(6)

"Automobile raids were added to the rioting on Monday night. Cars from which rifle and revolver shots were fired were driven at great spead through sections inhabited by Negroes." (6) No white raiders were arrested and Blacks began "sniping" in retaliation. Chicago's Police Chief admitted to the Commission: "There is no doubt that a great many police officers were grossly unfair in making arrests. They shut their eyes to offenses committed by white men while they were veryvigorous in gettijng all the colored men they could get." (34). Twice as many blacks were arrested than whites.

The next day gang violence grew worse:

"A white gang of soldiers and sailors in uniform, augmented by civilians, raide the "Loop" or downtown section of Chicago, early Tuesday, killing two Negroes and beating and robbing several others…..Gangs sprang up as far south as Sixty-third Street in Englewood and in the section west of Wentworth Avenue near Forty-seventh Street. Premeditated depredations were the order of the night. Many Negro homes in mixed districts were attacked, and several of them were burned." Lasalle Street railroad station was invaded twice, with white gangs hunting for Black workers or riders (20).

Rain seemed to calm the riot for a few days and fires in the Stock Yards left 948 people, mainly Lithuanians, homeless. While Blacks were blamed for the fires, the Grand Jury suspected they were started by back of the Yards white gangs "for the purpose of inciting race feeling by blaming same on the blacks." (16). But by then, the riot had run its course.

TULSA - 1921

Tulsa panel seeks truth from 1921 race riot

Commission to recommend if survivors should be compensated

August 3, 1999

TULSA, Oklahoma (CNN) -- Beulah Smith and Kenny Booker, two elderly Oklahomans, lived through one of the worst race riots in U.S. history, a rarely mentioned 1921 Tulsa blood bath that officially took dozens of African-American lives, but more likely claimed hundreds. Perhaps even thousands.

The Tulsa Race Riot Commission, formed two years ago to determine exactly what happened, will consider next week the controversial issue of what, if any, reparations should be paid to the known survivors of the riot, a group of less than 100 that includes Smith, now 92, and Booker, 86.

'The gun went off, the riot was on'

On the night of May 31, 1921, mobs called for the lynching of Dick Rowland, a black man who shined shoes, after hearing reports that on the previous day he had assaulted Sarah Page, a white woman, in the elevator she operated in a downtown building.

A local newspaper had printed a fabricated story that Rowland tried to rape Page. In an editorial, the same newspaper said a hanging was planned for that night.

As groups of both blacks and whites converged on the Tulsa courthouse, a white man in the crowd confronted an armed black man, a war veteran, who had joined with other blacks to protect Rowland.

Commission member Eddie Faye Gates told CNN what happened next. "This white man," she said, asked the black man, "'What are you doing with this gun?'"

"'I'm going to use it if I have to,'" the black man said, according to Gates, "and (the white man) said, 'No, you're not. Give it to me,' and he tried to take it. The gun went off, the white man was dead, the riot was on."

Truckloads of whites set fires and shot blacks on sight. When the smoke lifted the next day, more than 1,400 homes and businesses in Tulsa's Greenwood district, a prosperous area known as the "black Wall Street," lay in ruins.

Today, only a single block of the original buildings remains standing in the area.

The official death toll was below 100, most of them black, but there was always doubt about the actual number. Experts now estimate that at least 300 people, and perhaps as many as 3,000, died.

'We're in a heck of a lot of trouble'

Beulah Smith was 14 years old the night of the riot. A neighbor named Frenchie came pounding on her family's door in a Tulsa neighborhood known as "Little Africa" that also went up in flames.

"'Get your families out of here because they're killing niggers uptown,'" she remembers Frenchie saying. "We hid in the weeds in the hog pen," Smith told CNN.

People in a mob that came to Kenny Booker's house asked, "'Nigger, do you have a gun?'" he told CNN.

Booker, then a teen-ager, hid with his family in their attic until the home was torched. "When we got downstairs, things were burning. My sister asked me, 'Kenny, is the world on fire?' I said, 'I don't know, but we're in a heck of a lot of trouble, baby.'"

Another riot survivor, Ruth Avery, who was 7 at the time, gives an account matched by others who told of bombs dropped from small airplanes passing overhead. The explosive devices may have been dynamite or Molotov cocktails -- gasoline-filled bottles set afire and thrown as grenades.

"They'd throw it down and when it'd hit, it would burst into flames," Avery said.

Unmarked graves

Many of the survivors "mentioned bodies were stacked like cord wood," says Richard Warner of the Tulsa Historical Society.

In its search for the facts, the commission has literally been trying to dig up the truth.

Two headstones at Tulsa's Oaklawn Cemetery indicate that riot victims are buried there. In an effort to determine how many, archeological experts in May used ground-piercing radar and other equipment to test the soil in a search for unmarked graves.

The test picked up indications that dozens, if not hundreds, of people may have been buried in an area just outside the cemetery.

Further tests will be conducted, but there are no plans to excavate the area.

The Tulsa commission is scheduled to release its final report on the riot in January. For many of the survivors, the issue is not money -- they want an apology.

"We were innocent," Booker said. "We didn't do anything to start this race riot."

Correspondent Charles Zewe and The Associated Press contributed to this report, written by Jim Morris

THE WELLAND CANAL - 1943

FROM:  http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm

Irish on the Welland Canal

Many fleeting Irish, especially from the counties of Cork and Connaught, came to Canada seeking a fresh start and found it in the Niagara region.

The Welland Canal, a man made waterway meant to carry ships around the falls at Niagara, would require many workers and as advertisements (from 1821) showed, a wage of $12 a month! was waiting for the men who would build it.

"Slabtown" Irish men swarmed in, many with their families, so many that towns were soon brimming past full or springing up along the canal at construction sites. Merriton and Thorold were two such and St. Catharines grew expansively with the influx.

Difficulties in funding for the Canal, changes in course, or stoppages of work all together, along with poor living conditions made life for these immigrants difficult. Also, coming to a new country did not erase old rivalries and bigotry among the workers and indeed, irritated them, since there was competition for jobs both here and on other similar projects.

Slabtown was the nickname given to the community of Welland Canal workers who lived in rough slab shanties. Many of these workers were Irish and tensions mounted which were directly rooted in the Catholic _ Protestant split within the community. Trouble broke out constantly and in 1943 rioting broke out.

Aug. 18, 1842 Quest for food: Irish Laborers- letter from Constantine Lee, D.D., Catholic Pastor. - They plundered Mr. Barrett's storehouse at the Quarry. They admitted coming for something to eat and if it was not given them they were prepared to take it. - They planned to plunder Oliver Phelp's red mill, but (Pastor) Lee prevented them. 70 shanties have been built between this village and the mountain locks. Tried to plunder flour from flouring mills of Henry Mittleberger - none there so they plundered the schooner "Mariner".

Oct. 26, 1843 Labour Force: Expense of Canal Riots Dec. 14, 1843 More Canal riots among the laborers of the Welland Canal - One of the officers, Mr. Wheeler, went out to make an arrest at the Canalers Shanty at Allenburg and found he accused armed and determined to resist... an express was sent off to D. McFarland, Esq., Port Robinson for the assistance of a detachment of the colored corps (see below) stationed there to quell rioters. Many of the canallers along the line having refused to work at the reduced prices offered by the contractors, having been idle for some time past - their funds are running low and they are becoming desperate.

Dec. 21, 1843 Strike Canal Rioters are striking for more than 50 (cents) daily and increase in January to 5 York Shillings. The strikers want more - above Port Robinson last Friday - serious.

Feb. 16, 1844 Starvation and Riot Editorial on riots. Many hundreds of men, women and children apparently in he last sages of starvation.   More to be discharged when navigation opens. Wm. Benson, Esq., head officer of the Police Force of the Division Port Dalhousie to near Allenburg sends the following Statement consisting entirely of diggers, stone cutters, mechanics, quarry men and other laborers not included, which amount to 500 more. Mr. Bonallie's portion of the canal, which includes the Feeder and Broad Creek is probably about the same.

Canal laborers:

working 658
idle 645
women 666
children 1, 209
total = 3, 178 of this number, only 42 are reported sick.

Apr. 12 1844 Strike on Lachine Canal - demand for increase by men on Mr. Wait's contract - want 2s.3d., no 2s. they get.

July 19, 1844 Strike on section of Canal through Thorold. Further south - no trouble.

Sept. 20, 1844 Riots on Canal July 10, 1845 Have Major Richardson and Benson Situation in some detail Jul 17, 1845 - controversy on the canal, prejudice. (Benson resigned and Major Richardson replaced him as the "law" on the Canal. Supt. of Police on Canal.

June 28, 1844 Terms Canal workers from Barnets Lock to Thorold refuse to work on Monday except at an advance on wages. They get   6s. New York currency per day and want 7s.

Feb. 19, 1846 Notice - John Richardson, late Stipendiary Magistrate and Superintendent of Police on he Welland Canal has been removed from the above situations. Allenburg, Feb. 2, 1846, J. Thompson. Also an editorial about Richardson and his good work. Police are no longer needed on the Canal.

See   http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm for more

QUEBEC - 1992

FROM: http://www.wumingfoundation.com/english/giap/giapdigest10.html

1. The three days of Quebec City proved that the global movement is not suffering any 'demographical crisis', which people were afraid of after Nice and Davos. There is no risk of a crisis when the movement successfully appeals to local, peculiar characteristics. In plain words, the activists made the most of Quebec's anti-imperial and anti-centralist feelings, making the reasons of the protest intelligible by the French-speaking population of Canada.

From saturday early afternoon to the dawn of monday, 10,000 rioters besieged the forbidden citadel then attacked and tore down the Wall of Shame. They could do it by swimming in the sea of the 50,000 demonstrators gathered by the unions and the Summit of the Peoples of the Americas. In their turn, all these people swam in the ocean of general solidarity, in a sympathetic town and region which didn't lock out, indeed, rejected corporate psychological terrorism and reacted to the state of emergency in manifold ways. A few dozen yards from the riots, bars were open and their windows showed such stickers as "Fuck Le Sommet". The inhabitants of the St.Jean Baptiste borough delivered water, baking soda and slices of lemon to attenuate the effects of tear gas. Cab drivers advised demonstrators on the safest routes to take.

By relying on a process of reterritorialization, the praxis can supercede all media stereotypes, as well as the risk of becoming a "professional army", kind of "protest globetrotters", barbarians invading alien cities.

2. There was neither any distinction nor mutual interference between street action and the work of more institutional "interfaces", i.e. the unionists, NGO delegates, "alternative" "experts" that organized the "counter-summit". While in Seattle some people were still deluded about "dialogue" ( sending "observers" to the WTO meetings, setting up allegedly "joint" committees, writing "amendments" to treaties which couldn't be amended etc.), in Quebec City such dreams evaporated even before tear gas filled the streets. The multifarious galaxy of NGOs, environmentalists, trade unions and intellectuals refused mediations and described the FTAA as "neo-liberal, environment-destroying, racist and sexist project."

TEAMSTERS - 1934  TO BE REPEATED IN 2002 IN OAKLAND, CA ?

Friday, June 28, 2002

Workers vow unity at port rally

By Paul T. Rosynsky

Staff Writer

OAKLAND -- Union leaders continued to chastise international shippers Thursday, vowing to shut down the country's ports if demands by West Coast dockworkers are not met during current negotiations.

As the contentious negotiations between West Coast dockworkers and international shippers moved from behind closed doors to the pages of the nation's newspapers, more than 500 union workers gathered in Oakland to show their unity to each other and against the shippers.

Led by Teamsters President James Hoffa Jr., the workers shouted chants and held signs declaring "solidarity" and demanding "a share of the wealth" during a rally at Port View Park at the Port of Oakland.

"There is only one thing they can't get around ... all these goods have to come through the ports," Hoffa said. "They stand to make billions and billions of dollars and they got to share the profits with our people. We want a piece of the pie."

Hoffa came to Oakland to tell leaders of the Pacific Maritime Association, a group representing shippers, that the 1.4 million Teamsters will not cross picket lines set up by longshoremen should a strike occur or if shippers decide to lock out workers once a contract between the two expires Monday.

Raising hands with ILWU President Jim Spinosa, Hoffa harked back to the union's infamous strike in 1934 in which riots broke out and the ILWU became recognized as a formidable labor party in the country.

"We stand together, and this morning we walked into a room with all the employers of the PMA and we delivered a message," Hoffa said. "ILWU does not stand alone; if you lock out the ILWU, you lock out the Teamsters and we will fight you every step of the way."

While both sides said they will continue to work beyond the July 1 deadline, many observers worried a job action could occur, especially after it was revealed this week that the two sides have just begun to talk about the highly sensitive issue of introducing technology on the docks.

ILWU contends shippers are using the issue as a smoke- screen to send their jobs to foreign countries where labor is cheaper, while shippers say they will not cut jobs and are only trying to make ports more efficient.

"There is a way to sit down and negotiate without any major stoppage, but it does not seem to appear that it is going that way," said Robin Lainer, executive director of the Pacific Coast Waterfront Coalition, a Washington, D.C., group representing merchants and some shippers. "It would affect virtually every Fortune 500 company in America."

In fact, a recent study conducted by University of California professor Stephen Cohen found a five-day work stoppage at West Coast ports would cost the nation's economy more than $4 billion, as many of the goods sold during the Christmas shopping season are sent during July and August.

In addition, a work stoppage on the West Coast could deteriorate into a shutdown across the country as representatives from dockworkers unions along the East Coast also said Thursday they will not accept ships diverted from the west.

Despite union claims that the rally in Oakland and at other ports in the country sent a message to the PMA, officials at the organization said negotiations continued Thursday as if the rally did not occur.

"I don't really think, despite the public posturing of the union, that it really affects us at the   bargaining table," said PMA spokesman Jack Suite. "I think it is more important for us to talk at the bargaining table."

Suite said it is doubtful the negotiations will be completed by Monday's deadline; however, he said it was not unusual for both sides to miss the deadline but continue working until an agreement is found.

Workers at the rally, however, said they were ready to take to the picket lines.

"I've got a family, we've all got families, but it is going to take these types of actions to make the   community see what is going on here," said Edwin Cotton, 51, a dockworker from Oakland. "I'm here in support of our union, and that is what it is going to take."

1934 - BAY BRIDGE RIOTS

FROM: http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist4/maritime8.html

S.F. WORK ON SPAN HALTED

Riots Force Shutdown of Operations, Says Governor in Statement

All work on the San Francisco-Oakland bay bridge in San Francisco stopped today as the result of strike riots, Gov. Merriam announced.

Work on the San Francisco side of the bridge was in the area bounded by the top of Rincon Hill, the Embarcadero, Harrison and Bryant sts. The units are the viaduct, the anchorage, Pier A, at Main st.; Pier B, on the east side of Main st., and pier 1 at Spear st.

Chief Engineer C.H. Purcell will confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid, and Gov. Merriam offered cooperation if the situation is not corrected.

The governor’s official statement was:

“I have just been informed by Chief Engineer Purcell that strikers have occupied Rincon Hill and the Embarcadero area and that the battle with police this morning has driven off all bridge workers and stopped all bridge work in San Francisco.

“The strikers have stopped work at Rincon Hill by 100 Healy-Tibbetts construction men and a staff of 15 state bridge engineers and assistants.

“The contractors’ men were driven off by rocks and gas at 9:50 a.m., although hauling of dirt from Pier A, Pier, B Pier W-1 and the viaduct stopped earlier.

“All survey crews were called off by the chief engineer this morning. The effect of the stoppage of work will postpone the date when hiring of steel crews can begin. Mr. Purcell will confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid. If control is not reestablished today, Mr. Purcell will again report to me and I am studying the situation and will give him the co-operation he needs so that work can go on.”

The Daily News

July 5, 1934

1943 RACE RIOTS - DETROIT

FROM: http://detnews.com/history/riot/riot.htm  SEE PHOTOS ON THIS LINK

A flaming car sets fire to a streetcar station on Woodward in the early hours of the riot.

The 1943 Detroit race riots

By Vivian M. Baulch and Patricia Zacharias / The Detroit News Even as World War II was transforming Detroit into the Arsenal of Democracy, cultural and social upheavals brought about by the need for workers to man the bustling factories threatened to turn the city into a domestic battleground.

Recruiters toured the South convincing whites and blacks to head north with promises of high wages in the new war factories. They arrived in such numbers that it was impossible to house them all.

Blacks who believed they were heading to a promised land found a northern bigotry every bit as pervasive and virulent as what they thought they had left behind in the deep south. And southern whites brought their own traditional prejudices with them as both races migrated northward. An injured driver from Busy Bee Moving Company is detained by police after he attempted to drive through a picket line of angry white neighbors near the Sojourner Housing Project.

The influx of newcomers strained not only housing, but transportation, education and recreational facilities as well. Wartime residents of Detroit endured long lines everywhere, at bus stops, grocery stores, and even at newsstands where they hoped for the chance to be first answering classified ads offering rooms for rent. Even though the city enjoyed full employment, it suffered the many discomforts of wartime rationing. Child-care programs were nonexistent, with grandma the only hope -- provided she wasn't already working at a defense plant.

The prevailing 48-hour work week put lots of money into defense workers pockets, but there were few places to spend it and little to spend it on. Food and housing were either rationed or unavailable. Detroit's nickname was the "Arsenal of Democracy" but stressed-out residents often referred to it as the "arsehole" of democracy. Workers disgruntled by the long commute out to the Willow Run plane factory dubbed that operation "Will it Run." Police try to disburse a crowd of blacks at Sojourner Truth Housing Project Feb. 28, 1942. 
Times were tough for all, but for the Negro community, times were even tougher.

Blacks were excluded from all public housing except the Brewster projects. Many lived in homes without indoor plumbing, yet they paid rent two to three times higher than families in white districts. Blacks were also confronted with a segregated military, discrimination in public accommodations, and unfair treatment by police.

The summer of 1941 saw an epidemic of street corner fights involving blacks and Polish youths who were terrorizing black neighborhoods in Detroit and Hamtramck.

Early in June 1943, 25,000 Packard plant workers, who produced engines for bombers and PT boats, stopped work in protest of the promotion of three blacks. A handful of agitators whipped up animosity against the promotions. During the strike a voice outside the plant reportedly shouted, "I'd rather see Hitler and Hirohito win than work beside a nigger on the assembly line."

Whites resentful over working next to blacks caused many stoppages and slowdowns. Harold Zeck, a former Packard defense worker, recalls the time when a group of women engine workers tried to get the men on the assembly line to walk off the job to protest black female workers using the white restrooms. "They think their fannies are as good as ours," screamed one woman. The protest fizzled when the men refused to walk out.

Unions did their best to keep production figures up and to keep the lid on confrontations, even though the Ku Klux Klan and the feared Black Legion were highly organized and visible in the plants.

Overcrowded housing combined with government rent control further aggravated racial problems in the city. Once spacious flats were divided and then subdivided into tiny rooms to rent. Many living under these oppressive conditions relied on hopes for the future to get them through the long tiring days.

Even before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the federal government was concerned about providing housing for the workers who were beginning to pour into the area. On June 4, 1941, the Detroit Housing Commission approved two sites for defense housing projects--one for whites, one for blacks. The site originally selected by the commission for black workers was in a predominantly black area. But the federal government chose a site at Nevada and Fenelon streets, a white neighborhood.

The Rev. Horace White, the only black member of the Housing Commission, stated, "As much as I disagree with the site selection, the housing shortage in Detroit is so acute, particularly among Negroes, that I feel we should cooperate."

On Sept. 29, the project was named Sojourner Truth, in memory of the female Negro leader and poet of Civil War days. Despite being completed on Dec. 15, no tenants moved into the homes because of mounting opposition from the white neighborhood.

On Jan. 20, 1942, Washington informed the Housing Commission that the Sojourner Truth project would be for whites and another site would be selected for black workers. But when a suitable site for blacks could not be found, Washington housing authorities agreed to allow blacks into the finished homes.

On Feb. 27, with a cross burning in a field near the homes, 150 angry whites picketed the project vowing to keep out any black homeowners. By dawn the following day, the crowd had grown to 1,200, many of whom were armed.

The first black tenants, rent paid and leases signed, arrived at 9 a.m. but left the area fearing trouble. It wasn't long in coming. Fighting began when two blacks in a car attempted to run through the picket line. Clashes between white and black groups continued into the afternoon when 16 mounted police attempted to break up the fighting. Tear gas and shotgun shell were flying through the air. Officials announced an indefinite postponement of the move.

Detroit newspapers, union leaders, and many other whites campaigned for the government to allow the black workers to move into the homes. The families, having given up whatever shelter they had in anticipation of their new homes, were left with no place to go and were temporarily housed with other families in the Brewster Homes and other sites.

Finally, despite the simmering resentment, black families moved into the project at the end of April. Detroit Mayor Edward Jeffries ordered Detroit police and state troops to keep the peace during the move.

Walter Jackson, a 35-year-old defense worker, his wife and five children were the first to move in. "We are here now and let the bad luck happen," said Jackson. "I have only got one time to die and I'd just as soon die here."

Jackson, a short, wiry 130-pound former UAW-CIO shop steward, had taken an active part in the auto sit-down strikes of 1937.

White neighbors on the project's eastern boundary quizzed each passing white: "Which side are you on?" A score of white women, some pushing baby carriages, waved American flags and paraded briefly along Conley Avenue north of the project. They booed when the Rev. White appeared to show support for the new neighbors.

Although the Sojourner Truth riots resulted in no fatalities, the trouble was a warning of what was to come.

By 1943 the number of blacks in Detroit had doubled since 1933 to 200,000 and racial tensions in the city grew accordingly. To protest unfair conditions, some blacks began a "bumping campaign" -- walking into whites on the streets and bumping them off the sidewalks, or nudging them in elevators.

Local and national media anticipated trouble. Life Magazine called the situation dynamite. On June 20, blacks and whites clashed in minor skirmishes on Belle Isle. Two young blacks, angered that they had been ejected from Eastwood Park some five days previously, had gone to Belle Isle to try to even the score. Police began to search cars of blacks crossing to Belle Isle but they did not search cars driven by whites. Fighting on the island began around 10 p.m. and police declared it under control by midnight. More than 200 blacks and whites had participated in the free-for-all.

Rumors began to fly.

Leo Tipton and Charles (Little Willie) Lyons told a black crowd at the Forest Social Club, 700 Forest, that whites had thrown a black woman and her baby off the Belle Isle Bridge. More than 500 angry and fearful patrons swarmed onto the street. The angry crowd moved to Woodward, near Paradise Valley, breaking windows and looting stores.

Nearby, just west of Woodward in an area inhabited by southern whites, another rumor swept the neighborhood--blacks had raped and murdered a white woman on the Belle Isle Bridge.

An angry mob of whites spilled onto Woodward near the Roxy Theater around 4 a.m., beating blacks as they were getting off street cars.

At least six Detroit policemen were shot in the melees, and another 75 were injured.

Woodward was the dividing line between the roving black and white gangs. Whites took over Woodward up to Vernor and overturned and burned 20 cars belonging to blacks, looting stores as they went. The virtual guerrilla warfare overwhelmed the 2,000 city police officers and 150 state police troopers. A crowd of 100,000 spectators gathered near Grand Circus Park looking for something to watch. A white mob moves up Woodward looking for trouble in the early hours of the 1943 riot. At least two overturned cars can be seen in the background.

The first death was a white pedestrian killed by a taxicab. Later four white youths shot and killed Moses Kiska, 58, a black man who was waiting for a bus at Mack and Chene.

The white Detroit police officers who patrolled Paradise Valley considered all blacks on Hastings Street looters. They reportedly told bystanders to "run and not look back." Some were shot in the back running from police.

Disregarding police warnings, a white doctor, Joseph De Horatiis, entered a black neighborhood on a house call. Within moments he was hit with a rock, pulled from his car and beaten to death by rioters. A monument to the Italian physician was dedicated in 1946 at East Grand and Gratiot.

A black man coming off a bus on Woodward was beaten by a white mob in front of four policemen who made no effort to protect the victim or arrest the whites.

Mayor Edward Jeffries Jr. and Governor Harry Kelly asked President Roosevelt for help in restoring order. Federal troops in armored cars and jeeps with automatic weapons moved down Woodward. The sight of the troops with their overwhelming firepower cooled the fervor of the rioters and the mobs began to melt away.

The toll was appalling. The 36 hours of rioting claimed 34 lives, 25 of them black. More than 1,800 were arrested for looting and other incidents, the vast majority black. Thirteen murders remained unsolved. A white mob overturns a car belonging to a black man on Woodward. The whites running at right are chasing the driver.

Five black men received 80-day jail terms for disturbing the peace. Two were acquitted. Twenty-eight were charged and convicted on various charges including concealed weapons, destruction of property, assault, larceny. There was little arson, due to gasoline rationing, but more than a few cars were overturned and torched.

Tipton and Little, the two blacks linked to the original rumor, were sentenced to two-to-five years for inciting a riot.

The city's white police force was criticized for its "restraint" in dealing with the black rioters, despite the fact that only blacks -- 17 of them -- were killed by police.

Police Commissioner John H. Witherspoon defended his force and his refusal to issue shoot-to-kill orders, saying hundreds could have been killed. "All of those killed would not have been hoodlums or murderers--many would have been victims of mob psychology or innocent bystanders. If a shoot-to-kill policy was right, my judgment was wrong."

Mayor Jeffries praised the police and said he was "rapidly losing my patience with those Negro leaders who insist that their people do not and will not trust policemen." The mayor asked the Rev. White to search for 200 qualified Negroes to join the police force.

Thurgood Marshall, then with the NAACP, assailed the city's handling of the riot. He charged that police unfairly targeted blacks while turning their backs on white atrocities. He said 85 percent of those arrested were black while whites overturned and burned cars in front of the Roxy Theater with impunity while police watched.

"This weak-kneed policy of the police commissioner coupled with the anti-Negro attitude of many members of the force helped to make a riot inevitable," Marshall said.

Despite Detroit's history of problems, the Seal of the City of Detroit offers hopeful and timeless mottoes: "Speramus meliora" (We hope for better things) and "Resurget Cineribus" (It will rise from the ashes.) Rioters overturn car on Woodward and Vernor. Moments later they set it on fire.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

DETROIT - 1967

FROM:  http://www.davison.k12.mi.us/dms/CivilRightsWebPage/krk.htm

Do you know where your parents or grandparents were on July 23, 1967? They might have been in a "Detroit riot". A riot is a huge fight in the streets . One of the worst riot in United States history happened on that sad day in July. This particular riot all began with racism.

This whole riot started out just to be a little protest, but soon evolved into a huge crowd of raging madmen fighting anyone from a different race whom they could find. It was mainly against blacks and whites. People started to burn down buildings and vandalize other people's property. And this was only the first day of the riot.   The police didn't do anything to stop it because in the past riots, it just caused more fighting and violence. But the past riots weren't as bad as this one.   Finally, the police had decided that this one had gone too far. So they had to try and do something.

On the second night of the riot people started calling their friends and relatives from out of town to come and help them fight. The people, all armed with weapons, just wanted to cause even more trouble. No one could see an end to this horrifying terror. By now, some of the people who participated in this riot were either arrested or badly injured. But the people just kept on coming and fighting.

On the third day of the riot, the police had decided to call for backup because the riot had gotten so bad that they couldn't handle it by themselves. This is the first time during the riot that the police has asked for any help.   The police tried to use nightsticks and tear gas to try and get control of the angry mob, but it didn't work. Then they decided to bring out the dogs, but that didn't work either. Nothing the police tried had worked. The peoples hatred drove them to murder.

When the fighting finally calmed down, over 14 square miles of the town had been destroyed. Over 7,000 people had been arrested, 1,300 buildings destroyed, 2,700 businesses were looted, and 43 people were killed. It was heard throughout America and these three days are known as an embarrassment to us as Americans. There have been many riots before, but for different reasons. This one began with racism.

NEWARK, N.J.  1967

FROM: http://www.gfsnet.org/msweb/sixties/newarkriots67.htm

1967, several race riots occurred. However, one of the better known riots occurred in Newark, New Jersey. Race riots were breaking up the United States during the 60's and 70's. These race riots were normally between African-Americans and and white policemen accused of brutality towards these African-Americans. Many times these race riots were located in the slums of the city. In particular, the race riots of 1967, were said to have sparked the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. Many times African-American stores were looted and destroyed by whites. These race riots would go on for days and only come to a halt when the death toll had reached an enormous amount. Race riots came to be because of a lack unfairness towards the African-American people. Many times they would not be able to make enough money, and for some reason made some white people angry. Race riots sometimes broke out for a reason of competition for jobs between African-Americans and whites. Difficult conditions in low-income housing was another reason for riots. After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. many other terrible riots occurred. Newark was one of the thousands of places where race riots occurred. However, the riots in Newark were very extreme and terrible. Race riots were a terrible issue in the 60's and 70's and are sometimes still a problem in the world today.

BOMBAY - 1993

FROM:  http://www.altindia.net/jp/MISSING%20PERSONS%20OF%20BOMBAY%20RIOTS.html

MISSING PERSONS OF BOMBAY RIOTS

Shabbir Kotawala and Shabbir Lakhat left their Malad home at 11 am on January 10, 93, to rescue their sister-in-law from riot-torn Jogeshwari. They neither reached their sister-in-law's home, nor did they ever come back.

Their wives, Rashida and Fiza, observed the official mourning only this year. ``For three months we neither ate nor drank, hoping that they would walk in through the door any moment,'' says 25-year-old Fiza.

This hope took them as far as the Nashik Jail, where many riot arrested had been lodged. ``We would hang around Arthur road Jail too, peering into the police vans taking people to court, '' recalls Fiza.

Policemen told them that their men must have been upto no good to be out on the streets during the riots. The two bearded men are officially listed as Missing.

Pappu Qureishi of Citizens For Peace, who has, over the last two years, traced 14 of the 165 persons listed as missing during the riots (including Hindus) , found from police records that on January 14, two burnt Muslim bodies were found at Goregaon, naked and decomposed. He believes they must have been the sisters' husbands.

Fiza, Rashida, their old mother and teenaged brother now all work to ensure that Rarshida's two sons, aged 9 and 11, can go to school. They did not  receive the government compensation of Rs 2 lakh which other riot victims did, since they could produce no proof of their husbands' death.

21-year-old Javed Ismail left home early morning on january 11, 93 to bring milk from Shiv Sena Nagri, sewree. He never came back. The police registered him as a Missing person.

In response to a a habeas corpus petition by his mother (one of many such filed by advocate Niloufer Bhagwat on behalf of missing persons) , Inspector Ingle of RAK Marg filed an affidavit saying that the police learnt later that Javed and Samoon Ahmed had been killed by a mob at shiv Sena Nagari and their bodies burnt to ash in the Christian cemetery nearby.

Four persons were arrested under TADA for the offence.

Bhagwat asked that the police issue a death certificate. They refused. In their judgement on Oct 7, 93, Justices M L Pendse and M F Saldanha accepted the police's offer that Inspector Ingle's affidavit could be used as proof of Javed's death.

Javed's mother is still to get the compensation.

Muniruddin (40) , Ansar Ali (20) and Zainullabideen (15) were picked up by the Deonar police from home on December 8, 92, at 1.30 pm, their wife and mother told the srikrishna Commission last year. That was the last time they saw them. On december 20, the police gave the women letters authorising them to identify their men from bodies kept in the morgue. They could not.

Justice Srikrishna ordered that the women be granted the compensation due to riot victims. They have yet to get it.

As far back as July 94, the Srikrishna Commission wrote to S Jambunathan, Additional Chief Secretary, Home, recommending that the government reconsider its policy not to grant compensation to families of persons officially reported missing during the riots, in the absence of proof of their death. The letter annexed a list of 12 missing persons whose families had deposed before the Commission, and recommended that they be treated as riot-related deaths. In five cases, the police had later registered cases of murder.

``The (Srikrishna) Commission feels this policy decision operates harshly and unjustly against families of missing persons, as, for no fault on their part, the family members may be hard put to establish that the missing persons are dead. It least in such of the cases which have been examined by the Commission and recommended for payment of compensation, the Commission feels there should be no hesitation in making (the) payment," the letter said.

This week, Bombay Suburban Disctrict Collector S Chahande told MIDDay he had never head of this letter.

He however revealed that the government had, in October 96, taken a policy decision to treat those missing as dead and grant them the same compensation, on their signing an indemnity bond. They would have to return the Rs 2 lakh if the missing member turned up.

A number of such families signed the bonds, and one of them actually got the Rs 2 lakh. Her husband, a hawker, who had left home early on the morning of January 12, 93, had been thrown into a bonfire at Golibar into which five other Muslims were also thrown.

She was the first and last relative of a missing person to get compensation. Sources in the high-powered relief committee for the 92-93 riot victims, told Mid-Day that after this case, the government stopped all further payments to such families from the Collector's office without Mantralaya's approval.

Chahande attributed the delay to redrafting of the indemnity bond. The new version was awaiting the Law and Judiciary department's approval, he said.

This approval has been pending for the last four months, revealed Pappu Qureishi, who has pieced together eye-witness accounts which show that most of the missing persons had been killed, and often, burnt. ``The authorities are dragging their feet because accepting these cases as riot victims would mean investigating who killed them,'' he says. Qureishi, whose area of work is the suburbs, revealed that 12 families of missing persons had been traced in the city.

Till the government recognises them as riot-related deaths, their children cannot get the Rs 425 per month available for children of riot victims from the delhi-based National Foundation for Communal Harmony, points out Qureishi.

By the time Mantralay's renewed approval comes through, the victims may legally be presumed dead, not having turned up for seven years.

``What happened to them was outside the law. But the government is treating their families strictly according to law,'' complains Fazal Shad of the Bombay Aman committee, the first to take up the issue of missing persons.

It is to thwart this injustice that a group of activists have decided to file a petition next week asking that five years after the riots, the government treat the missing as dead.

Nation's capital still recovering from 1968 riots

April 4, 1998

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- It's been three decades since Martin Luther King's assassination sparked riots in Washington, D.C., and parts of the nation's capital are still trying to recover from the impact of the violence.   While some speak of a city renaissance, others are unsure whether the district will ever fully recover.

Thirteen people died and thousands were injured during three days of riots.

"The sky was filled with flames and smoke. And it seemed like the whole world was on fire," civil rights activist Sterling Tucker recalled for CNN.

"The looting was going on, the devastation was going on," said City Councilwoman Charlene Drew Jarvis.

"No one tried to stop anyone," community activist Stanley Mayes said.

Through it all, Ben's Chili Bowl stayed open.

"We identified the business as being African American by putting a sign in the window that said 'Soul Brother,'" said Virginia Ali. Nevertheless, the riots destroyed the district's African-American commercial hubs.

Recovery has been slow

"I had no idea it would take us 30 years to rebuild it. I thought my neighborhood would come back. This is a great neighborhood. This is where everybody comes for their social life, and everything," Mayes said.

The recovery was slow, and, in many ways, tells a tale of two parts of a city.

U-Street in the northwest -- once the Mecca of black professional Washington -- became a thoroughfare connecting more affluent white neighborhoods. The city constructed a building there in the 1980s and a subway stop in the 1990s -- and finally some private-sector investment followed.

"My son is now leasing a property here as a commercial broker. So the 30-something generation is getting involved again in the vitality of these neighborhood commercial corridors," Jarvis said.

H-Street across town, in the northeast, is a different story.

Like most areas, it got federal and city money to help it clear out the rubble. And there was some rebuilding -- until a railroad overpass was built, and divided the street from the rest of the city.

"These businesses lost business," explained businessman Anwar Saleem, describing the impact of the overpass. "When they built that bridge, you didn't have that traffic flow. People had to go around about to come down here to do business."

But much of that round-about-business dynamic failed to materialize: Many buildings on H-Street remain locked and boarded-up, and reinvestment has been slow and painful.

'The working poor are ... poorer'

While race relations have been improving in the formerly riot-torn areas, civil rights leaders say more work remains to be done.

"The working poor are in many ways poorer than they were before. So we have some critical issues, even as we see lots of progress," Tucker said.

"I hope what we've learned is how to live together and work together better and to settle the differences," said Bill Barrows of the H-Street Community Development Corporation. "But I'm not at all certain."

Correspondent Kathleen Koch contributed to this report.

Tuesday, 8 February, 2000,

Mutual fears behind Spain's race riots

Tension in the region has been increasing

By Daniel Schweimler in Madrid

The anti-immigrant violence which has erupted in the region of Almeria in south-eastern Spain comes after a period of increasing tension, stretching back several years.

Local residents began attacking immigrant shops and cars after the killing of a 26-year-old local woman, allegedly by a young Moroccan immigrant.

Last month another North African worker was arrested in connection with the killing of two men.

There have been a number of protests against what the local population sees as rising crime in the region, which they blame on the immigrant community.

Police say there is no evidence that the immigrant community is committing more crimes than anyone else.

But that is how it is being perceived by many of the Spanish residents.

The immigrants, mostly from North Africa, have in turn complained to police about the increasing number of racist attacks against them.

Protests

They have held protests calling on the local Spanish community not to persecute them all for the crimes committed by a few and have also demanded protection from the Spanish government.

The government in Morocco, where the majority of immigrant workers come from, has complained about the situation and demanded action by the Spanish authorities.

The violence flared in the town of El Ejido, the centre of a prosperous region where agriculture is the main industry.

About one-tenth of the population are immigrants.

They work in agriculture, picking and planting fruit and vegetables - low-paid and back-breaking work which Spaniards don't want to do.

Unable to work

Since the violence flared, they've been unable to work, too scared to leave their homes.

However, they need the work and the local community needs their labour.

In fact, the Spanish government said recently they would have to attract millions more workers from abroad if the economy is to maintain its current rate of growth over the next few years.

Spain is a country which has in recent years seen a massive increase in immigration, mostly from North Africa and Latin America.

It still has a far lower number of immigrants than partners in the European Union such as the UK, France and Germany.

New law

At the beginning of February a new Spanish law came into operation to protect the rights of immigrants - both legal and illegal.

It gives them access to health care and education for their children as well as protecting their employment rights.

The law was official recognition that the situation is changing rapidly in Spain.

A fact demonstrated dramatically by the violence in Almeria over the past few days.

More than 400 police fight gypsy riots in Bulgaria

Monday, 24-Jun-2002 9:20AM

Story from AFP

Copyright 2002 by Agence France-Presse (via ClariNet)

SOFIA, June 24 (AFP) - More than 400 police tried Monday to restore order after riots sparked by a row between two Romany families rocked the gypsy quarter of Vidin, in north-western Bulgaria, police said.

Riots broke out Saturday after the body was discovered of a 19-year-old man who had been missing for a week after being caught stealing from a shop in the gypsy quarter, where some 15,000 Romany live.

The shop's owners, two brothers, have been arrested on suspicion of murder.

Some 100 police entered the Nov Pat (New Path) quarter on Sunday, where a 41-year-old man was killed in an axe attack, a police sergeant was injured by rioters throwing stones and at least five protestors were hurt.

Three hundred more police arrived on Sunday.

Two houses have been burnt down, with women and children stopping fire fighters from trying to halt the blazes, and the situation remained tense Monday when Interior Ministry Secretary General Boiko Borissov and national police Director Vassil Vassilev arrived on the scene.

In February gypsies living in a poverty-struck ghetto of Plovdiv, southern Bulgaria, rioted after electricity firms cut their supplies because they had not paid their bills.

The few Bulgarians living in the quarter have gone on hunger strike in an appeal to authorities to move them out of the area.

In Kustendil in western Bulgaria municipal authorities have begun building a wall between the Romany quarter and the international motorway to Macedonia, after gypsies threw stones at passing cars to try and steal them.

Bulgarians and gypsies in the central village of Metchka have been at each others' throats for two years, with the Bulgarians calling for the Romany population to be deported, accusing its members of an assassination and numerous thefts.

Gypsies make up 600,000 of Bulgaria's eight million inhabitants, and are the ethnic minority hardest hit by the country's economic crisis, with more than 90 percent out of work.

Social Affairs Minister Lidia Chuleva recently announced a plan to give local authorities grants which they would use to create jobs for gypsies, and "to teach them how to work again".

NCC General Secretary Arrested in Protest Outside Sudan Embassy

July 14, 2004, Washington, D.C. -- In an act of civil disobedience and protest of the genocide unfolding in Darfur, Sudan, the Rev. Dr. Robert W. Edgar, General Secretary of the National Council of Churches USA, was arrested outside of the Sudanese Embassy here today.  Dr. Edgar presented himself for arrest as part of a campaign to call attention to what the United Nations calls the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today and to mobilize U.S. and world action to stop it. 

The campaign, coordinated by Christian Solidarity International, includes daily noontime demonstrations in front of the Sudanese Embassy that began June 30.  It is pressing Congress to pass House Concurrent Resolution 467 declaring genocide in Darfur, Sudan, and calling on the Bush Administration to lead an international intervention, impose targeted sanctions on the Sudanese government and establish a humanitarian aid fund.

At today’s protest, about 50 participants, including many children, marched outside of the embassy to demand that the government of Sudan stop attacks by its military and proxy militia against civilians in Darfur.  The Rev. Dr. Walter Fauntroy, Pastor of New Bethel Baptist Church in Washington, D.C., and a formermember of Congress, led the demonstration, which ended shortly after Dr. Edgar and Dr. Carole Burnett, Professor of Ancient and Medieval Christianity at the Ecumenical Institute of Theology in Baltimore, were arrested.  Drs. Edgar and Burnett were taken to a local police station, fined and released.

According to the United Nations, tens of thousands of people have died and more than one million people in the region have been displaced in an apparent attempt at ethnic cleansing in Sudan’s Darfur region.  Refugees are living in makeshift camps, where mass rape of women and girls is common, living conditions are deplorable and diseases such as cholera, meningitis and polio threaten to take the lives of infants, children and the elderly.  If nothing is done to prevent it, countless thousands will die in the weeks and months ahead.

“It is clear that a genocide is unfolding in Sudan,” Dr. Edgar said today.  “In April 2004, as the world commemorated the tragic Rwandan genocide of 1994, we all said we would never allow this to happen again.  Yet we are faced today with another horror that is clearly preventable.  The National Council of Churches joins with people of goodwill throughout the world who want to end the needless deaths of countless innocent Sudanese citizens.    

"Getting arrested for this cause is the very least one could do to bring attention to the urgency of this situation.  The solution rests at the door of the government of Sudan -- and also at the feet of the international community. We must face the fact that time grows dangerously short for action.  As our governments hesitate to do what is right, the loss of precious lives accelerates with each passing week." 

Dr. Burnett commented, “No thinking and feeling person can be indifferent to the magnitude of the crisis in the Sudan.”  She prayed alongside Dr. Edgar as the two were arrested by the Secret Service.  Congressman Charles Rangel (NY) was arrested yesterday and the Rev. Fauntroy last week.  Additional acts of disobedience are planned.

-end-

NCC Contacts:  Leslie Tune, 202-544-2350 x 11, 202-297-2191(cell), ltune@ncccusa.org; Tony Kireopoulos, 212-870-3422, tkireopoulos@ncccusa.org

Wednesday, July 28, 2004

Resolve needed to halt Sudan genocide

SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER EDITORIAL BOARD

It's going to take concerted efforts for the world to stop the growing humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The situation demands sustained focus.

The U.N. Security Council could vote as early as this week on a U.S.-drafted resolution demanding Sudan deliver on its promises to stop Arab militia attacks on black African communities in the western Darfur region. That kind of international pressure, including at least an implied threat of sanctions, is critical.

As a congressional resolution suggested, the attacks amount to a campaign of genocide, carried out with Sudanese government support.

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and other diplomats have done significant work to gain Sudanese promises to act responsibly. But Sudan must act, not just talk.

Humanitarian aid is also urgent. Federal Way-based World Vision says Sudan is promising to facilitate aid deliveries for refugee camps. The U.N. World Food Program and private agencies, including World Vision, also are sending food to refugee camps in Chad.

A U.S. agency has warned that 350,000 or more Sudanese could die this year. That gruesome prospect can be averted only with international resolve.

POLITICAL DREAMS

DREAMS OF THE GREAT EARTHCHANGES - MAIN INDEX

THE DRAFT RIOTS OF 1863

DUBLIN - 1913

WTO (WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION) SEATTLE PROTEST

http://www.greatdreams.com/prep.htm

NATIONAL SECURITY - THE ANNIVERSARY OF WACO/OKLAHOMA BOMBING

http://www.greatdreams.com/wacovst.htm

THE WACO FIRE INVESTIGATION

http://www.greatdreams.com/waconews.htm

KENT STATE - PROTEST - A DREAM

http://www.greatdreams.com/kent.htm

HOW THE GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001

http://www.greatdreams.com/trade_blew_up.htm

9-11-2001 - THE WORLD TRADE CENTER

LEO TAXIL - GABRIEL-ANTOINE JOGAND-PAGES   -1881-1887

... . Fortunately for the proprietors of the lecture hall, the police were summoned before a full-scale riot had broken out. Jogand's success had been due, primarily, to his journalistic flair and to the credibility

...http://www.greatdreams.com/jogand.htm

RUSSIAN PROPHECY BY DEE

... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group of four or five men were dealing with the attacker, and the streets ...

http://www.greatdreams.com/russia.htm

THE HOMELESS ARE DYING

... occurred in the last two weeks alone. The demonstration came less than two weeks after police in riot gear clashed with a group of some 300 anti-poverty protesters near the Parliament building

http://www.greatdreams.com/homeless.htm

DREAMS AND VISIONS OF WAR

... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group of four or five men were dealing with the attacker

http://www.greatdreams.com/war.htm

 

 

 

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