Since it came to me that this set of dreams
was about a lost Hebrew Tribe, I decided to do some research on that and
if I can trace a Hebrew tribe to China and then to Japan which is the
way the language tracks across the countries.
The ten lost tribes refers
to the ten of the twelve tribes
of ancient Israel that
were deported from the Kingdom
of Israel after it was
conquered by Assyria in
about 722 BCE. Claims of descent
from the lost tribes have been proposed in relation to many groups, and
some religions espouse a millenarian view
that the tribes will return.
Tudor Parfitt has
declared that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but a myth", and
writes that, "...this myth is a vital feature of colonial discourse
throughout the long period of European overseas empires, from the
beginning of the fifteenth century, until the later half of the
twentieth.
The motif of "the lost tribes" first appeared in the post-biblical era,
and was subsequently elaborated upon in a number of apocryphal texts.
The return of the lost tribes was eventually tied to the notion of the
coming of the messiah in the 7th and 8th centuries CE.
The recorded
history is at variance
with the legends elaborated in apocryphal texts. For example, no record
exists of the Assyrians having exiled people from Dan, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun or
western Manasseh.
Descriptions of the deportation of people from Reuben, Gad, Manasseh in Gilead, Ephraim and Naphtali indicate
that only a portion of these tribes were deported and the places to
which they were deported are known locations given in the accounts. The
deported communities are mentioned as still existing at the time of the
composition of the books of Kings and Chronicles, and not wholly
assimilated into the Assyrian populace.
DNA studies have found no evidence of the
existence of any lost tribes. DNA studies have refuted any connection
between ethnic Jews and most all of the ethnic groups discussed below,
with the exception of the Lemba, for whom a Y-chromosome connection has
been confirmed, but no maternal DNA.
The twelve tribes
According to the Hebrew
Bible, Jacob (who
was later named Israel; Gen 35:10) had 12 sons and at least one daughter
(Dinah)
by two wives and two concubines. The twelve sons fathered the twelve Tribes
of Israel.
- When the land of Israel was
apportioned among the tribes in the days of Joshua,
the Tribe
of Levi, being chosen as priests, did not receive land (Joshua
13:33, (14:3).
However, the tribe of Levi were given cities. Six cities were to be
refuge cities for all men of Israel, which were to be controlled by
the Levites. Three of these cities were located on each side of the
Jordan River. In addition, 42 other cities (and their respective
open spaces), totaling 48 cities, were given to the Tribe of Levi. (Numbers
35)
- Joshua elevated the descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh (the
two sons of Joseph by his Egyptian wife Asenath)
(Genesis
41:50) to the status of full tribes in their own right,
replacing the Tribe
of Joseph (Joshua
14:4). Each received its own land and had its own encampment
during the 40 years of wandering in the desert.
Thus, the two divisions of the tribes are:
Traditional division:
- Reuben
- Simeon
- Levi
- Judah
- Issachar
- Zebulun
- Dan
- Naphtali
- Gad
- Asher
- Joseph
- Benjamin
|
Division
according to apportionment of land in Israel:
- Reuben
- Simeon
- Judah
- Issachar
- Zebulun
- Dan
- Naphtali
- Gad
- Asher
- Benjamin
- Ephraim (son of Joseph)
- Manasseh (son of Joseph)
- Levi (no territorial
allotment, except a number of cities located within the
territories of the other tribes)
|
According to the Bible,
the Kingdom
of Israel (or Northern
Kingdom) was one of the successor states to the older United
Monarchy (also called the
Kingdom of Israel), which came into existence in about the 930s BCE
after the northern Tribes
of Israel rejected
Solomon's son Rehoboam as
their king. Nine landed tribes formed the Northern Kingdom: the tribes
of Reuben, Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Ephraim and Manasseh.
In addition, some members of Tribe of Levi, who had no land allocation,
were found in the Northern Kingdom. The Tribes
of Judah and Benjamin remained
loyal to Rehoboam, and formed the Kingdom
of Judah (or Southern
Kingdom). Members of Levi and the remnant of Simeon were also found in
the Southern Kingdom.
According to 2 Chronicles
15:9, members of the tribes of Ephraim, Manasseh and Simeon "fled"
to Judah during the reign of Asa
of Judah. Whether these groups were absorbed into the population or
remained distinct groups, or returned to their tribal lands is not
indicated.
In c. 732 BCE, the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser
III sacked Damascus and
Israel, annexing Aramea and territory of
the tribes of Reuben, Gad andManasseh in Gilead including
the desert outposts of Jetur, Naphish and Nodab.
People from these tribes including the Reubenite leader, were taken
captive and resettled in the region of the Khabur
River system in Assyria/Mesopotamia.
Tiglath-Pilesar also captured the territory of Naphtali and
the city of Janoah in Ephraim and
an Assyrian governor was placed over the region of Naphtali.
According to 2 Kings
16:9 and 15:29,
the population of Aram and the annexed part of Israel was deported to
Assyria.
Israel continued to exist within the reduced territory as an
independent kingdom subject to Assyria until around 720
BCE, when it was again invaded by Assyria and the rest of the
population deported. The Bible relates that the population of Israel was
exiled, leaving only the Tribe
of Judah, the Tribe
of Simeon (that was
"absorbed" into Judah), the Tribe
of Benjamin and the
people of the Tribe
of Levi who lived among
them of the original Israelites tribes
in the southern Kingdom of Judah. However, Israel
Finkelstein estimated
that only a fifth of the population (about 40,000) were actually
resettled out of the area during the two deportation periods under Tiglath-Pileser
III and his successor Sargon
II. Many also fled south to Jerusalem, which appears to have
expanded in size fivefold during this period, requiring a new wall to be
built, and a new source of water (Siloam)
to be provided by King Hezekiah.
Furthermore, 2 Chronicles
30:1-11 explicitly
mentions northern Israelites who had been spared by the Assyrians—in
particular, members of Dan, Ephraim, Manasseh, Asher and Zebulun—and how
members of the latter three returned to worship at the Temple in
Jerusalem at that time.
However in 2 Kings 17:34 it says of the newly exiled Israelites that
were in Assyria; To this day they persist in their former practices.
They neither worship Yahweh nor adhere to the decrees and regulations,
the laws and commands that Yahweh gave the descendants of Jacob, whom he
named Israel. The medieval rabbi and biblical commentator David
Kimhi explains that this
is in reference to the tribes that were exiled, and that they remained
in their ways, neither accepting a monotheistic God nor in adhering to
any of the laws and regulations that were common to all Jews.
The Hebrew
Bible does not use the
phrase "ten lost tribes", leading some to question the number of tribes
involved. However, 1 Kings
11:31 states that the
kingdom would be taken from Solomon and
give ten tribes to Jeroboam:
And he said to Jeroboam, Take thee ten pieces: for thus saith the
LORD, the God of Israel, Behold, I will rend the kingdom out of the
hand of Solomon, and will give ten
tribes to thee.
But I
will take the kingdom out of his son's hand, and will give it unto
thee, even ten tribes.
The ten lost tribes and Biblical apocrypha
According to Zvi Ben-Dor Benite
Centuries
after their disappearance, the ten lost tribes sent an indirect but
vital sign... In 2 Esdras, we read about the ten tribes and “their
long journey through that region, which is called Arzareth”... The
book of the “Vision of Ezra,” or Esdras, was written in Hebrew or
Aramaic by a Palestinian Jew sometime before the end of the first
century CE, shortly after the destruction of the temple by the
Romans. It is one of a group of texts later designated as the
so-called Apocrypha—pseudoepigraphal books attached to but not
included in the Hebrew biblical canon.
The ten lost tribes and the New Testament
Some evidence exists of a continuing identification in later centuries
of individual Israelites to the Lost Tribes. For example, in Luke
2:36 of the New
Testament, an individual is identified with the tribe of Asher.
Millenarian religious beliefs and
the lost tribes
Judaism
There are numerous references in biblical writings. In Ezekiel 37:16-17,
the prophet is told to write on one stick (an ancient reference to
scrolls) (quoted here in part) "For Judah..." and on the other (quoted
here in part), "For Joseph..." (the main Lost Tribe). The prophet is
then told that these two groups shall be someday reunited.
Moreover, thou son of man, take thee one
stick, and write upon it, For Judah,
and for the children of Israel his
companions: then take another stick, and write upon it, For Joseph,
the stick of Ephraim, and
for all the house of Israel his companions: And join them one to
another into one stick;
and they shall become one in your hand.
—Ezekiel 37:16-17, HE
There are also discussions in the Talmud as
to whether the ten lost tribes will eventually be reunited with the
Tribe of Judah, that is, with the Jewish people.
Mormonism
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints (LDS)
has extensive teachings regarding the gathering of Israel and the
restoration of the ten tribes. One of their main Articles
of Faith written by
Joseph Smith Jr. is as follows: "We believe in the literal gathering of
Israel and in the restoration of the Ten Tribes; that Zion (the New
Jerusalem) will be built upon the American continent; that Christ will
reign personally upon the earth; and, that the earth will be renewed and
receive its paradisiacal glory." (LDS Articles of Faith #10)
Regarding the Ezekiel 37 prophecy, the LDS Church teaches that the Book
of Mormon is the stick of
Ephraim mentioned and that the Bible is
the stick of Judah, thus comprising two witnesses for Jesus Christ. The
LDS Church believes The Book of Mormon to be a collection of records by
prophets of the ancient Americas, written on plates of gold and
translated by Joseph Smith Jr. circa 1830. The LDS Church considers the
Book of Mormon one of the main tools for the spiritual gathering of
Israel.
17th-
to mid-20th-century theories
The increased currency of tales relating to lost tribes was brought
about in the 17th century owing to the confluence of several factors.
According to Parfitt
...As Michael Pollack shows, Menassah's
argument was based on, 'three separate and seemingly unrelated
sources: a verse from the book of Isaiah, Matteo Ricci's discovery
of an old Jewish community in the heart of China and Antonio
Montezinos' reported encounter with members of the Lost Tribes in
the wilds of South America.
The Portuguese traveler and Marrano Sephardic
Jew Antonio
de Montezinos returned to
Europe with accounts that some of the Lost Tribes were living among the Native
Americans of the Andes in South America. Menasseh
ben Israel, a noted rabbi and
printer of Amsterdam,
was excited by this news. He believed that a Messianic age
was approaching, and that Jewish people being settled around the world
was necessary for it.
In 1649 Menassah published his book, The
Hope of Israel, in Spanish and in Latin in Amsterdam, including
Montezinos' account of the Lost Tribes in the New World.[10][11] An
English translation was published in London in 1650. In it Menasseh
argued, and for the first time tried to give learned support in European
thought and printing, to the theory that the native
inhabitants of America at
the time of the European discovery were descendants of the [lost] Ten
Tribes of Israel.[10] He
noted how important Montezinos' account was,
"...for the Scriptures doe not tell what people first inhabited
those Countries; neither was there mention of them by any, til
Christop. Columbus, Americus, Vespacius, Ferdinandus, Cortez, the
Marquesse Del Valle, and Franciscus Pizarrus went thither..."
He wrote on 23 December 1649:
... I think
that the Ten Tribes live not only there ... but also in other lands
scattered everywhere; these never did come back to the Second
Temple and they keep
till this day still the Jewish Religion...
In 1655, Menasseh ben Israel petitioned Oliver
Cromwell to allow the Jews
to return to England in
furtherance of the Messianic goal. (Since the Edict
of Expulsion in 1290,
Jews had been prohibited by law from living in England.)
With the approach of 1666, considered a significant date, Cromwell was
allegedly interested in the return of the Jews to England because of the
many theories circulating related to millennial thinking about the end
of the world. Many of these ideas were fixed upon the year 1666 and
the Fifth
Monarchy Men who were
looking for the return of Jesus as
the Messiah;
he was expected to establish a final kingdom to rule the physical world
for a thousand years. Messianic believers supported Cromwell's Republic
in the expectation that it was a preparation for the fifth
monarchy—that is, the monarchy that should succeed the Babylonian, Persian, Greek,
and Romanworld
empires.
Apocryphal accounts concerning the Lost Tribes, based to varying
degrees on biblical accounts, have been produced by both Jews and Christianssince
at least the 17th century.[14] An Ashkenazi Jewish
tradition speaks of these tribes as Die
Roite Yiddelech, "The little red
Jews", cut off from the rest of Jewry by the legendary river Sambation "whose
foaming waters raise high up into the sky a wall of fire and smoke that
is impossible to pass through".
Historians have generally arrived at the conclusion that the Lost Tribes
merged with the local population. For instance, the New
Standard Jewish Encyclopedia states,
"In historic fact, some members of the Ten
Tribes remained in Palestine, where apart from the Samaritans some
of their descendants long preserved their identity among the Jewish
population, others were assimilated, while others were presumably
absorbed by the last Judean exiles who in 597-586 BC were deported
to Assyria...Unlike the Judeans of the southern Kingdom, who
survived a similar fate 135 years later, they soon assimilated...
In declaring his conviction that "the Lost Tribes are indeed nothing but
a myth", Parfitt writes that,
The continued belief in the Lost Tribes is
unabated... The present writer does not believe that the Ten Tribes
are still to be found and accepts their disappearance as a
historical fact that requires no further proof.
Groups which claim descent from lost tribes
Bene Israel
The Bene
Israel may be descended
from the sea-faring Zebulun tribe.
Bnei Menashe
Main article: Bnei
Menashe
Some tribes in Mizoram and Manipour claim they
are Lost Israelites.
Africa
Beta Israel of
Ethiopia
The Beta
Israel (also known
derogatorily as Falashas) are Ethiopian Jews. Some members of the Beta
Israel as well as several Jewish scholars believe that they are
descended from the lost Tribe
of Dan, as opposed to the traditional story of their descent from
the Queen
of Sheba. They always longed for Jerusalem.[21] Numerous
genetics studies, however, refute the possibility of a connection.[22][23][24][25][26]
Igbo
Jews
The Igbo
Jews of Nigeria claim
descent variously from the tribes of Ephraim, Naphtali, Menasseh, Levi, Zebulun and Gad.
The theory, however, does not hold up to historical scrutiny. Historians
have examined the historical literature on West Africa from the colonial
era and elucidated diverse functions which such theories served for the
writers that proposed them.[27][28]
Lemba
The Lemba
people (Vhalemba) from Southern
Africa claim to be
descendants of several Jewish men who traveled from what is now Yemen to Africa in
search of gold, where they took wives and established new communities DNA
testing has genetically
linked the Lemba with modern Jews and Muslim Semites. They
have specific religious practices similar to those in Judaism and a
tradition of being a migrant people, with clues pointing to an origin in West
Asia or North
Africa. According to the oral history of the Lemba, their ancestors
were Jews who came from a place calledSena several
hundred years ago and settled in East
Africa. Sena is an abandoned ancient town in Yemen, located in the
eastern Hadramaut valley, which history indicates Jews inhabited in past
centuries. Some research suggests that "Sena" may refer to Wadi
Masilah (near Sayhut)
in Yemen, often called Sena, or alternatively to the city of Sana'a,
also located in Yemen.
Pashtuns of the Afghanistan and Pakistan region
The Pashtuns are
a predominantly Muslim people,
native to Afghanistan and Pakistan, who adhere to a pre-Islamic
indigenous religious code of honor and culture Pashtunwali.
The myth about Pashtuns and Kashmiris being from the lost tribes of
Israel has never been substantiated through concrete historical
evidence. Genetics studies also refute the myth.
Written sources
The tribal name 'Yusef
Zai' in Pashto has been claimed to translate as the 'sons of
Joseph', as described by Makhzan-i-Afghani,
a historical work from the 17th Century by Nehamtullah, an official in
the royal court of Mughal
Emperor Jehangir.
A similar story is told by Iranian historian Ferishta.
DNA
studies
A number of genetics studies refute the possibility of a connection.
China
Kaifeng Jews
Though not connected with any of the typical lore relating to claims of
descent from lost tribes, as described above, Parfitt and other scholars
consider the discovery of a Jewish community by a Jesuit missionary in
the early 17th century to have been important factor leading to the
increased currency of theories and tales related to the Lost Tribes.
In 1605, Jesuit missionary Matteo
Ricci discovered a small
community consisting of approximately ten to twelve families of Chinese
Jews in Kaifeng,
China. According to
historical records, a Jewish community in Kaifaeng built a synagogue in
1163, during the Southern
Song Dynasty, which existed until the late nineteenth century.
The Americas
The
United States, American Indians
In 1650, a British divine named Thomas Thorowgood, who was a preacher
in Norfolk, published a book entitled Jewes
in America or Probabilities that the Americans are of that Race, which
he had prepared for the New England missionary society. Tudor Parfitt
writes:
The society was active in trying to convert
the Indians but suspected that they might be Jews and realized they
better be prepared for an arduous task. Thorowgood's tract argued
that the native population of North America were descendants of the
Ten Lost Tribes.
In 1652 Sir
Hamon L'Estrange, an English author writing on topics such as
history and theology published an exegitical tract called Americans
no Jews, or improbabilities that the Americans are of that Race in
response to the tract by Thorowgood.
In response to L'Estrange, Thorowgood published a second edition of his
book in 1660 with a revised title and included a forward written by John
Eliot, a Puritan missionary
to the Indians who had translated the bible into an Indian language.
Speculation regarding other ethnic groups
Scythian
/ Cimmerian Theories
Several theories claim that the Scythians and/or Cimmerians were
in whole or in part the Lost Tribes of Israel. These are generally based
on the belief that the Northern
Kingdom of Israel, which had been deported by the Assyrians, became
known in history as the Scythians and/or Cimmerians. Various points of
view exist as to their modern descendants.
The Behistun
Inscription is often
cited as a link between the deported Israelites, the Cimmerians and
the Scythians (Saka).
The 19th-century British scholar George
Rawlinson wrote:
We have
reasonable grounds for regarding the Gimirri, or Cimmerians, who
first appeared on the confines of Assyria and Media in the
seventh century B.C., and the Sacae of the Behistun Rock, nearly
two centuries later, as identical with the Beth-Khumree of
Samaria, or the Ten Tribes of the House
of Israel.
Adherents point out that the Behistun
Inscription connects
the people known in Old
Persianand Elamite as Saka, Sacae or Scythian with
the people known in Babylonian as
Gimirri orCimmerian.
It
should be made clear from the start that the terms 'Cimmerian'
and 'Scythian'
were interchangeable: in Akkadian the
name Iskuzai (Asguzai) occurs only exceptionally. Gimirrai
(Gamir) was the normal designation for 'Cimmerians' as well as
'Scythians' in Akkadian.
E. Raymond Capt,
a British
Israelite, claimed similarities between King Jehu's
pointed headdress and that of the captive Saka king seen to the far
right on the Behistun Inscription. He
also posited that the Assyrian word for the House of Israel, Khumri, which
was named after Israel's King Omri of the 8th century BC, is
connected phonetically to Gimirri (Cimmerian).
Critics of the Israel / Scythian theory argue that the customs of
the Scythians and Cimmerians differ from those of the Ancient
Israelites. In addition, the greater body of research on the history
of ancient populations does not provide support for the purported
links between these ancient populations.
British
Israelism variant
British Israelism (also
known as 'Anglo-Israelism') espouses a theory that people of
Western European descent, especially Britain and the United
States, are descended from the lost tribes of Israel.
Tudor Parfitt, author of The
Lost Tribes: The History of a Myth, states that the proof cited
by adherents of British Israelism is "of a feeble composition
even by the low standards of the genre." (Parfitt,2003. p. 61.)
Other
critics cite similar problems:
“When reading Anglo-Israelite literature, one notices that
it generally depends on folklore, legends, quasi-historical
genealogies and dubious etymologies. None of these sources
prove an Israelite origin for the peoples of northwestern
Europe. Rarely, if ever, are the disciplines of archeology, sociology, anthropology, linguistics or historiography applied
to Anglo-Israelism. Anglo-Israelism operates outside the
sciences. Even the principles of sound biblical
exegesis are
seldom used, for...whole passages of Scripture that
undermine the entire system are generally ignored...Why this
unscientific approach? This approach must be taken because
to do otherwise is to destroy Anglo-Israelism's foundation.” (Orr,
1995)
Adherents argue that the deported Israelites became Scythians / Cimmerians who
are ancestors of the Celts / Anglo-Saxons of
Western Europe.The theory arose in England, whence it spread to
the United States. During
the 20th century, British
Israelism was
promoted by Herbert
W. Armstrong, founder of the Worldwide
Church of God. Armstrong
argued that this theory provided a 'key' to understanding
biblical prophecy; he felt called to proclaim these prophecies
to the 'lost tribes' of Israel before the coming of the
'end-times'. The Worldwide
Church of God no
longer teaches the theory, but
some offshoot churches such as the Philadelphia
Church of God, the United
Church of God, and the Living
Church of God continue
to teach it.
British
Israelism has also been refuted by the findings of modern
genetics, which show no connection between Semitic people from
the Middle
Easternregion and the people of the United Kingdom.
Brit-Am variant
Brit-Am, sometimes confused with British Israelism, is an
organization centered in Jerusalem, and composed of Jews and
non-Jews. Brit-Am, like British Israel, identifies the Lost Ten
Tribes with peoples of West European descent, but does so from a
Jewish perspective, quoting both biblical and Rabbinical
sources. It uses Rabbinical Commentary supplemented by secular
theories that posit the Lost Tribes / Scythian / Cimmerian
connection, which are believed to have been ancestors of current
Western European cultures and nations. An
example of Brit-Am scholarship may be seen from its treatment of
Obadiah 1:20 [in Hebrew
Obadiah mentions the Sepharad,
believed by some to refer to Iberian
Jews, where the original Hebrew as understood by Rabbinical
Commentators such as Rashi and
Don Isaac
Abrabanel is
referring to the Lost Ten Tribes in France and
England. Brit-Am also
believes that "Other Israelite Tribes gave rise to elements
within Finland, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Ireland, Wales,
France, Holland,
andBelgium"
and that "The Tribe of Dan is to be found amongst part of the
Danish, Irish, and Welsh." Brit-Am also believes that the Khazars were
descended from the Ten Tribes and quotes Jewish and non-Jewish
sources that were contemporaneous with them.
Other variants
Other organizations teach other variants of the theory,
including the claim that the Scythians / Cimmerians represented
in whole or in part the Lost Ten Tribes. One such theory posits
that the lost Israelites can be defined by the Y-DNA haplogroup
R, which makes up much of the population of Europe and
Russia, which is in contrast
to British
Israelism and
Brit-Am, which believe that the Israelites became only Western
Europeans. It should be noted that the genetic findings
postulated by this and other theories are typically inconsistent
with the findings of generally accepted research inarcheology, anthropology and population
genetics.
Japanese
Some
writers have speculated that the Japanese
people may be
direct descendants of part of the Ten Lost Tribes. Tudor
Parfitt writes
that "the spread of the fantasy of Israelite origin... forms a
consistent feature of the Western colonial enterprise":
"It
is in fact in Japan that we can trace the most remarkable
evolution in the Pacific of an imagined Judaic past. As
elsewhere in the world, the theory that aspects of the
country were to be explained via an Israelite model was
introduced by Western agents."
In
1878, Scottish immigrant to Japan Nicholas
McLeod published Epitome
of the Ancient History of Japan. McLeod
drew correlations between his observations of Japan and the
fulfillment of biblical prophecy:
The
civilized race of the Aa.
Inus, the Tokugawa and
the Machi No Hito of the large towns, by dwelling in the
tent or tabernacle shaped
houses first erected by Jin Mu Tenno, have fulfilled Noah's
prophecy regarding Japhet,
"He shall dwell in the tents of Shem."(McLeod, 1878. p. 7)
Several
other authors have followed McLeod in speculating about
parallels between Japanese and Israelite rituals, culture and
language in an attempt to support the hypothesis. Arismas
Kubo, an ordained Christian minister, has translated McLeod's
book into Japanese, and has published a number of works on the
topic. In his article,
"Mystery of the Ten Lost Tribes: Japan," he asserts that many
traditional customs and ceremonies in Japan are very similar to
those of ancient Israel. He
postulates that perhaps these rituals came from the Jews through
members of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, who might have come to
ancient Japan.
Jon Entine emphasizes
that DNA evidence shows there are no genetic links between
Japanese and Israelite peoples.
Other religions
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS
Church) believes in the literal
gathering of Israel, and the LDS Church actively preaches
the gathering of people from the twelve tribes. "Today
Israelites are found in all countries of the world. Many of
these people do not know that they are descended from the
ancient house of Israel," the church teaches in its basic Gospel
Principles manual.
"The Lord promised that His covenant people would someday be
gathered .... God gathers His children through missionary work.
As people come to a knowledge of Jesus Christ, receiving the
ordinances of salvation and keeping the associated covenants,
they become 'the children of the covenant' (3
Nephi 20:26)."
The
church also teaches that "The power and authority to direct the
work of gathering the house of Israel was given to Joseph
Smith by the
prophetMoses,
who appeared in 1836 in the Kirtland
Temple.... The Israelites are to be gathered spiritually
first and then physically. They are gathered spiritually as they
join The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and make
and keep sacred covenants.... The physical gathering of Israel
means that the covenant people will be “gathered home to the
lands of their inheritance, and shall be established in all
their lands of promise” (2 Nephi 9:2). The tribes of Ephraim and
Manasseh will be gathered in the Americas. The tribe of Judah
will return to the city of Jerusalem and the area surrounding
it. The ten lost tribes will receive from the tribe of Ephraim
their promised blessings (see D&C 133:26–34). . . The physical
gathering of Israel will not be complete until the Second Coming
of the Savior and on into the Millennium (see Joseph
Smith—Matthew 1:37)."
See also
Bibliography
- Bruder, Édith: Black
Jews of Africa, Oxford 2008.
- Lange, Dierk: "Yoruba
origins and the 'Lost Tribes of Israel'", Anthropos 106
(2011), 579-595.
- Parfitt, Tudor: The
Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth, London 2002.
- Weil, Shalva: Beyond
the Sambatyon: the Myth of the Ten Tribes, Tel Aviv 1991.
Documentary
References
and notes
-
Jump up^ Jospehus,
The Antiquities of the Jews, Book 11 chapter 1 and II
Esdras 13:39-45
-
Jump up^ Parfitt,
Tudor (2003). The
Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth. Phoenix.
pp. 1, 225.
-
Jump up^ The
Ten Lost Tribes Zvi
Ben-Dor Benite, Oxford University Press. pp. 58-62
-
^ Jump
up to:a b Weil,
S. 1989 Beta Israel: A House Divided, Binghamton State
University of NewYork.
-
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Notations[edit]
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Michael Riff. The
Face of Survival: Jewish Life in Eastern Europe Past and
Present. Valentine Mitchell, London, 1992. ISBN
0-85303-220-3
External links
JAPANESE KANJI LANGUAGE
Kanji (漢字; Japanese
pronunciation: [kandʑi] listen)
are the adopted logographic Chinese
characters (hanzi)
that are used in the modern Japanese
writing system along
with hiragana, katakana, Hindu-Arabic
numerals,
and the occasional use of the Latin
alphabet.
The Japanese term kanji for
the Chinese characters literally means "Han characters" and
is written using the same characters as the Chinese word hanzi (simplified
Chinese: 汉字;traditional
Chinese: 漢字).
Kanji
|
Type |
Logographic |
Languages |
Old Japanese, Japanese |
Parent systems |
|
Sister systems |
Hanja, Zhuyin, Simplified
Chinese,Nom, Khitan
script, Jurchen
script |
ISO 15924 |
Hani, 500 |
Direction |
Left-to-right |
Unicode alias |
Han |
This article contains IPA phonetic
symbols. Without proper rendering
support, you may see question
marks, boxes, or other symbols instead
of Unicode characters. |
Chinese characters first
came to Japan on
official seals, letters, swords, coins, mirrors, and other decorative
items imported from China.
The earliest known instance of such an import was the King
of Na Gold Seal given by Emperor
Guangwu of Han to a Yamato emissary
in 57 AD. Chinese coins from the 1st
century AD have been found in Yayoi
period archaeological
sites. However, the Japanese of
that era probably had no comprehension of the script, and would remain
illiterate until the 5th century AD. According
to the Nihon
Shoki and Kojiki,
a semi-legendary scholar called Wani(王仁)
was dispatched to Japan by the Kingdom
of Baekje during the
reign of Emperor
Ōjin in the early 5th
century, bringing with him knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese
characters.
The earliest Japanese documents were probably written by bilingual
Chinese or Korean officials employed at the Yamato court.[5] For
example, the diplomatic correspondence from King
Bu of Wa toEmperor
Shun of Liu Song in 478
has been praised for its skillful use of allusion.
Later, groups of people called fuhito were
organized under the monarch to read and write Classical Chinese. During
the reign of Empress
Suiko (593–628), the
Yamato court began sending full-scale diplomatic missions to China,
which resulted in a large increase in Chinese literacy at the Japanese
court.
The Japanese language had no written form at the time Chinese characters
were introduced, and texts were written and read only in Chinese. Later,
during the Heian
period however, a system
known as kanbun emerged,
which involved using Chinese text with diacritical
marks to allow Japanese
speakers to restructure and read Chinese sentences, by changing word
order and adding particles and verb endings, in accordance with the
rules of Japanese
grammar.
Chinese characters also came to be used to write Japanese words,
resulting in the modern kana syllabaries. Around 650 CE, a writing
system called man'yōgana (used
in the ancient poetry anthology Man'yōshū)
evolved that used a number of Chinese characters for their sound, rather
than for their meaning. Man'yōgana written in cursive
style evolved into hiragana,
a writing system that was accessible to women (who were denied higher
education). Major works of Heian
era literature by
women were written in hiragana. Katakana emerged
via a parallel path:monastery students
simplifiedman'yōgana to a
single constituent element. Thus the two other writing systems, hiragana
and katakana, referred to collectively as kana,
are actually descended from kanji.
In modern Japanese, kanji are used to write parts of the language such
as nouns, adjective stems,
and verb stems,
while hiragana are used to write inflected verb
and adjective endings and as phonetic
complements to
disambiguate readings (okurigana), particles,
and miscellaneous words which have no kanji or whose kanji is considered
obscure or too difficult to read or remember. Katakana are
used for representing onomatopoeia, non-Japanese
loanwords (except those
borrowed from ancient
Chinese), the names of plants and animals (with exceptions), and for
emphasis on certain words.
Orthographic reform and lists of kanji
In 1946, following World
War II, the Japanese government instituted a series of orthographic reforms.
This was done with the goal of facilitating learning for children and
simplifying kanji use in literature and periodicals. The number of
characters in circulation was reduced, and formal lists of characters to
be learned during each grade of school were established. Some characters
were given simplified glyphs,
called新字体 (shinjitai).
Many variant forms of characters and obscure alternatives for common
characters were officially discouraged.
These are simply guidelines, so many
characters outside these standards are still widely known and commonly
used; these are known as hyōgaiji (表外字?).
Kyōiku kanji
The Kyōiku kanji (教育漢字,
"education kanji") are 1,006 characters that Japanese children learn in
elementary school. The number was 881 until 1981. The grade-level
breakdown of the education kanji is known as the gakunen-betsu
kanji haitōhyō (学年別漢字配当表), or
the gakushū kanji.
Jōyō kanji
The Jōyō kanji (常用漢字,
"regular-use kanji") are 2,136 characters consisting of all the Kyōiku
kanji, plus 1,130 additional kanji taught in junior high and high
school. In publishing, characters outside this category are often given furigana.
The Jōyō kanji were
introduced in 1981, replacing an older list of 1,850 characters known as
the Tōyō
kanji (当用漢字, "general-use
kanji") introduced in 1946. Originally numbering 1,945 characters, the Jōyō
kanji list was extended to
2,136 in 2010. Some of the new characters were previously Jinmeiyō
kanji; some are used to write prefecture names: 阪, 熊, 奈, 岡, 鹿, 梨, 阜, 埼,
茨, 栃 and 媛.
Jinmeiyō kanji
Since September 27, 2004, the Jinmeiyō
kanji (人名用漢字, "kanji for use
in personal names") consist of 2,928 characters, containing the Jōyō
kanjiplus an additional 983 kanji found in people's names. There were
only 92 kanji in the original list published in 1952, but new additions
have been made frequently. Sometimes the term Jinmeiyō
kanji refers to all 2,928,
and sometimes it only refers to the 983 that are only used for names.
Hyōgaiji
Hyōgaiji (表外字?,
"unlisted characters") are any
kanji not contained in the jōyō kanji and jinmeiyō kanji lists. These
are generally written using traditional characters, but extended
shinjitai forms exist.
Japanese Industrial Standards for kanji
The Japanese
Industrial Standards for
kanji and kana define character code-points for each kanji and kana, as
well as other forms of writing such as the Latin
alphabet, Cyrillic
script, Greek
alphabet, Hindu-Arabic
numerals, etc. for use in information processing. They have had
numerous revisions. The current standards are:
-
JIS X 0208 (JIS
X 0208:1997), the most recent
version of the main standard. It has 6,355 kanji.
-
JIS X 0212 (JIS
X 0212:1990), a supplementary standard containing a further
5,801 kanji. This standard is rarely used, mainly because the common Shift
JIS encoding system
could not use it. This standard is effectively obsolete;
-
JIS X 0213 (JIS
X 0213:2000), a further revision which extended the JIS X 0208
set with 3,695 additional kanji, of which 2,743 (all but 952) were
in JIS X 0212. The standard is in part designed to be compatible
with Shift JIS encoding;
- JIS X 0221:1995, the Japanese
version of the ISO 10646/Unicode standard.
Gaiji
Gaiji (外字),
literally meaning "external characters", are kanji that are not
represented in existing Japanese encoding
systems. These include variant forms of common kanji that need to be
represented alongside the more conventional glyph in
reference works, and can include non-kanji symbols as well.
Gaiji can
be either user-defined characters or system-specific characters. Both
are a problem for information interchange, as the codepoint used
to represent an external character will not be consistent from one
computer or operating system to another.
Gaiji were
nominally prohibited in JIS X 0208-1997, and JIS X 0213-2000 used the
range of code-points previously allocated to gaiji,
making them completely unusable. Nevertheless, they persist today with NTT
DoCoMo's "i-mode"
service, where they are used for emoji (pictorial
characters).
Unicode allows
for optional encoding of gaiji in private
use areas, while Adobe's
SING (Smart INdependent
Glyphlets] technology
allows the creation of customized gaiji.
The Text
Encoding Initiative uses
a <g> element
to encode any non-standard character or glyph, including gaiji. (The g stands
for "gaiji".
Total number of
kanji
The number of possible characters is disputed; in principle any Chinese
character can be used as kanji, which often occurs with proper names or
names of food. The Daikanwa
Jiten contains about
50,000 characters, which is considered to be comprehensive in Japan. The Zhonghua
Zihai, published in 1994 in China where Chinese characters is used
more extensively, contain about 80 000 characters.
Approximately 2,000 to 3,000 characters are in common use in Japan, a
few thousand more find occasional use, and a total of about 13,000
characters can be encoded in various Japanese
Industrial Standards for kanji.
Readings
Borrowing Typology of Han Characters |
|
Meaning |
Pronunciation |
a) semantic on |
L1 |
L1 |
b) semantic kun |
L1 |
L2 |
c) phonetic on |
— |
L1 |
d) phonetic kun |
— |
L2 |
*With L1 representing the language
borrowed from (Chinese) and L2 representing the borrowing
language (Japanese). |
Because of the way they have been adopted into
Japanese, a single kanji may be used to write one or more different
words (or, in some cases, morphemes),
and thus the same character may be pronounced in different ways. From
the point of view of the reader, kanji are said to have one or more
different "readings". Deciding which reading is appropriate depends on
recognizing which word it represents, which can usually be determined
from context, intended meaning, whether the character occurs as part of
a compound word or an independent word, and sometimes location within
the sentence. For example, (今日?) is
usually read kyō, meaning
"today", but in formal writing is instead read konnichi, meaning
"nowadays"; this is understood from context. Nevertheless, some cases
are ambiguous and require a furigana gloss,
which are also used simply for difficult readings or to specify a
non-standard reading.
Kanji readings are categorized as either on'yomi (literally
"sound reading", from Chinese) or kun'yomi (literally
"meaning reading", native Japanese), and most characters have at least
two readings, at least one of each. However, some characters have only a
single reading, such as kiku (菊?,
chrysanthemum) (on)
or iwashi (鰯?,
sardine) (kun); kun-only
are common for Japanese-coined kanji (kokuji). Some common kanji have
ten or more possible readings; the most complex common example is 生,
which is read as sei, shō,
nama, ki, o-u, i-kiru, i-kasu, i-keru, u-mu, u-mareru, ha-eru,and ha-yasu,
totaling 8 basic readings (first 2 are on, rest
are kun), or 12 if related
verbs are counted as distinct; see okurigana:
生 for details.
Most often a character will be used for both sound and meaning, and it
is simply a matter of choosing the correct reading based on which word
it represents. In other cases, a character is used only for sound (ateji),
in which case pronunciation is still based on an standard reading, or
used only for meaning (broadly a form of ateji, narrowly jukujikun),
in which case the individual character does not have a reading, only the
full compound; this is significantly more complicated; see special
readings, below.
The analogous phenomenon occurs to a much lesser degree in Chinese
languages, where there are literary
and colloquial readings of Chinese characters –
borrowed readings and native readings. In Chinese these borrowed
readings and native readings are etymologically related, since they are
between Chinese languages (which are related), not from Chinese to
Japanese (which are not related). They thus form doublets and
are generally similar, analogous to different on'yomi, reflecting
different stages of Chinese borrowings into Japanese.
On'yomi (Sino-Japanese
reading)
The on'yomi (音読み),
the Sino-Japanese reading,
is the modern descendant of the Japanese approximation of the Chinese
pronunciation of the character at the time it was introduced. Some kanji
were introduced from different parts of China at different times, and so
have multiple on'yomi, and
often multiple meanings. Kanji invented
in Japan would not normally be expected to have on'yomi, but
there are exceptions, such as the character 働 "to work", which has the kun'yomi "hataraku"
and the on'yomi "dō",
and 腺 "gland", which has only the on'yomi "sen"
– in both cases these come from the on'yomi of
the phonetic component, respectively 動 "dō" and 泉 "sen".
Generally, on'yomi are
classified into four types:
-
Go-on (呉音?,
"Wu sound") readings are
from the pronunciation during the Southern
and Northern Dynasties during
the 5th and 6th centuries. There is a high probability of Go referring
to the Wu region
(in the vicinity of modern Shanghai),
which still maintains linguistic similarities with modern
Sino-Japanese vocabulary.
-
Kan-on (漢音?,
"Han sound") readings are
from the pronunciation during the Tang
Dynasty in the 7th to
9th centuries, primarily from the standard speech of the capital, Chang'an (長安
or 长安, modern Xi'an).
Here, Kan is
used in the sense of China.
-
Tō-on (唐音?,
"Tang sound") readings are
from the pronunciations of later dynasties, such as the Song (宋)
and Ming (明).
They cover all readings adopted from the Heian
era (平安) to the Edo
period (江戸). This is
also known as Tōsō-on (唐宋音),
"Tang and Song sound".
- Kan'yō-on (慣用音?,
"Customary sound") readings,
which are mistaken or changed readings of the kanji that have become
accepted into the language. In some cases, they are the actual
readings that accompanied the character's introduction to Japan, but
do not match how the character “should” be read according to the
rules of character construction and pronunciation.
Examples (rare
readings in parentheses)
Kanji |
Meaning |
Go-on |
Kan-on |
Tō-on |
Kan'yō-on |
明 |
bright |
myō |
mei |
(min) |
— |
行 |
go |
gyō
gō |
kō
kō |
(an) |
— |
極 |
extreme |
goku |
kyoku |
— |
— |
珠 |
pearl |
shu |
shu |
ju |
(zu) |
度 |
degree |
do |
(to) |
— |
— |
輸 |
transport |
(shu) |
(shu) |
— |
yu |
雄 |
masculine |
— |
— |
— |
yū |
熊 |
bear |
— |
— |
— |
yū |
子 |
child |
shi |
shi |
su |
— |
清 |
clear |
shō |
sei |
(shin) |
— |
京 |
capital |
kyō |
kei |
(kin) |
— |
兵 |
soldier |
hyō |
hei |
— |
— |
強 |
strong |
gō |
kyō |
— |
— |
The most common form of readings is the kan-on one,
and use of a non-kan-on reading
in a word where the kan-on reading
is well-known is a common cause of reading mistakes or difficulty, such
as in ge-doku (解毒?,
detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on),
where (解?) is
usually instead read as kai.
Thego-on readings are
especially common in Buddhist terminology
such as gokuraku 極楽
"paradise", as well as in some of the earliest loans, such as the
Sino-Japanese numbers. The tō-on readings
occur in some later words, such as isu 椅子
"chair", futon 布団
"mattress", and andon 行灯,
"a kind of paper lantern". The go-on, kan-on, and tō-on readings are
generally cognate (with rare exceptions of homographs; see below),
having a common origin in Old Chinese, and hence form linguistic
doublets or triplets, but
they can differ significantly from each other and from modern Chinese
pronunciation.
In Chinese, most characters are associated with a single Chinese sound,
though there are distinctliterary
and colloquial readings of Chinese characters. However, some
homographs called 多音字 (pinyin: duōyīnzì)
such as 行 (pinyin: háng or
xíng) (Japanese: an, gō, gyō)
have more than one reading in Chinese representing different meanings,
which is reflected in the carryover to Japanese as well. Additionally,
many Chinese syllables, especially those with an entering
tone, did not fit the largely consonant-vowel (CV) phonotactics of
classical Japanese. Thus most on'yomi are
composed of twomorae (beats),
the second of which is either a lengthening of the vowel in the first
mora, the vowel i, or one of
the syllables ku, ki, tsu, chi,
or moraic n, chosen for their
approximation to the final consonants of Middle Chinese. It may be that palatalized
consonants before vowels other than i developed
in Japanese as a result of Chinese borrowings, as they are virtually
unknown in words of native Japanese origin.
On'yomi primarily
occur in multi-kanji compound words (熟語 jukugo),
many of which are the result of the adoption, along with the kanji
themselves, of Chinese words for concepts that either did not exist in
Japanese or could not be articulated as elegantly using native words.
This borrowing process is often compared to the English
borrowings from Latin, Greek, and Norman French, since
Chinese-borrowed terms are often more specialized, or considered to
sound more erudite or formal, than their native counterparts. The major
exception to this rule is family
names, in which the nativekun'yomi are
usually used (though on'yomi are
found in many personal names, especially men's names).
Kun'yomi (Japanese
reading)
The kun'yomi (訓読み),
Japanese reading, or native
reading (literally, meaning
reading), is a reading based on the pronunciation of a native Japaneseword,
or yamato
kotoba, that closely approximated the meaning of the Chinese character
when it was introduced. As with on'yomi,
there can be multiple kun'yomi for
the same kanji, and some kanji have no kun'yomi at
all.
For instance, the kanji for east, 東,
has the on'yomi tō.
However, Japanese already
had two words for "east": higashi and azuma.
Thus the kanji 東 had
the latter readings added as kun'yomi.
In contrast, the kanji 寸,
denoting a Chinese unit of measurement (about 30 mm or 1.2 inch), has no
nativeJapanese equivalent;
it only has an on'yomi, sun,
with no native kun'yomi. Most kokuji,
Japanese-created Chinese characters, only have kun'yomi(although
some have back-formed a pseudo-on'yomi by
analogy with similar characters, such as 働 dō, from 動 dō),
though some, such as 腺 sen"gland",
have only an on'yomi.
Kun'yomi are
characterized by the strict (C)V syllable structure of yamato
kotoba. Most noun or adjective kun'yomi are
two to three syllables long, while verb kun'yomi are
usually between one and three syllables in length, not counting trailing hiragana called okurigana. Okurigana are
not considered to be part of the internal reading of the character,
although they are part of the reading of the word. A beginner in the
language will rarely come across characters with long readings, but
readings of three or even four syllables are not uncommon. This
contrasts with on'yomi, which
are monosyllabic, and is unusual in the Chinese
family of scripts, which generally use one character per syllable –
not only in Chinese, but also in Korean, Vietnamese, and Zhuang; polysyllabic
Chinese characters are
rare and considered non-standard.
承る uketamawaru, 志 kokorozashi, and 詔 mikotonori have
five syllables represented by a single kanji, the longest readings in
the Jōyō
character set. These unusually long readings are due a single
character representing a compound word. In detail, due respectively to 承る being
a single character for a compound verb, one component of which has a
long reading (alternative spelling as 受け賜る u(ke)-tamawa(ru),
hence (1+1)+3=5; compare common受け付ける u(ke)-tsu(keru),
to 志 being
a nominalization of the verb 志す which
has a long reading kokoroza(su) (due
to being derived from a noun-verb compound, 心指す kokoro-za(su)),
the nominalization removing the okurigana, hence increasing the reading
by one mora, yielding 4+1=5 (compare common 話 hanashi 2+1=3,
from 話す hana(su), and 詔 being
a triple compound (alternative spelling 御言宣 mi-koto-nori, hence
1+2+2=5). Longer readings exist for non-Jōyō characters and non-kanji
symbols, where a long gairaigo word may be the reading (this is classed
as kun'yomi –
see single
character gairaigo, below) – the character 糎 has
the seven kana reading センチメートル senchimētoru "centimeter",
though it is generally written as "cm" (with two half-width characters,
so occupying one space); another common example is '%' (the percent
sign), which has the five kana reading パーセント pāsento.
Further, some Jōyō characters have long non-Jōyō readings (students
learn the character, but not the reading), such as omonpakarufor 慮る.
In a number of cases, multiple kanji were assigned to cover a single Japanese word.
Typically when this occurs, the different kanji refer to specific shades
of meaning. For instance, the word なおす, naosu,
when written 治す,
means "to heal an illness or sickness". When written 直す it
means "to fix or correct something". Sometimes the distinction is very
clear, although not always. Differences of opinion among reference works
is not uncommon; one dictionary may say the kanji are equivalent, while
another dictionary may draw distinctions of use. As a result, native
speakers of the language may have trouble knowing which kanji to use and
resort to personal preference or by writing the word in hiragana.
This latter strategy is frequently employed with more complex cases such
as もと moto, which has at
least five different kanji: 元,
基, 本, 下, and 素,
the first three of which have only very subtle differences. Another
notable example is sakazuki "sake
cup", which may be spelt as at least five different kanji: 杯,
盃, 巵/卮, and 坏;
of these, the first two are common – formally 杯 is
a small cup and 盃 a
large cup.
Local dialectical readings of kanji are also classified under kun'yomi,
most notably readings for words in Ryukyuan
languages. Further, in rare casesgairaigo (borrowed
words) have a single character associated with them, in which case this
reading is formally classified as a kun'yomi,
because the character is being used for meaning, not sound. This is
discussed under other
readings, below.
Mixed readings
A jūbako (重箱?),
which has a mixed on-kun reading.
A yutō (湯桶?),
which has a mixed kun-on reading.
There are many kanji compounds that use a
mixture of on'yomi and kun'yomi,
known as jūbako (重箱?,
multi-layered food box) or yutō (湯桶?,
hot liquid pail) words
(depending on the order), which are themselves examples of this kind of
compound (they are autological
words): the first character of jūbako is
read usingon'yomi, the second kun'yomi (on-kun),
while it is the other way around with yutō (kun-on).
Formally, these are referred to as jūbako-yomi (重箱読み?, jūbako reading) and yutō-yomi (湯桶読み?, yutō reading).
Note that in both these words, the on'yomi has
a long vowel; long vowels in Japanese generally come from Chinese, hence
distinctive of on'yomi. These
are the Japanese form of hybrid
words. Other examples include 場所 basho "place"
(kun-on), 金色 kin'iro "golden"
(on-kun) and 合気道 aikidō "the
martial art
Aikido" (kun-on-on).
Special readings
Gikun (義訓)
and jukujikun (熟字訓)
are readings of kanji combinations that have no direct correspondence to
the characters' individual on'yomi or kun'yomi, but
rather are connected with their meaning – this is the opposite of ateji.
From the point of view of the character, rather than the word, this is
known as a nankun(難訓?,
difficult reading), and these
are listed in kanji dictionaries under the entry for the character. Gikunare
when non-standard kanji are used, generally for effect, such as using 寒
with reading fuyu (ふゆ,
"winter"), rather than the standard character 冬. Jukujikun are
when the standard kanji for a word are related to the meaning, but not
the sound – the word is pronounced as a whole, not corresponding to
sounds of individual kanji. For example, 今朝 ("this morning") is
jukujikun, and read neither as *ima'asa,
the kun'yomiof the
characters, nor konchō, the on'yomi of
the characters, nor any combination thereof. Instead it is read as kesa—a
native Japanese word with two syllables (which may be seen as a single morpheme,
or as a fusion of kyō (previously kefu),
"today", and asa, "morning").
Jukujikun are primarily used for some native Japanese words, and for
some old borrowings, such as 柳葉魚 (shishamo,
literally "willow leaf fish"), from Ainu, or 煙草 (tabako, literally
"smoke grass"), from Portuguese. Words whose kanji are jukujikun are
often usually written as hiragana (if native), or katakana (if
borrowed); some old borrowed words are also written as hiragana.
Jukujikun are quite varied. Often the kanji
compound for jukujikun is idiosyncratic and created for the word, with
the corresponding Chinese word not existing; in other cases a kanji
compound for an existing Chinese word is reused, with the Chinese word
and on'yomi may
or may not be used in Japanese; for example, (馴鹿?,
reindeer) is jukujikun for tonakai, from
Ainu, but the on'yomi junroku is
also used. In some cases Japanese coinages have subsequently been
borrowed back into Chinese, such as ankō (鮟鱇?,
monkfish).
The underlying word for jukujikun is a native
Japanese word or foreign borrowing, which either does not have an
existing kanji spelling (either kun'yomior ateji)
or for which a new kanji spelling is produced. Most often the word is a
noun, which may be a simple noun (not a compound or derived from a
verb), or may be a verb form or a fusional pronunciation; for example sumō (相撲?,
sumo) is originally from the
verb suma-u (争う?,
to vie), while kyō (今日?,
today) is fusional. In rare
cases jukujikun is also applied to inflectional words (verbs and
adjectives), in which case there is frequently a corresponding Chinese
word.
Examples of jukujikun for inflectional words
follow. The most common example of a jukujikun adjective is kawai-i (可愛い?,
cute), originally kawayu-i;the
word (可愛?) is
used in Chinese, but the corresponding on'yomi is
not used in Japanese. By contrast, the jukujikun fusawa-shii (相応しい?,
appropriate) and on'yomi sōō (相応?,
appropriate) are both used; the -shii ending
is because these were formerly a different class of adjectives. A common
example of a verb with jukujikun is haya-ru (流行る?,
to spread, to be in vogue),
corresponding to on'yomi ryūkō (流行?).
A sample jukujikun deverbal (noun derived from a verb form) is yusuri (強請?,
extortion), from yusu-ru (強請る?,
to extort), spelling from kyōsei (強請?,
extortion). See 義訓and 熟字訓 for
many more examples. Note that there are also compound verbs and, less
commonly, compound adjectives, and while these may have multiple kanji
without intervening characters, they are read using usual kun'yomi; examples
include omo-shiro-i (面白い?,
interesting) face-whiteningand zuru-gashiko-i (狡賢い?,
sly).
Typographically, the furigana for
jukujikun are often written so they are centered across the entire word,
or for inflectional words over the entire root – corresponding to the
reading being related to the entire word – rather than each part of the
word being centered over its corresponding character, as is often done
for the usual phono-semantic readings.
Broadly speaking, jukujikun can be considered a form of ateji, though
in narrow usage "ateji" refers specifically to using characters for
sound and not meaning (sound-spelling), rather than meaning and not
sound (meaning-spelling), as in jukujikun.
Many jukujikun (established meaning-spellings) began life as gikun
(improvised meaning-spellings). Occasionally a single word will have
many such kanji spellings; an extreme example is hototogisu (lesser
cuckoo),
which may be spelt in a great many ways, including 杜鵑, 時鳥, 子規, 不如帰, 霍公鳥,
蜀魂, 沓手鳥, 杜宇, 田鵑, 沓直鳥, and 郭公 – many of these variant spellings are
particular to haiku poems.
Single
character gairaigo
In some rare cases, an individual kanji has a
reading that is borrowed from a modern foreign language (gairaigo),
though most often these words are written in katakana. Notable examples
include pēji (頁、ページ?,
page), botan (釦/鈕、ボタン?,
button), zero (零、ゼロ?,
zero), and mētoru (米、メートル?,
meter). See list
of single character gairaigo for
more. These are classed as kun'yomi of
a single character, because the character is being used for meaning only
(without the Chinese pronunciation), rather than as ateji,
which is the classification used when a gairaigo term is written as a
compound (2 or more characters). However, unlike the vast majority of
other kun'yomi, these
readings are not native Japanese, but rather borrowed, so the "kun'yomi"
label can be misleading. The readings are also written in katakana,
unlike the usual hiragana for native kun'yomi.
Note that most of these characters are for units, particularly SI
units, in many cases using new characters (kokuji)
coined during the Meiji
period, such as kiromētoru(粁、キロメートル?,
kilometer, 米 "meter" + 千 "thousand").
Other readings
Some kanji also have lesser-known readings
called nanori (名乗り),
which are mostly used for names (often given
names), and are generally closely related to the kun'yomi.
Place names sometimes also use nanori or,
occasionally, unique readings not found elsewhere.
For example,
in the case of surname 小鳥遊, literally it mean little birds playing
around, and that imply no eagle (as eagles is little birds' natural
enemy, and it's only eagle aren't around so little birds can play
happily), (鷹(たか)がいない), Taka ga
i nai)), thus it is then
converted to become pronounced as タカナシ (Takanashi).
When to use
which reading
Although there are general rules for when
to use on'yomi and
when to use kun'yomi, the
language is littered with exceptions, and it is not always possible
for even a native speaker to know how to read a character without
prior knowledge (this is especially true for names, both of people
and places); further, a given character may have multiple kun'yomi or on'yomi. When
reading Japanese, one primarily recognizes words (multiple
characters and okurigana) and their readings, rather than individual
characters, and only guess readings of characters when trying to
"sound out" an unrecognized word.
Homographs
exist, however, which can sometimes be deduced from context, and
sometimes cannot, requiring a glossary. For example, 今日 may be read
either as kyō "today
(informal)" (special fused reading for native word) or as konnichi "these
days (formal)" (on'yomi); in formal writing this will generally be
read as konnichi. In some
cases multiple readings are common, as in 豚汁 "pork soup", which is
commonly pronounced both as ton-jiru(mixed on-kun)
and buta-jiru (kun-kun),
with ton somewhat
more common nationally. Inconsistencies abound – for example 牛肉 gyu-niku "beef"
and 羊肉 yō-niku "mutton"
have on-on readings,
but 豚肉 buta-niku "pork"
and 鶏肉 tori-niku "poultry"
have kun-on readings.
The main
guideline is that a single kanji followed by okurigana (hiragana
characters that are part of the word) – as used in native verbs and
adjectives –always indicates kun'yomi, while
kanji compounds (kango) usually use on'yomi, which
is usually kan-on; however,
other on'yomi are
also common, andkun'yomi are
also commonly used in kango. For a kanji in isolation without
okurigana, it is typically read
using their kun'yomi, though
there are numerous exceptions. For example, 鉄 "iron" is usually read
with the on'yomi tetsu rather
than the kun'yomi kurogane. Chinese on'yomi which
are not the common kan-on one
are a frequent cause of difficulty or mistakes when encountering
unfamiliar words or for inexperienced readers, though skilled
natives will recognize the word; a good example is ge-doku (解毒?,
detoxification, anti-poison) (go-on),
where (解?) is
usually instead read as kai.
Okurigana are used
with kun'yomi to
mark the inflected ending of a native verb or adjective, or by
convention – note that Japanese verbs and adjectives are closed
class, and do not generally admit new words (borrowed Chinese
vocabulary, which are nouns, can form verbs by adding -suru (〜する?,
to do) at the end, and
adjectives via 〜の -no or
〜な -na, but cannot become
native Japanese vocabulary, which inflect). For example: 赤い aka-i "red",
新しい atara-shii "new",
見る mi-ru "(to)
see". Okurigana can be used to indicate which kun'yomi to
use, as in 食べる ta-beru versus
食う ku-u (casual),
both meaning "(to) eat", but this is not always sufficient, as in
開く, which may be read as a-ku or hira-ku, both
meaning "(to) open". 生 is a particularly complicated example, with
multiple kun and on'yomi –
see okurigana:
生 for details.
Okurigana is also used for some nouns and adverbs, as in 情けnasake "sympathy",
必ず kanarazu "invariably",
but not for 金 kane "money",
for instance. Okurigana is
an important aspect of kanji usage in Japanese; see that article for
more information on kun'yomi orthography
Kanji
occurring in compounds are generally read using on'yomi,
called 熟語 jukugo in
Japanese (though again, exceptions abound). For example, 情報jōhō "information",
学校 gakkō "school",
and 新幹線 shinkansen "bullet
train" all follow this pattern. This isolated kanji versus compound
distinction gives words for similar concepts completely different
pronunciations. 東 "east" and 北 "north" use the kun'yomi higashi and kita,
being stand-alone characters, while 北東 "northeast", as a compound,
uses the on'yomi hokutō.
This is further complicated by the fact that many kanji have more
than one on'yomi: 生 is
read as sei in
先生 sensei "teacher"
but as shō in
一生 isshō "one's
whole life". Meaning can also be an important indicator of reading;
易 is read i when
it means "simple", but as eki when
it means "divination", both being on'yomi for
this character.
These rules
of thumb have many exceptions. Kun'yomi compound
words are not as numerous as those with on'yomi,
but neither are they rare. Examples include 手紙 tegami "letter",
日傘 higasa "parasol",
and the famous 神風 kamikaze "divine
wind". Such compounds may also have okurigana, such as 空揚げ (also
written 唐揚げ) karaage "Chinese-style
fried chicken" and 折り紙 origami,
although many of these can also be written with the okurigana
omitted (for example, 空揚 or 折紙).
Similarly,
some on'yomi characters
can also be used as words in isolation: 愛 ai "love",
禅 Zen,
点 ten "mark,
dot". Most of these cases involve kanji that have no kun'yomi,
so there can be no confusion, although exceptions do occur. A lone 金
may be read as kin "gold"
or as kane "money,
metal"; only context can determine the writer's intended reading and
meaning.
Multiple
readings have given rise to a number of homographs,
in some cases having different meanings depending on how they are
read. One example is 上手, which can be read in three different ways: jōzu (skilled), uwate (upper
part), or kamite (stage
left/house right). In addition, 上手い has the reading umai (skilled).
More subtly, 明日 has three different readings, all meaning
"tomorrow": ashita (casual), asu (polite),
and myōnichi (formal).Furigana (reading
glosses) is often used to clarify any potential ambiguities.
Conversely,
in some cases homophonous terms may be distinguished in writing by
different characters, but not so distinguished in speech, and hence
potentially confusing. In some cases when it is important to
distinguish these in speech, the reading of a relevant character may
be changed. For example, 私立 (privately established, esp. school) and
市立 (city established) are both normally pronounced shi-ritsu; in
speech these may be distinguished by the alternative pronunciations watakushi-ritsu and ichi-ritsu. More
informally, in legal jargon 前文 "preamble" and 全文 "full text" are
both pronounced zen-bun, so
前文 may be pronounced mae-bun for
clarity, as in "Have you memorized the preamble [not 'whole text']
of the constitution?". As in these examples, this is primarily using
a kun'yomi for
one character in a normally on'yomi term.
As stated
above, 重箱 jūbako and
湯桶 yutō readings
are also not uncommon. Indeed, all four combinations of reading are
possible: on-on, kun-kun,kun-on and on-kun.
Some famous
place names, including those of Tokyo (東京 Tōkyō)
and Japan itself
(日本 Nihon or
sometimes Nippon) are
read with on'yomi;
however, the majority of Japanese place names are read with kun'yomi:
大阪 Ōsaka, 青森 Aomori,
箱根 Hakone. Names often
use characters and readings that are not in common use outside of
names. When characters are used as abbreviations of place names,
their reading may not match that in the original. The Osaka (大阪) and
Kobe (神戸) baseball team, the Hanshin (阪神) Tigers, take their name
from the on'yomi of
the second kanji of Ōsaka and
the first of Kōbe. The
name of the Keisei (京成) railway line, linking Tokyo (東京) and Narita
(成田) is formed similarly, although the reading of 京 from 東京 is kei,
despite kyō already
being an on'yomi in
the word Tōkyō.
Japanese
family names are also usually read with kun'yomi:
山田 Yamada, 田中 Tanaka,
鈴木 Suzuki. Japanese given
names often have very irregular readings – although they are not
typically considered jūbako or yutō,
they often contain mixtures of kun'yomi, on'yomi and nanori, such
as 大助Daisuke [on-kun], 夏美 Natsumi [kun-on].
Being chosen at the discretion of the parents, the readings of given
names do not follow any set rules and it is impossible to know with
certainty how to read a person's name without independent
verification. Parents can be quite creative, and rumours abound of
children called 地球 Āsu and
天使 Enjeru, quite
literally "Earth" and "Angel"; neither are common names, and have
normal readings chikyū andtenshi respectively.
Common patterns do exist, however, allowing experienced readers to
make a good guess for most names.
Chinese
place names and Chinese personal names appearing in Japanese texts,
if spelled in kanji, are almost invariably read with on'yomi.
Especially for older and well-known names, the resulting Japanese
pronunciation may differ widely from that used by Chinese speakers.
For example, Mao
Zedong's name, written 毛沢東, is pronounced as Mō
Takutō in Japanese.
Today, Chinese names that aren't well known in Japan are often
spelled inKatakana instead,
in a form much more closely approximating the native Chinese
pronunciation. Alternatively, they may be written in kanji with
katakana furigana.
In some
cases the same kanji can appear in a given word with different
readings. Normally this occurs when a character is duplicated and
the reading of the second character has voicing (rendaku),
as in 人人 hito-bito "people"
(more often written with the iteration
mark as 人々), but in
rare cases the readings can be unrelated, as in 跳び跳ねる tobi-haneru "hop
around" (more often written 飛び跳ねる).
Pronunciation assistance
Because of the ambiguities involved, kanji sometimes have their
pronunciation for the given context spelled out in ruby
characters known as furigana,
(small kana written
above or to the right of the character) or kumimoji (small kana written
in-line after the character). This is especially true in texts for
children or foreign learners. It is also used in newspapers and manga (comics)
for rare or unusual readings and for characters not included in the
officially recognized set of essential
kanji. Works of fiction sometimes use furigana to
create new "words" by giving normal kanji non-standard readings, or
to attach a foreign word rendered in katakana as the reading for a
kanji or kanji compound of the same or similar meaning.
Spelling words
Conversely, specifying a given kanji, or
spelling out a kanji word—whether the pronunciation is known or
not—can be complicated, due to the fact that there is not a commonly
used standard way to refer to individual kanji (one does not refer
to "kanji #237"), and that a given reading does not map to a single
kanji—indeed there are many homophonous words, not
simply individual characters, particularly for kango (with on'yomi).
Easiest is to write the word out—either on paper or tracing it in
the air—or look it up (given the pronunciation) in a dictionary,
particularly an electronic dictionary; when this is not possible,
such as when speaking over the phone or writing implements are not
available (and tracing in air is too complicated), various
techniques can be used. These include giving kun'yomi for
characters—these are often unique—using a well-known word with the
same character (and preferably the same pronunciation and meaning),
and describing the character via its components. For example, one
may explain how to spell the word kōshinryō(香辛料?,
spice) via the words kao-ri (香り?,
fragrance), kara-i (辛い?,
spicy), and in-ryō (飲料?,
beverage)—the first two use
the kun'yomi, the third
is a well-known compound—saying "kaori, karai, ryō as
in inryō."
Local developments and divergences from Chinese
Since Kanji are essentially Chinese hanzi used
to write Japanese, majority of kanji used in modern Japanese still
retain their Chinese meaning (especially with their modern traditional
Chinese characters counterparts)
and retain a degree of similarity in pronunciation with Classical
Chinese pronunciation imported to Japan from 5th to 9th century.
Nevertheless, after centuries of development, there is a notable
number of kanji used in modern Japanese have different meaning from
Chinese characters used in modern Chinese. Such differences is the
resulted by (i) the use of characters created in Japan, (ii)
characters that have been given different meanings in Japanese, and
(iii) post-World
War II simplifications
of the kanji. Likewise, the process of character
simplification in mainland
China since the 1950s
has the result that Japanese speakers who have not studied Chinese
may not recognize some simplified characters.
Kokuji
Kokuji (国字,
"national characters") are characters particular to Japan, generally
devised in Japan. The term wasei
kanji (和製漢字,
"kanji made in Japan") is also used to refer to kokuji.
These are primarily formed in the usual way of Chinese characters,
namely by combining existing components, though using a combination
that is not used in China. The corresponding phenomenon in Korea is
called gukja (國字),
which is the cognate term; there are however far fewer Korean-coined
characters than Japanese-coined ones. Other
languages using the Chinese
family of scripts sometimes
have far more extensive systems of native characters, most
significantly Vietnamese chữ
nôm, which comprises over 20,000 characters used throughout
traditional Vietnamese writing, and Zhuang sawndip,
which comprises over 10,000 characters, which are still in use.
Since kokuji
are generally devised for existing native words, these usually only
have native kun readings.
However, they occasionally have a Chineseon reading,
derived from a phonetic, as in 働, dō, from 動,
and in rare cases only have an on reading,
as in 腺, sen, from 泉,
which was derived for use in technical compounds (腺 means
"gland", hence used in medical terminology).
The majority
of kokuji are ideogrammatic
compounds (会意字),
meaning that they are composed of two (or more) characters, with the
meaning associated with the combination. For example, 働 is composed
of 亻 (person radical) plus 動 (action), hence "action of a person,
work". This is in contrast to kanji generally, which are
overwhelmingly phono-semantic compounds. This difference is because
kokuji were coined to express Japanese words, so borrowing existing
(Chinese) readings could not express these – combining existing
characters to logically express the meaning was the simplest way to
achieve this. Other illustrative examples (below) include 榊 sakaki tree,
formed as 木 "tree" and 神 "god",
literally "divine tree", and 辻tsuji "crossroads,
street" formed as 辶 (⻌)
"road" and 十 "cross",
hence "cross-road".
In terms of
meanings, these are especially for natural phenomena (esp. species)
that were not present in ancient China, including a very large
number of fish, such as 鰯 (sardine). In other cases they refer to
specifically Japanese abstract concepts, everyday words (like 辻), or
later technical coinages (such as 腺).
There are
hundreds of kokuji in
existence.[16] Many
are rarely used, but a number have become commonly used components
of the written Japanese language. These include the following:
Jōyō kanji
has about 9 kokuji; there is some dispute over classification, but
generally includes these:
-
働 どう dō,
はたら(く) hatara(ku) "work",
the most commonly used kokuji, used in the fundamental verb 働く hatara(ku) "work",
included in elementary texts and on the Japanese
Language Proficiency Test N5,
for example.
-
込 こ(む) ko(mu), used
in the fundamental verb 込む(こむ) komu "to
be crowded"
-
匂 にお(う) nio(u),
used in common verb 匂う(におう) niou "to
smell, to be fragrant"
-
畑 はたけ hatake "field
of crops"
-
腺 せん sen,
"gland"
-
峠 とうげ tōge "mountain
pass"
-
枠 わく waku,
"frame"
-
塀 へい hei,
"wall"
-
搾 しぼ(る) shibo(ru),
"to squeeze" (disputed; see below)
Jinmeiyō
kanji:
-
榊 さかき sakaki "tree,
genus Cleyera"
-
辻 つじ tsuji "crossroads,
street"
-
匁 もんめ monme (unit
of weight)
Hyōgaiji:
-
躾 しつ(け) shitsu(ke) "training,
rearing (an animal, a child)"
Some of
these characters (for example, 腺, "gland" have been introduced to
China. In some cases the Chinese reading is the inferred Chinese
reading, interpreting the character as a phono-semantic compound (as
in how on readings
are sometimes assigned to these characters in Chinese), while in
other cases (such as 働), the Japanese on reading
is borrowed (in general this differs from the modern Chinese
pronunciation of this phonetic). Similar coinages occurred to a more
limited extent in Korea and Vietnam.
Historically, some kokuji date back to very early Japanese writing,
being found in the Man'yōshū, for
example – 鰯 iwashi "sardine"
dates to the Nara
period (8th century)
– while they have continued to be created as late as the late 19th
century, when a number of characters were coined in the Meiji
era for new
scientific concepts. For example, some characters were produced as
regular compounds for some (but not all) SI units, such as 粁 (米
"meter" + 千 "thousand, kilo-") for kilometer – see Chinese
characters for SI units for
details.
In Japan the
kokuji category is strictly defined as characters whose earliest appearance
is in Japan. If a character appears earlier in the Chinese
literature, it is not considered a kokuji even if the character was
independently coined in Japan and unrelated to the Chinese character
(meaning "not borrowed from Chinese"). In other words, kokuji are
not simply characters that were made in Japan, but characters that
were first made
in Japan. An illustrative example is ankō (鮟鱇?, monkfish).
This spelling was created in Edo period Japan from the ateji (phonetic
kanji spelling) 安康 for the existing word ankō by
adding the 魚 radical to each character – the characters were "made
in Japan". However, 鮟 is not considered kokuji, as it is found in
ancient Chinese texts as a corruption of 鰋 (魚匽). 鱇 is considered
kokuji, as it has not been found in any earlier Chinese text. Casual
listings may be more inclusive, including characters such as 鮟.[18] Another
example is 搾, which is sometimes not considered kokuji due to its
earlier presence as a corruption of Chinese 榨.
Kokku
In addition to kokuji,
there are kanji that have been given meanings in Japanese different
from their original Chinese meanings. These are not considered kokuji but
are instead called kokkun (国訓)
and include characters such as:
Types of
Kanji: by category
Han Dynasty scholar Xu
Shen in his ancient
dictionary Shuowen
Jiezi classified
Chinese characters into six categories (Chinese: 六書 liùshū,
Japanese: rikusho). The
traditional classification is still taught but is problematic and no
longer the focus of modern lexicographic practice, as some
categories are not clearly defined, nor are they mutually exclusive:
the first four refer to structural composition, while the last two
refer to usage.
Shōkei moji (象形文字
Shōkei (Chinese: xiàngxíng)
characters are pictographic sketches
of the object they represent. For example, 目 is an eye, while 木 is a
tree. (Shōkei象形 is also the Japanese word for Egyptian hieroglyphs).
The current forms of the characters are very different from the
originals, though their representations are more clear in oracle
bone script and seal
script. These pictographic characters make up only a small
fraction of modern characters.
Shiji moji (指事文字)
Shiji (Chinese: zhǐshì)
characters are ideographs,
often called "simple ideographs" or "simple indicatives" to
distinguish them and tell the difference from compound ideographs
(below). They are usually simple graphically and represent an
abstract concept such as 上 "up" or "above" and 下 "down" or "below".
These make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.
Kaii moji (会意文字)
Kaii (Chinese: huìyì)
characters are compound ideographs, often called "compound
indicatives", "associative compounds", or just "ideographs". These
are usually a combination of pictographs that combine semantically
to present an overall meaning. An example of this type is 休 (rest)
from 人 (person) and 木 (tree). Another is the kokuji 峠
(mountain pass) made from 山 (mountain), 上 (up) and 下 (down). These
make up a tiny fraction of modern characters.
Keisei moji (形声文字)
Keisei (Chinese: xíngshēng)
characters are phono-semantic or radical-phonetic
compounds, sometimes called "semantic-phonetic", "semasio-phonetic",
or "phonetic-ideographic" characters, are by far the largest
category, making up about 90% of the characters in the standard
lists; however, some of the most frequently used kanji belong to one
of the three groups mentioned above, so keisei
moji will usually make up
less than 90% of the characters in a text. Typically they are made
up of two components, one of which (most commonly, but by no means
always, the left or top element) suggests the general category of
the meaning or semantic context, and the other (most commonly the
right or bottom element) approximates the pronunciation. The
pronunciation relates to the original Chinese, and may now only be
distantly detectable in the modern Japanese on'yomi of
the kanji; it generally has no relation at all to kun'yomi.
The same is true of the semantic context, which may have changed
over the centuries or in the transition from Chinese to Japanese. As
a result, it is a common error in folk etymology to fail to
recognize a phono-semantic compound, typically instead inventing a
compound-indicative explanation.
Tenchū moji (転注文字)
Tenchū (Chinese: zhuǎnzhù)
characters have variously been called "derivative characters",
"derivative cognates",
or translated as "mutually explanatory" or "mutually synonymous"
characters; this is the most problematic of the six categories, as
it is vaguely defined. It may refer to kanji where the meaning or
application has become extended. For example, 楽 is used for 'music'
and 'comfort, ease', with different pronunciations in Chinese
reflected in the two different on'yomi, gaku 'music'
and raku 'pleasure'.
Kasha moji (仮借文字)
Kasha (Chinese: jiǎjiè)
are rebuses,
sometimes called "phonetic loans". The etymology of the characters
follows one of the patterns above, but the present-day meaning is
completely unrelated to this. A character was appropriated to
represent a similar sounding word. For example, 来 in ancient Chinese
was originally a pictograph for "wheat". Its syllable was
homophonous with the verb meaning "to come", and the character is
used for that verb as a result, without any embellishing "meaning"
element attached. The character for wheat 麦, originally meant "to
come", being a keisei
moji having 'foot' at the
bottom for its meaning part and "wheat" at the top for sound. The
two characters swapped meaning, so today the more common word has
the simpler character. This borrowing of sounds has a very long
history.
Related symbols
The iteration
mark (々) is used to
indicate that the preceding kanji is to be repeated, functioning
similarly to a ditto
mark in English. It
is pronounced as though the kanji were written twice in a row, for
example 色々 (iroiro "various")
and 時々 (tokidoki "sometimes").
This mark also appears in personal and place names, as in the surname Sasaki
(佐々木). This symbol is a simplified version of the kanji 仝 (variant
of 同 dō "same").
Another
abbreviated symbol is ヶ,
in appearance a small katakana "ke",
but actually a simplified version of the kanji 箇, a general counter.
It is pronounced "ka" when used to indicate quantity (such as 六ヶ月, rokkagetsu "six
months") or "ga" in place names like Kasumigaseki (霞ヶ関).
.
Collation
Kanji, whose thousands of symbols defy
ordering by conventions such as those used for the Latin
script, are often collated using
the traditional Chinese radical-and-stroke
sorting method. In
this system, common components of characters are identified; these
are called radicals.
Characters are grouped by their primary radical, then ordered by
number of pen strokes within radicals. For example, the kanji
character 桜,
meaning "cherry", is sorted as a ten-stroke character under the
four-stroke primary radical 木 meaning
"tree". When there is no obvious radical or more than one radical,
convention governs which is used for collation.
Other kanji
sorting methods, such as the SKIP system,
have been devised by various authors.
Modern
general-purpose Japanese
dictionaries (as
opposed to specifically character dictionaries) generally collate
all entries, including words written using kanji, according to their kana representations
(reflecting the way they are pronounced). The gojūon ordering
of kana is normally used for this purpose.
Kanji education
Japanese school children are expected
to learn 1,006 basic kanji characters, the kyōiku
kanji, before finishing the sixth grade. The order in which
these characters are learned is fixed. The kyōiku
kanji list is a subset of
a larger list, originally of 1,945 kanji characters, in 2010
extended to 2,136, known as the jōyō
kanji – characters
required for the level of fluency necessary to read newspapers and
literature in Japanese. This larger list of characters is to be
mastered by the end of the ninth grade.[19] Schoolchildren
learn the characters by repetition and radical.
Students
studying Japanese as a foreign language are often required by a
curriculum to acquire kanji without having first learned the
vocabulary associated with them. Strategies for these learners vary
from copying-based methods to mnemonic-based
methods such as those used in James
Heisig's series Remembering
the Kanji. Other textbooks use methods based on the etymology of
the characters, such as Mathias and Habein's The
Complete Guide to Everyday Kanji and
Henshall's A Guide to
Remembering Japanese Characters. Pictorial mnemonics, as in the text Kanji
Pict-o-graphix, are also seen.
The Japanese
government provides
the Kanji
kentei (日本漢字能力検定試験 Nihon
kanji nōryoku kentei shiken; "Test of Japanese Kanji Aptitude")
which tests the ability to read and write kanji. The highest level
of the Kanji kentei tests
about 6,000 kanji.
See also
Notes
-
Jump up^ Taylor,
Insup; Taylor, Maurice Martin (1995). Writing
and literacy in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 305. ISBN 90-272-1794-7.
-
Jump up^ Suski,
P.M. (2011). The
Phonetics of Japanese Language: With Reference to Japanese
Script. p. 1.
-
Jump up^ Malatesha
Joshi, R.; Aaron, P.G. (2006). Handbook
of orthography and literacy. New Jersey: Routledge.
pp. 481–2. ISBN 0-8058-4652-2.
-
Jump up^ "Gold
Seal (Kin-in)". Fukuoka City Museum.
Retrieved August 3, 2011.
-
^ Jump
up to:a b c Miyake
(2003), 8.
-
^ Jump
up to:a b Miyake
(2003), 9.
-
Jump up^ Introducing
the SING Gaiji architecture, Adobe.
-
Jump up^ OpenType
Technology Center, Adobe.
-
Jump up^ "Representation
of Non-standard Characters and Glyphs", P5:
Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange,
TEI-C.
-
Jump up^ "TEI
element g (character or glyph)", P5:
Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange,
TEI-C.
-
Jump up^ Kuang-Hui
Chiu, Chi-Ching Hsu, Chinese
Dilemma: How Many Ideographs are needed, National Taipei
University, 2006
-
Jump up^ Shouhui
Zhao, Dongbo Zhang, The
Totality of Chinese Characters – A Digital Perspective
-
Jump up^ Daniel
G. Peebles, SCML:
A Structural Representation for Chinese Characters, May
29, 2007
-
Jump up^ Rogers,
Henry. Writing Systems: A Linguistic Approach. Oxford:
Blackwell, 2005. Print.
-
Jump up^ 【名字】小鳥遊
-
Jump up^ "Kokuji
list", SLJ
FAQ.
-
Jump up^ James
H Buck, Some Observations on kokuji, in The
Journal-Newsletter of the Association of Teachers of
Japanese, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Oct. 15, 1969), pp. 45–9.
-
Jump up^ 国字 at 漢字辞典ネット demonstrates
this, listing both 鮟 and 鱇 as kokuji, but starring 鮟 and
stating that dictionaries do not consider it to be a kokuji.
-
Jump up^ J.
Halpern, The
Kodansha Kanji Learner's Dictionary, p. 38a (2006).
References
- DeFrancis, John (1990). The
Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press. ISBN
0-8248-1068-6.
- Hadamitzky, W., and Spahn, M.,
(1981) Kanji and
Kana, Boston: Tuttle.
- Hannas, William. C. (1997). Asia's
Orthographic Dilemma. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN
0-8248-1892-X (paperback); ISBN
0-8248-1842-3 (hardcover).
- Kaiser, Stephen (1991).
Introduction to the Japanese Writing System. In Kodansha's
Compact Kanji Guide. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN
4-7700-1553-4.
-
Miyake, Marc Hideo (2003). Old
Japanese: A Phonetic Reconstruction. New York, London:
RoutledgeCurzon.
- Morohashi, Tetsuji. 大漢和辞典 Dai
Kan-Wa Jiten (Comprehensive
Chinese–Japanese Dictionary) 1984–1986. Tokyo: Taishukan
- Mitamura, Joyce Yumi and
Mitamura, Yasuko Kosaka (1997). Let's
Learn Kanji. Tokyo: Kondansha International. ISBN
4-7700-2068-6.
- Unger, J. Marshall (1996). Literacy
and Script Reform in Occupation Japan: Reading Between the
Lines. ISBN
0-19-510166-9
External links
|
Look up kanji in
Wiktionary, the free dictionary. |
-
Learning Kanji,
an animated application for the 1st Grade Kanji.
-
Kanji Dictionary online
Free Kanji Dictionary
-
Jim Breen's WWWJDIC server used
to find Kanji from English or romanized Japanese
-
RomajiDesu Kanji Dictionary a
comprehensive Kanji dictionary with strokes order and various
lookup methods.
-
Kanji Explorer More
than 13000 Kanji
-
KanjiQ – Kanji
flashcard tool that runs on mobile phones.
-
JISHOP –
Japanese-English computer kanji dictionary
-
KanjiLearn –
Electronic set of 2135 two-sided kanji flashcards, as easy to
use as paper flashcards.
-
Convert Kanji to Romaji, Hiragana—Converts Kanji and
websites to forms that are easy to read and gives a word by word
translation
-
Tangorin—Find kanji fast by selecting their elements
-
Dictionary of Kokuji in
Japanese
-
Learn Japanese Kanji—How to write Kanji in Japanese
-
Drill the kanji—online Java tool (Asahi-net)
-
Kanji Alive—Online kanji learning tool in wide use at many
universities, colleges and high-schools.
-
Real Kanji—Practice kanji using different typefaces.
-
Change in Script Usage in Japanese: A Longitudinal Study of
Japanese Government White Papers on Labor, discussion paper
by Takako Tomoda in the Electronic
Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies, August 19, 2005.
-
Kanji Dictionary, a kanji dictionary with a focus on
compound-exploring.
-
Genetic Kanji, Etymologically organized lists for learning
kanji.
-
Kanji Networks, a kanji etymology dictionary
-
(Japanese)漢字研究・漢字資料
("Kanji studies, Kanji data")—official
documents about Kanji.
-
Japanese Kanji Dictionary—Each character is presented by a
grade, stroke count, stroke
order, phonetic reading and native Japanese reading. You can
also listen to the pronunciation.
-
WWWJDIC Text Translator—Takes Japanese text and returns each
word with pronunciation (hiragana) and a translation in English.
-
JavaDiKt — Open
source kanji dictionary for desktop
-
Daoulagad Han —
Mobile OCR kanji dictionary, OCR interface to the UniHan
database
-
Denshi Jisho —
Online Japanese dictionary
Glyph conversion
JEWS IN CHINA
Jews and Judaism in China have
had a long history. Jewish settlers
are documented in China as
early as the 7th or 8th century CE.
Relatively isolated communities developed through the Tang and Song Dynasties
(7th to 12th centuries CE) all the way through the Qing
Dynasty (19th century),
most notably in the Kaifeng
Jews (the term "Chinese
Jews" is often used in a restricted sense to refer to these
communities). By the time of the establishment of the People's
Republic of China in
1949, few if any native Chinese Jews were known to have maintained the
practice of their religion and culture. In the late 20th and early 21st
centuries, however, some international Jewish groups have helped Chinese
Jews rediscover their heritage.
In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Jewish immigrants from around the
world arrived with Western commercial influences, particularly in the
commercial centers of Hong
Kong, which was for a time a British colony,Shanghai (the International
Settlement and French
Concession), and Harbin (the Trans-Siberian
Railway). In the first half of the 20th century, thousands of Jewish
refugees escaping from the 1917
Russian Revolutionand the Holocaust in Europe arrived
in China.
China's Jewish communities have been ethnically diverse ranging from the
Jews of Kaifeng and other places during the history of Imperial China,
who, it is reported, came to be more or less totally assimilated into
Chinese culture, to 19th- and 20th-century Ashkenazi
Jews, to Baghdadis,
to Indians.
The presence of a community of Jewish immigrants in China is
consistent with the history of the Jewish people during the first and
second millennia CE, which saw them disperse and settle throughout the
Eurasian landmass, with an especial concentration throughout central
Asia.By the 9th century, ibn
Khordadbehnoted the travels of Jewish merchants called Radhanites,
whose trade took them to China via the Silk
Roadthrough Central Asia and India. Jacob
of Ancona, the supposed author of a book of travels,was a scholarly
Jewish merchant who wrote in vernacular Italian, and reached China in
1271, although some authors
question it.
During the period of international opening and quasi-colonialism, the
first group to settle in China were Jews who arrived in China under
British protection following the First
Opium War. Many of these Jews were ofIndian or Iraqi origin,
due to British colonialism in these regions, and became the largest
dealers in opium[citation
needed]. The second community came in the first decades
of the 20th century when many Jews arrived in Hong
Kong and Shanghai during
those cities' periods of economic expansion.
Many more arrived as refugees from
the Russian
Revolution of 1917. A surge of Jews and Jewish families was to
arrive in the late 1930s and 1940s, for the purpose of seeking refuge
from the Holocaust in
Europe and were predominantly of European origin. Shanghai was notable
for its volume of Jewish refugees, most of whom left after the war, the
rest relocating prior to or immediately after the establishment of the People's
Republic of China.
Over the centuries, the Kaifeng community came to be virtually
indistinguishable from the Chinese population and is not recognized by
the Chinese government as a separate ethnic
minority. This is as a result of having adopted many Han
Chinese customs including patrilineal
descent, as well as extensive intermarriage with the local
population. Since their religious practices are functionally extinct,
they are not eligible for expedited immigration to Israel under the Law
of Return unless they
explicitly convert.
Today, some descendants of the Jews still live in the Han
Chinese and Hui population.
Some of them, as well as international Jewish communities, are beginning
to revive their interest in this heritage. This is especially important
in modern China because belonging to any minority group includes a
variety of benefits includingreduced
restrictions on the number of children and
easier admission standards to tertiary
education.
The study of Judaism in China has been, like other Abrahamic religions,
a subject of interest to some Westerners, and has achieved moderate
success compared to other Western studies in China.
History
It has been asserted by some that the Jews
who have historically resided in various places in China originated
with the Lost
Ten Tribes of the
exiled ancient Kingdom
of Israel who
relocated to the areas of present-day China. Traces of some ancient Jewish
rituals have been
observed in some places.
One
well-known group was the Kaifeng
Jews, who are purported to have traveled from Persia to India during
the mid-Han
Dynasty and later
migrated from the Muslim-inhabited regions of northwestern China
(modern day Gansuprovince)
to Henan province
during the early Northern
Song Dynasty (960-1127).
A massacre
of Jews in Canton,
China occurred during the Chinese Tang Dynasty in the 9th century
during theHuang
Chao Rebellion.
Origins
Jews of Kaifeng, late 19th or
early 20th century
There is an oral tradition that the first
Jews immigrated to China through Persia following the Roman Emperor Titus's
capture of Jerusalem in 70 CE. A large number of Jews emigrated from
Persia during the reign ofEmperor
Ming of Han (58-75
CE). Writing in 1900,
Father Joseph Brucker hypothesized that Jews came to China from
India by a sea route during the Song
dynasty between 960
and 1126.
Three steles with
inscriptions found at Kaifeng bear some historical suggestions. The
oldest, dating from 1489, commemorates the construction of a
synagogue (1163) (bearing the name Qīngzhēn Sì,
a term often used for mosque in Chinese), states the Jews entered
China from India in the Later Han
Dynasty (25–220 CE),
the Jews' 70 Chinese
surnames, their audience with an "un-named" Song
Dynasty Emperor, and
finally lists the transmission of their religion from Abraham down
to the prophet Ezra.
The second table, dated 1512 (found in the synagogueXuanzhang
Daojing Si) details the Jews' religious practices. The third is
dated 1663 and commemorates the re-rebuilding of the Qingzhen
sisynagogue and recaps the information from the other two steles.
Father
Joseph Brucker believed Matteo
Ricci's manuscripts indicate there were only approximately ten
or twelve Jewish families in Kaifeng in the late 16th and early 17th
century, and that they had reportedly resided there for five or six
hundred years. It was also stated in the manuscripts that there was
a greater number of Jews inHangzhou.
This could be taken to suggest that loyal Jews fled south along with
the soon-to-be crowned Emperor
Gaozong to Hangzhou.
In fact, the 1489 stele mentions how the Jews "abandoned Bianliang"
(Kaifeng)
after theJingkang
Incident.
Section of the 1512 stele
which mentions Yue's famous tattoo.
Many Jewish communities were established in
China in the Middle Ages. However, not all left evidence of their
existence. The following are those known today: Kaifeng, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Yangzhou,
and Ningxia.
Names
The contemporary term for Jews in use
among Chinese today is Youtairen (Chinese: 猶太人; pinyin: Yóutài
Rén) in
Mandarin Chinese. The
term Youtai has
similar phonetic sound of Yehudai,
the Aramaic word for Jew,
as well as Greek terms Jude or Judah.
It has been
recorded that the Chinese historically called the Jews Tiao
jin jiao (挑筋教), loosely,
"the religion which removes the sinew," probably referring to the
Jewish dietary
prohibition against
eating the sciatic
nerve (from Genesis32:32).
Jewish
dietary law (kashruth),
which forbids the eating of, among other foods, non-ruminant mammals, shellfish andreptiles,
would have most likely caused Jewish communities to stand out from
the surrounding mainstream Chinese population, as Chinese culture is
typically very free in the range of items it deems suitable for
food.[citation
needed]
Jews have
also been called the Blue-Hat Hui (Chinese: 藍帽回; pinyin: Lánmào
Húi), in contrast to other populations of Hui people, who have
identified with hats of other colors. The distinction between Muslim
and Jewish Hui is not, and historically has not been, well
recognised by the dominant Han population.
A modern
translation of the "Kaifeng Steles" has shown the Jews referred to
their synagogue as
"The Pure and Truth", which is essentially the same as the term used
in modern China to refer to Muslim mosques (清真寺).
According to
an oral tradition dictated by Xu
Xin, Director of the Center for Judaic Studies at Nanjing
University, in his book Legends
of the Chinese Jews of Kaifeng, the Kaifeng Jews called Judaism Yīcìlèyè
jiào (一賜樂業教), lit. the
religion of Israel. Yīcìlèyè is
a transliteration and partial translation of "Israel".
Xu Xin translates this phrase as "Chosen people, endowed by God, and
contented with their lives and work".
Early record
The earliest evidence showing the
presence of Jews in China is from the beginning of the 8th century:
a business letter written in the Judeo-Persian language, discovered
by Marc
Aurel Stein. The letter (now housed in the British Museum) was
found in Danfan Uiliq, an important post along the Silk
Road in northwest
China during the Tang
Dynasty (618-907).
The text is thirty-seven lines in length and was written on paper, a
product then manufactured only in China. It was identified, by David
Samuel Margoliouth, as dating from 718 CE. Ibn
Zeyd al Hassan of
Siraf, a 9th-century Arabian traveler,
reports that in 878 followers of the Chinese rebel leader Huang
Chao besieged Canton
(Guangzhou)
and killed a large number of foreign merchants, Arabs, Persians,
Christians, and Jews, resident there.
Sources
indicate that Jews in China were often mistaken for Muslims by
other Chinese. The first plausible recorded written Chinese mention
of Jews uses the term Zhuhu (竹忽),
orZhuhudu (朱乎得) (perhaps
from Arabic Yehoud,
or from Hebrew Yehudim,
"Jews") found in the Annals
of the Yuan
Dynasty in 1329 and
1354. The text spoke of the reinforcement of a tax levied on
"dissenters" and of a government decree that the Jews come en-masse
toBeijing,
the capital.
Famous Venetian traveler Marco
Polo, who visited China, then under the Yuan
Dynasty, in the late 13th century, described the prominence of
Jewish traders in Beijing. Similar references can be found in the
notes of the Franciscan John
of Montecorvino, first archbishop of theRoman
Catholic Archdiocese of Beijing in
the early 14th century, and the writings of Ibn
Batuta, an Arabian envoy to the Mongol
Empire in the middle
of the 14th century.
Genghis Khan called
both Jews and Muslims Huihui (回回),
calling the Jews Zhuhu
Huihui (竹忽回回), when he
forbade Jews and Muslims from practicing Kosher and Halal preparation
of their food, calling both of them "slaves" and forcing them to eat Mongol
food, and banned them from practicing circumcision.
Among
all the [subject] alien peoples only the Hui-hui say “we do not
eat Mongol food”. [Cinggis Qa’an replied:] “By the aid of heaven
we have pacified you; you are our slaves. Yet you do not eat our
food or drink. How can this be right?” He thereupon made them
eat. “If you slaughter sheep, you will be considered guilty of a
crime.” He issued a regulation to that effect ... [In 1279/1280
under Qubilai] all the Muslims say: “if someone else slaughters
[the animal] we do not eat”. Because the poor people are upset
by this, from now on,Musuluman [Muslim] Huihui and Zhuhu
[Jewish] Huihui, no matter who kills [the animal] will eat [it]
and must cease slaughtering sheep themselves, and cease the rite
of circumcision.
During the Ming
Dynasty (1368–1644),
a Ming emperor conferred seven surnames upon the Jews, by which they
are identifiable today: Ai (艾), Shi(石), Gao (高), Jin (金), Li (李), Zhang (張),
and Zhao (趙);
sinofications of the original seven Jewish clan's family names:
Ezra, Shimon, Cohen, Gilbert, Levy, Joshua, and Jonathan,
respectively. Interestingly,
two of these: Jin and Shi are the equivalent of common Jewish names
in the west: Gold and Stone.
The first
modern Western record
of Jews residing in China is found in the records of the
17th-century Jesuit missionaries in Beijing.
The prominent Jesuit Matteo
Ricci, received a visit from a young Jewish Chinese man in 1605.
Ricci mentioned this man's name as Ngai, who has since been
identified by the French sinologist Paul
Pelliot as a Jew
named Ai T'ien, who explained that the community he belonged to was monotheistic,
or believing in only one God.
It is recorded that when he saw a Christian image
of Mary with the child Jesus, he took it to be a picture of Rebecca withEsau or Jacob,
figures from Hebrew
Scripture. Ngai (Ai Tian, Ai T'ien) declared that he had come
from Kaifeng,
and stated that this was the site of a large Jewish population.[22] Ricci
sent an ethnic Chinese Jesuit Lay Brother to visit Kaifeng; later,
other Jesuits (mostly European) also visited the city. It was later
discovered that the Jewish community had a synagogue (Libai
si), which was constructed facing the west,
and housed a number of written materials and books.
The
Jews who managed the synagogue were called "Mullahs".
Floods and Fire repeatedly destroyed the books of the Kaifeng
synagogue, they obtained some from Ningxia and Ningbo to replace
them, another Hebrew roll of law was bought from a Muslim in
Ning-keang-chow in Shen-se (Shanxi), who acquired it from a dying
Jew at Canton.
The Chinese
called Muslims, Jews, and Christians in ancient times by the same
name, "Hui Hui" (Hwuy-hwuy). Crossworshipers (Christians) were
called "Hwuy who abstain from animals without the cloven foot",
Muslims were called "Hwuy who abstain from pork", Jews were called
"Hwuy who extract the sinews (removes the sciatic
nerve)". Hwuy-tsze (Hui zi) or Hwuy-hwuy (Hui Hui) is presently
used almost exclusively for Muslims, but Jews were still called Lan
Maou Hwuy tsze (Lan mao Hui zi) which means "Blue cap Hui zi". At
Kaifeng, Jews were called "Teaou kin keaou "extract sinew religion".
Jews and Muslims in China shared the same name for synagogue and
mosque, which were both called "Tsing-chin sze" (Qingzhen si)
"Temple of Purity and Truth", the name dated to the 13th century.
The synagogue and mosques were also known as Le-pae sze (Libai si).
A tablet indicated that Judaism was once known as
"Yih-tsze-lo-nee-keaou" (israelitish religion) and synagogues known
as Yih-tsze lo nee leen (Israelitish Temple), but it faded out of
use.
A Muslim in Nanjing told
Semedo that four families of Jews converted to Islam since they were
the last Jews in the area, their numbers diminishing.
Employment
Various Jewish Chinese individuals worked in government service and
owned big properties in China in the 17th century.
19th century
During the Taiping
rebellion of the
1850s, the Jews of Kaifeng apparently
suffered a great deal and were dispersed. Following this
dislocation, they returned to Kaifeng, yet continued to be small in
number and to face hardships, as is recorded in the early 20th
century.
Shanghai's first wave of Jews came in the second half of the
19th century, many being Mizrahi Jews from Iraq. The first Jew who
arrived there was Elias
David Sassoon, who, about the year 1850, opened a branch in
connection with his father's Bombay house. Since that period Jews
gradually migrated from India to Shanghai, most of them being
engaged from Bombay as clerks by the firm of David
Sassoon & Co. The community was composed mainly of "Asian,"
(Sephardi) German, and Russian Jews, though there were a few of
Austrian, French, and Italian origin among them. Jews took a
considerable part in developing trade in China, and several served
on the municipal councils, among them being Silas
Aaron Hardoon, partner in the firm of E.
D. Sassoon & Co., who served on the French and English councils
at the same time. During the early days of Jewish settlement in
Shanghai the trade in opium and Bombay cotton yarn was mainly in
Jewish hands.
Modern times
Contemporaneous sources estimated the
Jewish population in China in 1940 — including Manchukuo —
at 36,000 (source: Catholic Encyclopedia).
Jewish life
in Shanghai had really taken off with the arrival of the British. Mizrahi
Jews from the Middle
East came as traders via India and Hong Kong and established some of
the leading trading companies in the second half of the 19th
century. Later, after World
War I, many Ashkenazi
Jews came from
Europe. RebbeMeir
Ashkenazi (Chabad-Lubavitch)
was the Chief Rabbi of Shanghai (1926–1949).
At the early
20th century many Russian Jews fleeing pogroms in several towns in Russian
Empire decided to
move to northeast China for permanent settlement (Rabbi Aaron
Kiselev served in Harbin from
1913 until his death in 1949). After the Russian
Revolution of 1917, a lot of White
Russians, fled to Harbin (formerManchuria).
These included, among others, Dr. Abraham
Kaufman, who played a leading role in the Harbin Jewish
community after 1919, the
parents of future Israeli
Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert, and Teodor
Parnicki at the age
of 12.
Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, founder of the Republic
of China, held admirations for the Jewish people and Zionism,
and saw parallels between the persecution of Jews and the domination
of China by the Western powers. He stated, "Though their country was
destroyed, the Jewish nation has existed to this day... [Zionism] is
one of the greatest movements of the present time. All lovers of
democracy cannot help but support wholeheartedly and welcome with
enthusiasm the movement to restore your wonderful and historic
nation, which has contributed so much to the civilization of the
world and which rightfully deserve [sic] an honorable place in the
family of nations."
The Japanese
occupation of northeast China in 1931 and the establishment of
Manchukuo in 1932 had a negative impact on the Harbin Jewish
community (13,000 in 1929). Most of those Jews left Harbin for Tianjin, Shanghai,
and British
Mandate of Palestine. Until 1939, the Russian Jews were about
5,000 in Shanghai.
World War II
Another wave
of 18,000 Jews from Germany, Austria,
and Poland immigrated
to Shanghai in
the late 1930s and the early 1940s. Shanghai
at the time was an open city and did not have restrictions on
immigration, and some Chinese diplomats such as Ho
Feng Shan issued
"protective" passports. In 1943, the occupying Japanese army
required these 18,000 Jews, formally known as "stateless refugees,"
to relocate to an area of 0.75 square miles (1.9 km2)
in Shanghai's Hongkew district (today known as Hongkou
District) where many lived in group homes called "Heime".[31] The
total number of Jews entering Shanghai during this period equaled
the number of Jews fleeing to Australia, Canada, India, New
Zealand and South
Africa combined. Many
of the Jews in China later moved to found modern Israel.
Shanghai was
an important safe-haven for Jewish refugees during the Holocaust,
since it was one of the few places in the world where one didn't
need a visa. However, it was not easy to get there. The Japanese,
who controlled the city, preferred in effect to look the other way.
Some corrupt officials however, also exploited the plight of the
Jews. By 1941 nearly 20,000 European Jews had found shelter there.
Notable Jews during the Second
Sino-Japanese War include Hans
Shippe, Dr. Jakob
Rosenfeld, Stanisław
Flato, Eva
Sandberg, Ruth
Weiss, photographer and wife of Communist leader Xiao
San, and Morris
Abraham Cohen.
Late in the
War, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to devise a
plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this pressure
eventually became known to the Jewish community's leadership.
However, the Japanese had no intention of further provoking the
anger of the Allies after
their already notorious invasion of China and a number of other
Asian nations, and thus delayed the German request until the War
ended. With the intercession of the Amshenower
Rebbe and the
translation skills ofLeo
(Ariyeh) Hanin, the Japanese ultimately kept the Jews of
Shanghai safe.
In
general, in the period of 1845 to 1945 more than 40,000 Jews came to
China for business development or for a safe haven.
Late 20th century
After World
War II and the
establishment of the PRC in 1949, most of these Jews emigrated to Israel or
the West,
although a few remained. Three prominent non-Chinese lived in China
from the establishment of the People's
Republic of China to
the contemporary period: Sidney
Shapiro, Israel
Epstein, and Ruth
Weiss, two American emigres
and one Austrian emigre,
are of Jewish descent. Another Jewish-American, Sidney
Rittenberg served as
interpreter to many top Chinese officials.
Sara Imas,
the Shanghai-born daughter of Shanghai's Jewish Club president,
Leiwi Imas, became the first Jewish-Chinese immigrant to Israel
after the two countries established formal diplomatic relations in
1992. Leiwi
Imas, who had to leave Germany for Poland in 1939, arrived in
Shanghai the same year. He spent his final years in Shanghai until
1962, prior to the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Although
Sara Imas's non-Chinese appearance and family background brought her
much trouble during the Cultural Revolution when she was accused of
being a foreign capitalist and spy, today Sara Imas has returned to
Shanghai, working as the Chinese representative of an Israeli
diamond company.
The Institute
of Jewish Studies was
established at Nanjing
University in 1992.
Since the
1990s, the Shanghai municipal government has taken the initiative to
preserve historical Western architectures that were constructed
during Shanghai's colonial past. Many formerly Jewish-owned hotels
and private residence have been included in the preservation
project. In 1997, theKadoorie-residence-turned
Shanghai Children's Palace, had their spacious front garden largely
removed in order to make room for the city's overpass system under
construction. A One Day Tour of the history of Jewish presence in
Shanghai can be arranged through the Center
of Jewish Studies Shanghai.[36] Rabbi
Shalom Greenberg from Chabad-Lubavitch in
New York arrived in Shanghai to serve this community in August 1998.
Rabbi Arthur Schneier, president of the Appeal of Conscience
Foundation of New York, donated a Torah to the community that same
year. On the first day of Rosh
Hashanah, in September 1999, a Jewish New Year service was held
at the Ohel Rachel Synagogue for first time since 1952.
21st century
While the Chinese government maintained
their support for Arab states, a general pro-Jewish outlook has been
observed amongst China's urban populace. These attitudes arose
largely due to an admiration of Jewish business skills. In
particular, books on Jews and their purported connection to
financial successes are best-sellers in China.
Synagogues
are found in Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong today, serving both
international Jews and native Jews. In
2001, Rabbi Shimon Freundlich from the Chabad-Lubavitch
movement came and settled in Beijing with the mission of building
and leading the center of Chabad-Lubavitch of Beijing, an Orthodox
congregation.
In 2005, the
Israeli embassy to China held their Hanukkah celebrations
at the Great
Wall of China.
In 2007, the
Sephardic community of Shanghai opened a synagogue, study
hall, kosher kitchen, and educational classes for children and
adults. The community has its own Hacham,
who functions as a teacher and chazan,
in addition to Rabbi Ephraim Bezalel, who manages local
community affairs and kashrut needs.
As of 2010,
it is estimated that 2,000 to 3,000 Jews lived in Shanghai. In May
2010, the Ohel Rachel Synagogue in Shanghai was temporarily reopened
to the local Jewish community for weekend services.
See also
Reference
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External links
JEWS IN JAPAN
The history of the Jews in Japan is
well documented in modern times with various traditions relating to much
earlier eras.
A Japanese Festival
Illustrates the Story of Isaac.
In Nagano prefecture, Japan, there is a large Shinto shrine named
"Suwa-Taisha" (Shinto is the traditional religion peculiar to Japan.) At
Suwa-Taisha, the traditional festival called "Ontohsai" is held on April
15 every year. This festival illustrates the story of Isaac in chapter
22 of Genesis in the Bible, that is, the story that Abraham was about to
sacrifice his own son Isaac. The festival "Ontohsai" has been held since
ancient days and has been thought of as the most important festival of
"Suwa-Taisha."
Next to the shrine "Suwa-Taisha," there is a mountain called Mt. Moriya
("Moriya-san" in Japanese). And the people from the Suwa area call the
god of Mt. Moriya "Moriya no kami" which means "the god of Moriya." At
the festival, a boy is tied up by a rope to a wooden pillar, and placed
on a bamboo carpet. A Shinto priest comes to him preparing a knife, but
then a messenger (another priest) comes there, and the boy is released.
It reminds us of the story that Isaac was released after an angel comes
to Abraham.
At this festival, animal sacrifices are also offered. 75 deer are
sacrificed, but among them it is believed that there is a deer with its
ears split. The deer is believed to be the one God prepared. It may have
some connection with the ram that God prepared and was sacrificed after
Isaac was released. Even in historic times, people thought that this
custom of deer sacrifice was strange, because animal sacrifice is not a
Shinto tradition.
People call this festival "the festival for Misakuchi-god". "Misakuchi"
might be "mi-isaku-chi." "Mi" means "great," "isaku" is probably Isaac
(the Hebrew word "Yitzhak"), and "chi" is something for the end of the
word. It seems that the people of Suwa made Isaac a god, probably by the
influence of idol worshipers.
Today, this custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and then released,
is no longer practiced, but we can still see the custom of the wooden
pillar called "oniye-basira" which means "sacrifice-pillar."
Today, people use stuffed animals instead of performing a real animal
sacrifice. Tying a boy along with animal sacrifice was regarded as
savage by people of the Meiji-era (about 100 years ago), and those
customs were discontinued. But the festival itself still remains today.
The custom of the boy had been maintained until the beginning of Meiji
era. Masumi Sugae, who was a Japanese scholar and a travel writer in the
Edo era (about 200 years ago), wrote a record of his travels and noted
what he saw at Suwa. The record shows the details of "Ontohsai." It
tells that the custom of the boy about to be sacrificed and his ultimate
release, as well as animal sacrifices, existed in those days. His
records are kept at the museum near Suwa-Taisha.
The festival of "Ontohsai" has been maintained by the Moriya family ever
since ancient times. The Moriya family think of "Moriya-no-kami" (god of
Moriya) as their ancestor's god. And they think of "Mt. Moriya" as their
holy place. The name "Moriya" may have come from "Moriah" (the Hebrew
word "Moriyyah") of Genesis 22:2.
The Moriya family have been hosting the festival for 78 generations. The
festival of Ontohsai must have existed since ancient times.
I am not aware of any country, other than Japan, which has a festival
illustrating the story of Isaac. I believe that this tradition provides
strong evidence that the Israelites came to ancient Japan.
SEE MORE EVIDENCE HERE:
http://www.biblemysteries.com/library/tribesjapan.htm
Status of
Jews in Japan
Jews are
a minor ethnic and religious group
in Japan,
presently consisting of only about 2,000[1] people
or about 0.0016% of Japan's
total population. Although Jews have been present in Japan and Judaism has
been practiced since the 16th century, on a very limited scale, in
Japan, Japan comprised but a small part ofJewish
history from the
ending of Japan's "closed-door" foreign
policy to World
War II.
Jewish
history in Japan
Early settlements
The first confirmed contacts between the
Japanese and people of Jewish ancestry began during the Age
of Discovery (16th
century) with the arrival of European travelers and merchants
(primarily the Portuguese andDutch).
However it was not until 1853, with the arrival of Commodore
Matthew Perry following
the Convention
of Kanagawa ending
Japan's "closed-door" foreign policy that Jewish families began to
settle in Japan. The first recorded Jewish settlers arrived at Yokohama in
1861. By 1895 this community, which now consisted of about 50
families, established the first synagogue in
Japan. Part of this community
would later move toKobe after
the great
Kanto earthquake of
1923.
Another
early Jewish settlement was one established in the 1880s in Nagasaki,
a large Japanese port cityestablished
by the Portuguese. This community was larger than the one in
Yokohama, consisting of more than 100 families. It was here that the
Beth Israel Synagogue was created in 1894. The settlement would
continually grow and remain active until it eventually declined by
the Russo-Japanese
War in the early 20th
century. The community's Torah
scroll would
eventually be passed down to the Jews of Kobe, a group formed of
freed Russian Jewish war prisoners that had participated in the Czar's
army and the Russian
Revolution of 1905.
From the mid 1920s until the 1950s, the Kobe Jewish community was
the largest Jewish community in Japan, formed by hundreds of Jews
arriving from Russia (originating from the Manchurian city of Harbin),
the Middle
East (mainly from Iraq and Syria),
as well as from Centraland Eastern
European countries
(primarily Germany).
It had both an Ashkenazi and a Sephardic synagogue. During
this time Tokyo's
Jewish community (now Japan's largest) was slowly growing with the
arrival of Jews from the United
States, Western Europe, and Russia.
Jewish settlement in Imperial Japan
Some
Japanese leaders, such as Captain Inuzuka
Koreshige (犬塚 惟重),
Colonel Yasue
Norihiro (安江 仙弘) and
industrialist Aikawa
Yoshisuke (鮎川 義介),
came to believe that Jewish economic and political power could be
harnessed by Japan through controlled immigration, and that such a
policy would also ensure favor from the United
States through the
influence of American
Jewry. Although efforts were made to attract Jewish investment
and immigrants, the plan was limited by the government's desire not
to interfere with its alliance with Nazi
Germany. Ultimately it was left up to the world Jewish community
to fund the settlements and to supply settlers, and the plan failed
to attract a significant long-term population or create the
strategic benefits for Japan that had been expected by its
originators.
On December
6, 1938, Five ministers council (Prime
Minister Fumimaro
Konoe, Army
Minister Seishirō
Itagaki, Navy
Minister Mitsumasa
Yonai,Foreign
Minister Hachirō
Arita and Finance
Minister Shigeaki
Ikeda), which was the highest decision making council, made a
decision of prohibiting the expulsion of the Jews in
Japan.
During
World War II, Japan was regarded as a safe refuge from the
Holocaust, despite being a part of the Axis and
an ally of Germany. Jews trying to escape German-occupied Poland could
not pass the blockades near the Soviet
Union and the Mediterranean
Sea and were forced
to go through the neutral country of Lithuania (which
was occupied by belligerents in June 1940, starting with the Soviet
Union, then Germany, and then the Soviet Union again).
Of those who
arrived, many (around 5,000) were sent to the Dutch
West Indies with
Japanese visas issued by Chiune
Sugihara, the Japanese consulto Lithuania.
Sugihara ignored his orders and gave thousands of Jews entry visas
to Japan, risking his career and saving more than 6,000 lives.
Sugihara is said to have cooperated with Polish
intelligence, as part of a bigger Japanese-Polish cooperative
plan.[6] They
managed to flee across the vast territory of Russia by train to Vladivostok and
then by boat to Kobe in
Japan. The refugees, 2,185 in number, arrived in Japan from August
1940 to June 1941. Tadeusz
Romer, the Polish ambassador in Tokyo,
had managed to get transit visas in Japan, asylum visas to Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and Burma, immigration certificates to
Palestine, and immigrant visas to the United States and some Latin
American countries. Most Jews were permitted and encouraged to move
on from Japan to the Shanghai
Ghetto, China,
under Japanese occupation for the duration of World War II. Finally,
Tadeusz Romer arrived in Shanghai on
November 1, 1941, to continue the action for Jewish refugees. Among
those saved in the Shanghai Ghetto were leaders and students of Mir
yeshiva, the only European yeshiva to
survive the
Holocaust. They, some 400 in number, fled from Mir to Vilnawith
the outbreak of World War II in 1939, and then to Keidan,
Lithuania. In late 1940, they obtained visas from Chiune Sugihara,
to travel from Keidan, then Lithuanian
SSR, via Siberia and Vladivostok to Kobe,
Japan. By November 1941 the
Japanese moved this group and most of others on to the Shanghai
Ghetto in order to consolidate the Jews under their control.
Throughout
the war, the Japanese government continually rejected requests from
the German government to establish anti-Semitic policies.
Towards the end, Nazi representatives pressured the Japanese army to
devise a plan to exterminate Shanghai's Jewish population, and this
pressure eventually became known to the Jewish community's
leadership. However, the Japanese had no intention of further
provoking the anger of the Allies,
and thus delayed the German request for a time, eventually rejecting
it entirely.
One famous Orthodox
Jewish institution
that was saved this way was the Lithuanian Haredi Mir
yeshiva. The Japanese government and people offered the Jews
temporary shelter, medical services, food, transportation, and
gifts, but preferred that they move on to reside in
Japanese-occupied Shanghai.
At war's
end, about half of the Jews who had been in Japanese-controlled
territories later moved on to the Western
hemisphere (such as
the United States and Canada)
and the remainder moved to other parts of the world, mainly to Israel.
Jews
and Judaism in modern Japan
After World War II, a large portion of the
few Jews that were in Japan left, many going to what would become Israel.
Some of those who remained married locals and were assimilated into
Japanese society.
The Israeli
Embassy and its staff is based in Tokyo. Presently, there are
several hundred Jewish families living in Tokyo,
and a small number of Jewish families in and around Kobe.
A small number of Jewish expatriates of other countries live
throughout Japan, temporarily, for business, research, a gap
year, or a variety of other purposes. There are always Jewish
members of the United
States Armed Forces serving
on Okinawa and
in the other American military bases throughout Japan.
There are
several active synagogues in Japan. The Beth David Synagogue is
active in Tokyo, and the
Ohel Shlomo Synagogue is active in Kobe.[11]The Chabad-Lubavitch organization
has one official center in Tokyo, and
there is an additional Chabad house run by Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin
Edery.
Rabbis
-
Rabbi Herman
Dicker, 1960–1963, Orthodox
- Rabbi Marvin
Tokayer, 1968–1976, Conservative
- Rabbi Jonathan
Z. Maltzman, 1980–1983, Conservative
- Rabbi Michael
Schudrich, 1983–1989, Conservative
- Rabbi Moshe
Silberschein, 1989–1992, Conservative
- Rabbi Jim
Lebeau, 1993–1997, Conservative
- Rabbi Carnie
Shalom Rose, 1998–1999, Conservative
- Rabbi Elliot
Marmon, 1999–2002, Conservative
-
Rabbi Henri
Noach, 2002–2008, Conservative
- Rabbi Rachel
Smookler, Reform, interim-rabbi
- Rabbi Antonio
Di Gesù, 2009–Present, Conservative
Chabad
- Rabbi Mendi Sudakevich
- Rabbi Yehezkel Binyomin Edery
- Rabbi Gaoni Maatuf, 1998-2002
- Rabbi Asaf Tobi, 2002-2006
- Rabbi Yerachmiel Strausberg,
2006-2008
- Hagay Blumenthal, 2008-2009,
lay leader
- Daniel Moskovich, 2009-2010,
lay leader
- Rabbi David Gingold, 2010-2013
List of
notable Jews in Japan
- Refugees, short expatriates
- Other related people to
Judaism and Jews in Japan
Ambassadors
Films
-
Jewish Soul Music: The Art of Giora Feidman (1980).
Directed by Uri Barbash.
See also
References
-
Jump up^ Golub,
Jennifer, JAPANESE ATTITUDES TOWARD JEWS. PACIFIC RIM
INSTITUTE OF THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE
-
Jump up^ [1]
-
Jump up^ History
of Jews in Kobe
-
Jump up^ "Question
戦前の日本における対ユダヤ人政策の基本をなしたと言われる「ユダヤ人対策要綱」に関する史料はありますか。また、同要綱に関する説明文はありますか。". Ministry
of Foreign Affairs of Japan.
Retrieved 2010-10-02.
-
Jump up^ "猶太人対策要綱". Five
ministers council. Japan
Center for Asian Historical Record. 1938-12-06. p. 36/42.
Retrieved 2010-10-02.
-
Jump up^ Palasz-Rutkowska,
Ewa. 1995 lecture at Asiatic Society of Japan, Tokyo; "Polish-Japanese
Secret Cooperation During World War II: Sugihara Chiune and
Polish Intelligence," The
Asiatic Society of Japan Bulletin, March–April
1995.
-
Jump up^ http://www.polish-jewish-heritage.org/Pol/maj_03_Romer_pomogal_Zydom.htm
-
Jump up^ Shanghai
Jewish History
-
Jump up^ Pamela
Shatzkes. Kobe: A Japanese haven for Jewish refugees,
1940–1941. Japan Forum, 1469-932X, Volume 3, Issue 2, 1991,
pp. 257–273
-
Jump up^ Beth
David Synagogue
-
Jump up^ Ohel
Shlomo Synagogue
-
Jump up^ Chabad
Lubavitch of Japan, Tokyo
-
Jump up^ Chabad
House of Japan
-
Jump up^ (ja)
-
Jump up^ (ja)
-
Jump up^ ja:石角完爾
-
Jump up^ (ja)
-
Jump up^ (he)
-
Jump up^ ja:サリー・ワイル
-
Jump up^ (ja)
-
Jump up^ (ja)
-
Jump up^ http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=410&letter=P
External links
-
General
- Occultism
History of the Jews in Asia
|
|
DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT
RACE RIOTS
THE DREAM AND THE REALITY
LETS HOPE THIS ISN'T A FUTURE PROPHECY
compiled by Dee Finney
DIASPORA COMES TO VISIT
8-13-2002 - DREAM - I was living in an apartment in the
Executive Building of Allis-Chalmers in West Allis, WI. I had a
job working for A-C as well.
I looked at the clock on the wall and it was 7:30 a.m. I
had to be to work by 8:00 a.m.
I had just gotten up and was trying to get to work on
time, but was communicating with friends on the phone at the
same time.
Rather than eating a decent breakfast, I swigged down the
last of last nights open bottles of beer and wine, and then
laughed about it.
I went into the bathroom and looked in the mirror while I
brushed my hair. It looked like the women from the 1940's.
One of the women I talked to on the phone told me her name
was DIASPORA. (She pronounced it 'Dispora") (This is not the
first time I've met this woman by this name) While I was
talking to her, she was suddenly in the room with me.
I had originally put on a winter coat, but it was too warm
for that and I ended up with a layered look, a pink and yellow
plaid shirt with a yellow blouse over it, with a blue sweater
over that.
I tried using one of those little AVON sample lipsticks,
but it was soft, so I threw it across the room to one of the
little girls there and went looking for the regular large size
lipsticks.
Meanwhile DIASPORA had been cleaning my house and had
shoved everything I needed into various drawers of a grey
dresser, so I'd never find them again. Nothing was where I could
find it and use it.
But I didn't have time to worry about that now. I had to
get to work, so I just went out into the hallway. There were
many other women just heading out to work as well. They were all
wearing spring coats.
I decided I'd follow them down the steps instead of using
the elevator and when I did, on the stairs were stacked folded
sweaters with large numbers on them. They were green sweaters
with red numbers on them. I as looking at the number upsidedown
as they were facing away from me, but I recognized 84 and 87
right on top of the stacks.
I got outside and directly across the street, about 100
guys were trying to get into the factory building of A-C. They
were locked out by a man named John, they said. (A-C once
employed over 25,000 people, but had sold off portions of the
business, moved some divisions to the south for cheap labor and
no unions and then basically went downhill from there. Even the
pension plan went bankrupt in the early 80's when I worked
there)
These guys were trying to get in the building to go to
work and had been locked out. If they had been allowed to work,
they would have been fine, but being out on the street, they
were starting to riot and it was getting ugly. What had started
out as anger over trying to get to work, the men were turning
against each other - black against white.
Some of the guys had been scouring the neighborhood for
sticks and there were many of them laying on the ground, ready
to be used for weapons against each other. The men were getting
angrier and angrier, as I walked by, trying to avoid getting hit
with a stick that they were now beginning to pick up and
threaten each other instead of the company.
I attempted to walk by them so I wouldn't get hit by
flailing sticks, but I ended up in a fenced off place that was
made of black sticks in a rough fashion similar to what the men
were going to hit each other with. The fence was like a
blockade, just to prevent people from from one place to another.
So I had to go a different direction to get to work and
here I was walled in by the people who were selling cheap goods,
and old leftover food, like cold congealed oatmeal.
One woman as actually cooking something where I could
smell its wonderful aroma, but she had it half hidden so I would
be tempted by tis wonderful smell. I asked her if I could get
through that way and she said emphatically, "NO!"
Suddenly I realized i was
dreaming and that I wanted this frustration to end and forced
myself to wake up so I could go to work for real.
|
|
.
DIASPORA
Main Entry: di·as·po·ra
Pronunciation: dI-'as-p(&-)r&, dE-
Function: noun
Etymology: Greek, dispersion, from diaspeirein to scatter,
from dia- + speirein to sow
Date: 1881
1 : capitalized a : the settling of scattered colonies of
Jews outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile b : the area
outside Palestine settled by Jews c : the Jews living outside
Palestine or modern Israel
2 a : the breaking up and scattering of a people :
MIGRATION <the black diaspora to northern cities> b : people
settled far from their ancestral homelands <African diaspora> c
: the place where these people live
|
Di·as·po· ra \di-'as-pe re\ n [ Gk,
dispersion, fr. Diaspeirein to scatter,fr. Dia- + speirein to
show ] the breaking up and scattering of a people; people
settled far from their ancestral homelands; the places where
these people live. |
.
DIASPORA ISN'T JUST ABOUT THE JEWS
The Neolithic Diaspora in Europe
|
FROM: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04775c.htm
Diaspora (Or DISPERSION).
Diaspora was the name given to the countries (outside of
Palestine) through which the Jews were dispersed, and
secondarily to the Jews living in those countries. The Greek
term, diaspora, corresponds to the Hebrew word meaning "exile"
(cf. Jer., xxiv, 5). It occurs in the Greek version of the Old
Testament, e.g. Deut., xxviii, 25; xxx, 4, where the dispersion
of the Jews among the nations is foretold as the punishment of
their apostasy. In John, vii, 35, the word is used implying
disdain: "The Jews therefore said among themselves: Whither will
he go, that we shall not find him? Will he go unto the dispersed
among the Gentiles?" Two of the Catholic Epistles, viz. that of
James and I Peter, are addressed to the neophytes of the
Diaspora. In Acts, ii, are enumerated the principal countries
from which the Jews came who heard the Apostles preach at
Pentecost, everyone "in his own tongue". The Diaspora was the
result of the various deportations of Jews which invariably
followed the invasion or conquest of Palestine. The first
deportation took place after the capture of Samaria by
Shalmaneser (Salmanasar) and Sargon, when a portion of the Ten
Tribes were carried into the regions of the Euphrates and into
Media, 721 B.C. (IV Kings, xvii). In 587 B.C. the Kingdom of
Juda was transported into Mesopotamia.
When, about fifty years later, Cyrus allowed the Jews to
return to their country, only the poorer and more fervent
availed themselves of the permission The richer families
remained in Babylonia forming the beginning of a numerous and
influential community. The conquests of Alexander the Great
caused the spreading of Jews throughout Asia and Syria. Seleucus
Nicator made the Jews citizens in the cities he built in his
dominions, and gave them equal rights with the Greeks and
Macedonians. (Josephus, Antiquities, XII, iii, l.) Shortly after
the transportation of Juda into Babylonia a number of Jews who
had been left in Palestine voluntarily emigrated into Egypt.
(Jer., xlii-xliv.) They formed the nucleus of the famous
Alexandrine colony. But the great transportation into Egypt was
effected by Ptolemy Soter. "And Ptolemy took many captives both
from the mountainous parts of Judea and from the places about
Jerusalem and Samaria and led them into Egypt and settled them
there" (Antiquities, XII, I, 1).
In Rome there was already a community of Jews at the time
of Caesar. It is mentioned in a decree of Caesar cited by
Josephus (Ant., XLV, x, 8). After the destruction of Jerusalem
by Titus thousands of Jewish slaves were placed upon the market.
They formed the nucleus of settlements in Africa, Italy, Spain,
and Gaul. At the time of the Apostles the number of Jews in the
Diaspora was exceedingly great. The Jewish author of the
Sibylline Oracles (2nd century B.C.) could already say of his
countrymen: "Every land and every sea is full of them" (Or.
Sib., III, 271). Josephus mentioning the riches of the temple
says: "Let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our
temple since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth sent
their contributions" (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). The Jews of the
Diaspora paid a temple tax, a kind of Peter's-pence; a didrachma
being required from every male adult. The sums transmitted to
Jerusalem were at times so large as to cause an inconvenient
drainage of gold, which more than once induced the Roman
government either to stop the transmittance or even to
confiscate it.
Though the Diaspora Jews were, on the whole, faithful to
their religion, there was a noticeable difference of theological
opinion between the Babylonian and Alexandrine Jew. In
Mesopotamia the Jews read and studied the Bible in Hebrew. This
was comparatively easy to them since Chaldee, their vernacular,
was kindred to the Hebrew. The Jews in Egypt and throughout
Europe, commonly called Hellenistic Jews, soon forgot Hebrew. A
Greek version of the Bible, the Septuagint, was made for them.
The consequence was that they were less ardent in the
punctilious observance of their Law. Like the Samaritans they
showed a schismatic tendency by erecting a rival temple to that
in Jerusalem. It was built by the son of Onias the high-priest
in Leontopolis in Lower Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy
Philometor, 160 B.C., and was destroyed 70 B.C. (Ant., XIII,
iii, sects. 2, 3). It is a curious fact that whereas Hellenistic
Judaism became the soil in which Christianity took root and
waxed strong, the colony in Babylonia remained a stronghold of
orthodox Judaism and produced its famous Talmud. The
deeply-rooted antagonism between the Jews and Greeks made the
amalgamation of the two races impossible. Though some of the
Seleucids and Ptolemies, such as Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus
the Great, were favourable towards the Jews, there was constant
friction between the two elements in Syria and Egypt. Occasional
pillage and massacre were the inevitable result. Thus on one
occasion the Greeks in Seleucia and Syria massacred some 50,000
Jews (Ant., XVIII, ix, 9). On another occasion the Jews, getting
the upper hand in Cyprus, killed the Greek inhabitants of
Salamis and were in consequence banished from the island (Dio
Cassius, LXVIII, 23). In Alexandria it was found necessary to
confine the Jews to a separate quarter, or ghetto. The Roman
Empire was on the whole well-disposed towards the Jews of the
Diaspora. They had everywhere the right of residence and could
not be expelled. The two exceptions were the expulsion of the
Jews from Rome under Tiberius (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5) and under
Claudius (Acts, xviii, 2). But both these instances were of
short duration. Their cult was declared a religio licita. All
communities had their synagogue, proseuchai or sabbateia, which
served also as libraries and places of assembly. The most famous
was that in Antioch (De bell. Jud., VII, iii 3). They had their
cemeteries; in Rome, like the Christians, they buried their dead
in catacombs. They were allowed freely to observe their
sabbaths, festivals, and dietary laws. They were exempt from the
emperor-worship and from military service. Many Jews enjoyed
Roman citizenship, e.g. St. Paul (Acts, xvi, 37-39). In many
places the Jewish community formed a recognized organization
with administrative, judicial, and financial powers. It was
ruled by a council called gerousia, composed of elders,
presbyteroi, at the head of which was the archon. Another token
of the freedom which the Jews enjoyed throughout the empire was
their active propagandism (cf. Matt., xxiii, 15). The neophytes
were called phoboumenoi or sebomenoi, i.e. God-fearing (Acts,
xiii, 16, 26, 43; Antiquities, XIV, vii, 2). Their number
appears to have been very great. St. Paul met them in almost all
the cities he visited. Josephus, praising the excellence of the
Law, says: "the multitude of mankind itself has had a great
inclination to follow our religious observances. There is not a
city of the Grecians or Sabarians, where our customs and the
prohibition as to our food are not observed" etc. (Contra
Apion., II, xl). Many of the converts were distinguished
persons, e.g. Aguila, the chamberlain of the Queen of Candace
(Acts, viii, 26 sq.); Azizus, King of Emesa, and Polemo, King of
Cilicia (Ant.,.xx, vii); the patrician lady Fulvia (Ant., XVIII,
iii, 5).
Jewish Encyc. s. v. Dispersion; SCHURER, Geschichte des
judischen Volkes (Leipzig, 1890); GRATZ, Geschichte der Juden;
RENAN, Les Apétres; MOMMSEN, The Provinces of the Roman Empire
(tr. London, l886). A list of the countries of the Diaspora is
given by PHILO, Leg. ad Caium, 36.
C. VAN DEN BIESEN
Transcribed by Joseph E. O'Connor
|
IRANIAN DIASPORA - PRE-ISLAMIC
FROM: http://www.iranian.com/Dec96/Iranica/Diaspora/Diaspora.html
By Mary Boyce
Encyclopaedia Iranica
DIASPORA, IRANIAN, IN PRE-ISLAMIC TIMES. The Achaemenid
empire attained its fullest extent under its first three kings;
and for the next two centuries or so Iranians colonized in
numbers the most attractive of its non-Iranian territories.
Alexander's conquest of the empire in the 4th century B.C.E.
led, under his successors, to those colonists being cut off from
Persia, but they proved generally able to maintain their ethnic
and cultural identity under alien rule for many generations.
Information about the original colonists is meager, but at
its best for Egypt (largely from Aramaic papyri) and Asia Minor
(from notices by Greek writers, a small number of tomb-carvings,
Aramaic inscriptions, and significant devices on satrapal
coins). There is also the evidence of personal and place names.
That of personal names can only be safely used, however, to
identify Iranians where there is additional information, or when
such names occur in groups, or in significant associations and
settings, because during the Achaemenid period Persian names
were sometimes adopted quite extensively by their non-Iranian
subjects.
Even in post-Achaemenid times some Persian names (notably
Mitradata/Mithradates, and other Mithra-names) were used by
non-Iranians in western regions. Conversely, some individuals of
Persian descent under Macedonian rule are known to have adopted
Greek names. The hereditary high priests of the temple of
Anaitis at Hypaipa in Lydia provide a striking instance. For all
regions except Egypt most of the evidence for the Iranian
diaspora comes from post-Achaemenid times.
Most satrapies of the empire were governed by Persians,
the wealthier and most important ones being generally entrusted
to royal princes; but some of the minor non-Iranian satrapies
became hereditary fiefs in the families of Persian nobles, who
settled permanently there. Damascus may have been one instance,
but the certain examples are Dascylium and Eastern Armenia.
All satrapal courts would have been frequented by the
local Iranian nobility, and, reflecting the customs and manners
of the imperial court, would have been centers of Persian
culture. In foreign parts which were attractive to Iranians many
Persian landowners received their estates from the king with the
duty of rendering military service when called on. Many of these
fiefdoms were probably granted as a result of confiscations
after conquest, but the smaller populations of those days would
also have allowed for new estates to be created in fertile
areas.
The Iranians were not an urban people, and the way of life
which these expatriates followed appears to have reflected that
of Iran itself, with the nobles living for much of the year on
their estates. In Cappadocia, with important highroads and
passes that needed guarding, many hilltop fortresses are
recorded, a number of which were presumably from Achaemenid
times the seats of Persian nobles.
In Lydia, with its fertile river-valleys, the only
dwelling of a Persian landowner to be described was a fortified
manor house on his own estate. He had armed retainers in his
service, as well as slaves to work the land; and when the house
was attacked by Greek raiders, a beacon was lit which brought a
Persian neighbor to his aid, with his own body of fighting men.
Some official forces also responded to the alarm, and the
marauders were driven off. The incident suggests a number of
Persian estates in this, and doubtless other, fertile regions of
western Asia Minor, with mutual support among the landowners and
in general effective Persian vigilance and control.
The royal road which led from Sardis, Lydia's capital,
east to Susa and Persepolis was said to pass for its whole
length "through country that is inhabited and safe." This great
highway made much of central Asia Minor accessible to Iranian
colonists, who were attracted by its valleys and wide plains.
Noble fiefholders naturally had an interest in developing their
estates, and this interest was quickened in them as
Zoroastrians, for whom good cultivation of the land is a
religious duty.
Zoroastrian priests themselves were an important element
in the Iranian diaspora. Armies would have been accompanied by
many priests, some ministering to officers, others to men, and
when ex-soldiers were settled on the land, their priests with
their families presumably remained with them. Other priests are
likely to have come out with the peasant farmers, and more
exalted ones with the nobility. Originally they were known
collectively in eastern Mediterranean lands as magousaioi, a
Greco-Semitic plural for Persian magu "Mage, priest"; but in
time, locally at least, this term came to be used for Persian
colonists generally, with Greek magoi used for the priests
themselves. As these usages suggest, to outside observers all
Iranians were Zoroastrians, ethnic and religious labels being
used interchangeably, and this probably reflects the broad
reality.
As in Persia, so in the
diaspora, in addition to priests who ministered to lay families
in the traditional way, there were temple priests. There is a
fair amount of information about Zoroastrian sanctuaries in Asia
Minor, the oldest according to tradition being at Zela in Pontic
Cappadocia, founded in the 6th century B.C.E. by Cyrus II the
Great himself or his generals. According to the Iranian custom
of worshipping in high places, the sanctuary was established on
a hill, banked up yet higher and encircled by a wall. Later this
hill bore one of the imposing temples to Anahid, by which the
presence of Iranians is strikingly attested in Asia Minor.
|
FROM: http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/diaspora.html
THE INDIAN DIASPORA
The Indian diaspora today constitutes an important, and in
some respects unique, force in world culture. The origins of the
modern Indian diaspora lie mainly in the subjugation of India by
the British and its incorporation into the British empire.
Indians were taken over as indentured labor to far-flung parts
of the empire in the nineteenth-century, a circumstance to which
the modern Indian populations of Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana,
Trinidad, Surinam, Malaysia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and other
places attest in their own peculiar ways. Over two million
Indian men fought on behalf of the empire in numerous wars,
including the Boer War and the two World Wars, and some remained
behind to claim the land on which they had fought as their own.
As if in emulation of their ancestors, many Gujarati traders
once again left for East Africa in large numbers in the early
part of the twentieth century. Finally, in the post-World War II
period, the dispersal of Indian labor and professionals has been
a nearly world-wide phenomenon. Indians, and other South Asians,
provided the labor that helped in the reconstruction of
war-torn Europe, particularly the United Kingdom and the
Netherlands, and in more recent years unskilled labor from South
Asia has been the main force in the transformation of the
physical landscape of much of the Middle East. Meanwhile, in
countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia,
Indians have made their presence visibly felt in the
professions.
|
GUAYANA FROM: http://geocities.com/TheTropics/Shores/9253/History.html
???? The Amerindians migrate to, and inhabit South
America. The legend of the Empire Of Eldorado is born.
1593 -The earliest account of the territory of Guiana is
made in a dispatch to the Royal Council of Spain in which the
Governor of Trinidad, Antonio de Berreo, describes his journey
down the Oronoco and his attempt to explore Guiana.
1594 -Sir Robert Dudley makes inquiries about the rumoured
Empire of El Dorado when his ship puts in to Trinidad. A small
boat is sent to investigate and its crew returns to say that the
natives (Amerindians)had told them of gold-mines so rich that
the people of the country powdered themselves with gold dust.
'And farre beyond them', they said, 'a great towne called El
Dorado, with many other things.'
1598 -The Dutch make their first voyage to Guiana.
1621 - Dutch West India Company receives a charter for the
Essequibo.
1640 - Slaves arrive in the colonies from Africa.
1657 -A small Dutch settlement is established on the
Pomeroon River.
1666 - War breaks out between England and Holland.
1763 -The Berbice Slave Rebellion breaks out (at the time
when Berbice is a separate Dutch colony). It begins on one
estate, but soon spreads to others along the Berbice River. The
revolt is the result of the cruelty with which the Dutch
plantation owners have been treating their slaves, and it is led
by a male slave called Coffy. The few hundred white settlers are
soon overwhelmed, and the uprising will only be put down after
the arrival of warships and with the help of troops from as far
away as Barbados. [Coffy will commit suicide three months after
the beginning of the affair . His followers will be hunted down
for another year, before the Dutch authorities will be satisfied
that the rebellion has been crushed.]
1781 -War breaks out between England and Holland. The
colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice are taken by the
English.
1782 - Some months later, the French, who are also at war
with England (and who are the allies of Holland), under the
command of the Marquis de Lusignan (whose name is perpetuated in
the plantation of that name) take the three colonies. The French
build Fort Dauphin at the mouth of the Demerara, and nearby,
begin to build a new town - "Longchamps".
1783/4 - (a) The colonies are restored to Holland.
(b)Longchamps is chosen as the site of the new colonial capital,
later to be called Stabroek. (c) The Dutch move the seat of
Government for the Demerara territory down river to its mouth,
where they begin to build the town of Stabroek in a geometrical
'grid-iron' system of streets, divided by canals in the manner
of their home-country. (d) The Dutch build a series of
sluice-gates or kokers at points where the canals meet the
Demerara estuary. At high tide, the kokers form a barrier
between the Atlantic Ocean and the canals. At low tide they are
opened to allow the accumulated water from the land to flow
away.
1796 -War breaks out again between England and Holland.
The colonies are taken by England, for the second time.
1802 -At the peace of Amiens, Guiana is returned to the
Dutch. English settlers are given three years to wind up their
affairs, and to then leave.
1803 - War breaks out again between England and Holland.
In September, Hood arrives at the mouth of the Demerara, and
demands the surrender of the Colony. Guiana is handed over
without fighting, never again to be returned to Holland.
1814 - Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice are assigned to
England during the Great peace.
1823 - There is a slave insurrection on the East Coast of
Demerara.
1833 -The Act Of Abolition of slavery is passed. The
slaves are not granted full freedom, but are bound to their
masters for three-quarters of each day for a period of seven
years.
1835 - Portuguese labourers are imported for work on the
plantations. (Almost one thousand immigrant Portuguese die from
tropical diseases).
1837 - John Gladstone suggests East Indian indentured
labour as a solution to the drifting of Africans from the
plantations to the towns. Permission is granted to bring
'Coolies' for his two plantations.
1838 - August 1st,"Full and unqualified liberation of the
Negroes".
1838 - The first indentured labourers drawn from the hill
areas of South India, arrive in Guiana. 156 East Indians arrive
from Calcutta on the "Hesperus". They are under indenture for a
five year period, and for the first part, they are housed and
given rations, but are not paid. Great mistreatment of the
labourers result in prosecution of some of the planters.
1839 - Four hundred German Rinelanders and Wurtembergers
are enticed to British Guiana. (Almost all succumb to tropical
diseases).
1843 - The end of the first period of indenture. Many of
the labourers return to India.
The 1840's - England suspends the indentured labourer
system. Immigrant labour from India, Portugal (mainly Madeira)
and China is permitted, under Government control.
1853 - January 12th. The first contract Chinese labourers
arrive in British Guiana on the "Glentanner". Most are assigned
to Windsor Forest, Pouderoyen and La Jelousie estates.
1856 - February 18th,Georgetown riots - property of
Portuguese destroyed.
1860 - March 11th. The first female Chinese labourers
arrive on the "Whirlwind".
1874 - The last contract Chinese labourers arrive in
Demerara.
1884 - The Promenade Garden is extended to its present
(21st century)proportions on an entire city block (east of State
House.) This area was once used as a public display for the
hanging of slaves who were connected with the 1823 East Coast
rebellion.
1904 - In June the King of Italy hands down his award in
the arbitration proceedings between Brazil and British Guiana.
1917 - The Government of India abolishes the indentured
system. No more East Indian labour is allowed to enter Guiana.
1928 - The Constitution is changed, and women are given
the vote on the same terms as men.
1953 - The Waddington Constitution is suspended on
December 22nd. The Royal Welsh Fusiliers are dispatched to
British Guiana to control any outbreak of violence which may
follow the suspension. The House Of Assembly is disbanded. All
political parties are forbidden to hold meetings, and certain
P.P.P. leaders are forbidden to leave Georgetown. The
Legislative Council is now composed of nominated and ex-officio
members.
1958 - The Legislative Council passes a resolution
exhorting the British Government to grant Cabinet status to
British Guiana, as it had conceded to both Trinidad and Jamaica.
1961 - Elections under Internal Self-Government
Constitution. The PPP Party is victorious.
1962 - Arthur Schlesinger, U.S. Secretary of State visits
British Guiana and concludes that Dr. Jagan's heart is with the
Communist world, and although all alternatives to Dr. Jagan are
terrible, he feels that if Mr. Burnham 'will commit himself to a
multi-racial policy' an independent British Guiana under him
would cause the U.S. fewer problems than one under Dr. Jagan.
The February Riot Commission sits from June 22 to 28th in
Georgetown. Senior Counsel Lionel Luckhoo submits DR. Jagan to a
robust examination in which Dr. Jagan admits that he is 'a
communist'. The circumstances of this admission seriously
affects the U.S. attitude to Dr. Jagan and to British Guiana and
paves the way for their promotion of Mr. Burnham to political
power in Guyana.
1963 - On June 21, 1963, as U.S. President John Kennedy
and a high powered team prepares for a meeting with British
Prime Minister Harold McMillan and his team at Birch Grove in
the U.K., the State Department instructs its U.K. embassy by
telegram to let it be known that McMillan had agreed that H.M.G.
no longer has any faith in Dr. Jagan, preferring Mr. Burnham as
the more manageable alternative. At the Birch Grove meeting, it
is decided to establish a Burnham-D'Aguair Government and grant
British Guiana independence.
Georgetown is declared a 'Proclamation Area' and another
ban is put on all public meetings.
The Guyana Rice Marketing Board escapes being demolished
when a large quantity of dynamite is discovered under the wharf.
Two ships, one belonging to the Russian and the other Cuban,
recently berthed, also escapes destruction.
1964 - Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Janet Jagan, resigns
her post claiming she had no control over the police.
Essentially her resignation is in protest of the police inaction
to the violence perpetrated against Indians at
Wismar-Christianburg earlier in May. Violence erupts on an
intensified scale soon after the arrival on June 17 of a Cuban
tanker M.V. Cuba bringing much needed fuel and gasoline to the
colony. The forces opposed to the Government of the day had
organized an embargo and as such, vital supplies of necessities
were delayed. The Cuban vessel is interpreted as breaking the
embargo and the opposition parties let loose the 'Gods of War'
in Georgetown and its environs. The Parliament Building is
blockaded by angry protesters who assault Ministers and civil
servants who dare to remain on the job. An incendiary device is
thrown into the Hadfield Street home of Permanent Secretary in
the Ministry of Works and Hydraulics, 52-year-old Mr. Arthur
Abraham, causing his death. Seven of his nine children also die.
After the fire, four bodies are found huddled together on the
stairway and three on the upper flat.
Prime Minister, Harold McMillan, speaking in the House of
Commons, on June 17, recommends that the Commonwealth Prime
Ministers' Meeting should consult on the crisis situation in
British Guiana. On June 24th Prime Minister DR. Cheddie Jagan
concurrs.
1964 - Proportional Representative System. A coalition
Government of PNC and UF attains power.
1965 - A three storied building which houses the U.S.
Consulate and the JFK Library is bombed on June 24. Miss Shakira
Baksh (later to be Mrs. Michael Caine) is injured in the blast.
1966 - May 26th,Independence. The colony of British Guiana
becomes independent of British rule, and is known as Guyana.
1966 - On June 23, officials from both Guyana and Suriname
begin talks in London in relation to the countries' border
dispute.
1966 - British troops leave Guyana.
1969 - The protocol of Port-of-Spain is signed by Guyana
and Venezuela leading to a 12-year moratorium on the boundary
controversy.
1970 - February 23rd,Guyana, the independent country -
becomes a Co-operative Republic, and is now known as the
"Republic Of Guyana".
|
The African Diaspora, Ethiopianism, and
Rastafari
From: http://www.rit.edu/~africa/diaspora/mapPg1.shtml
Africa and the
Ancient Mediterranean 250 BC to 300 AD
Peoples of North Africa traveled and traded
throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Wars between Carthage (in
present-day Tunisia) and the Roman Empire saw an African army,
lead by Hannibal, invade Roman territory in 218 .C. By the first
century BC, Egypt was trading with Europe as well as with India
and China. Between the 3rd century BC and the 4th century AD,
scholars from the region converged on the Library of Alexandria
in Egypt. Here Euclid wrote his famous book on geometry and
Ptolemy analyzed the movement of the planets
Ethiopian and Jerusalem 400 AD to 1300 AD
After Ethiopia's king converted to
Christianity in the 4th century AD, the country developed ties
to the Byzantine church in present-day Turkey. Ethiopian
Christians began regular pilgrimages to Jerusalem. There a
bishop utilized Ethiopian script in developing the Armenian
alphabet. In 1189, the Muslim conqueror of Jerusalem granted two
pilgrimage sites to the Ethiopians, thus alerting Europeans to
the existence of these African Christians. European crusaders
against the Jerusalem Muslims sought alliances with Ethiopia
until the Crusades ended in 1270.
Africa and Asia 14th to 19th centuries AD
In 1324, the Malian leader Mansa Musa made
pilgrimage to Mecca--an Islamic Holy site in Arabia--and
returned with a Spanish architect who designed the mosque in
Timbuctu. In the 15th century, East African ambassadors sailed
to China, where they presented the Chinese Emperor with two
giraffes, beginning a series of exchanges. In the 16th and 17th
centuries, East African soldiers settled in and ruled parts of
India. In the early 19th century, the East African island of
Zanzibar became the capital of the Omani empire encompassing
parts of coastal East Africa and southern Arabia.
Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas 1500 to
1800
Africans living in the western, central, and
southern parts of the continent were enslaved and taken to the
Americas. They were victims of the "triangle trade" in which
American, British, Dutch, French, and Portuguese merchants
carried textiles, iron, guns, and alcohol to Africa and traded
them for enslaved people. The traders sold their captives to
planters and mine owners in the Americas for gold, silver,
sugar, and tobacco which they returned to Europe for sale and
profit.
Atlantic Slave Trade to the Americas --1800s
As the trade continued, slave rebellions
mounted and people around the Atlantic organized against
slavery. After outlawing slavery in 1808, the British gradually
tried to suppress the trade on the high seas. Still slave
traders willingly risked punishment to earn huge profits, as
agricultural booms increased demand for slaves in the Caribbean
and Brazil from the 1820s through the 1860s. With the abolition
of slavery in all American nations by 1888, this violent chapter
of world history ended.
Since 1960
Since the early 1960s, millions of Africans
have immigrated to the Americas, Asia, and Europe. The first
waves of immigration came as African nations won
independence--with freedom from colonialism came the freedom to
travel. Over the decades, African immigrants have continued to
seek new opportunities in education and business abroad. Some
Africans have also emigrated to escape civil upheaval and war.
At the dawn of the 21st century, between 70 to 100 million
Africans and people of African descent live in the Americas.
FROM: http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasessay.html
Historically, black peoples in the New World have traced
memories of an African homeland through the trauma of slavery
and through ideologies of struggle and resistance.
Arguably the most poignant of these discursive
topographies is that of the Rastafari faith and culture. Like
the Garvey Movement and other forms of pan-Africanism before it,
the Rastafari fashion their vision of an ancestral homeland
through a complex of ideas and symbols known as Ethiopianism, an
ideology which has informed African-American concepts of
nationhood, independence, and political uplift since the late
16th century. Derived from references in the Holy Bible to black
people as 'Ethiopians', this discourse has been used to express
the political, cultural, and spiritual aspirations of blacks in
the Caribbean and North America for over three centuries. From
the last quarter of the 18th century to the present,
Ethiopianism has, at various times, provided the basis for a
common sense of destiny and identification between African
peoples in the North American colonies, the Caribbean, Europe,
and the African continent.
From the period prior to the American Revolutionary War,
slaves in North America equated Ethiopia with the ancient
empires that flourished in the upper parts of the Nile Valley
and--largely through biblical references and sermons--perceived
this territory as central to the salvation of the black race.
black converts to Christianity in colonial America cherished
references to Ethiopia in the Bible for a number of reasons.
These references depicted Blacks in a dignified and human light
and held forth the promise of freedom. Such passages also
suggested that African peoples had a proud and deep cultural
heritage that pre-dated European civilization. The summation of
these sentiments was most frequently identified with Psalm 68:31
where it is prophesied that "Princes shall come out of Egypt and
Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." During the
late 18th century, black churchmen in the North American
colonies made extensive use of Ethiopianist discourse in their
sermons. Bishop Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist
Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, was among those who identified
the cause of African freedom with this prophecy in Psalms.
During the Revolutionary War, it is reputed that one black
regiment proudly wore the appellation of "Allen's Ethiopians."
Phyllis Wheatley, the black poet-laureate of colonial America,
also made frequent use of this discourse as did Prince Hall, a
black Revolutionary War veteran and founder of the African
Masonic Lodge. Commenting upon the successful slave insurrection
in Haiti (1792-1800), Hall observed: "Thus doth Ethiopia begin
to stretch forth her hand, from the sink of slavery, to freedom
and equality." There was, in nearly all expressions of
Ethiopianism, a belief in the redemption of the race linked to
the coming of a black messiah. Perhaps the first expressed
articulation of this idea is seen in The Ethiopian Manifesto
published by Robert Alexander Young, a slave preacher in North
America in 1829.
In large part because of
the movement of peoples spurred in its aftermath, the American
Revolutionary War provided a major impetus for the spread of
Ethiopianism from Britain's North American to its Caribbean
colonies. As British loyalists departed from North America for
places like Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados, the churched slaves
and former slaves who traveled with them transplanted
Ethiopianism to these plantation societies and inaugurated an
independent black religious tradition. In Jamaica, George Liele,
a former slave and churchman from Savannah, Georgia, founded the
first Ethiopian Baptist church in 1783. Liele called his
followers "Ethiopian Baptists." Thus began a deep rooted
tradition of Ethiopian identification in Jamaica, the birthplace
of both Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association
(founded in 1914) and the Rastafari movement (born in 1930).
|
THE JEWISH DIASPORA FROM: http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/History/Diaspora.html
The Jewish state comes to an end in 70 AD, when the Romans
begin to actively drive Jews from the home they had lived in for
over a millennium. But the Jewish Diaspora ("diaspora"
="dispersion, scattering") had begun long before the Romans had
even dreamed of Judaea. When the Assyrians conquered Israel in
722, the Hebrew inhabitants were scattered all over the Middle
East; these early victims of the dispersion disappeared utterly
from the pages of history. However, when Nebuchadnezzar deported
the Judaeans in 597 and 586 BC, he allowed them to remain in a
unified community in Babylon. Another group of Judaeans fled to
Egypt, where they settled in the Nile delta. So from 597
onwards, there were three distinct groups of Hebrews: a group in
Babylon and other parts of the Middle East, a group in Judaea,
and another group in Egypt. Thus, 597 is considered the
beginning date of the Jewish Diaspora. While Cyrus the Persian
allowed the Judaeans to return to their homeland in 538 BC, most
chose to remain in Babylon. A large number of Jews in Egypt
became mercenaries in Upper Egypt on an island called the
Elephantine. All of these Jews retained their religion,
identity, and social customs; both under the Persians and the
Greeks, they were allowed to run their lives under their own
laws. Some converted to other religions; still others combined
the Yahweh cult with local cults; but the majority clung to the
Hebraic religion and its new-found core document, the Torah.
In 63 BC, Judaea became a protectorate of Rome. Coming
under the administration of a governor, Judaea was allowed a
king; the governor's business was to regulate trade and maximize
tax revenue. While the Jews despised the Greeks, the Romans were
a nightmare. Governorships were bought at high prices; the
governors would attempt to squeeze as much revenue as possible
from their regions and pocket as much as they could. Even with a
Jewish king, the Judaeans revolted in 70 AD, a desperate revolt
that ended tragically. In 73 AD, the last of the revolutionaries
were holed up in a mountain fort called Masada; the Romans had
besieged the fort for two years, and the 1000 men, women, and
children inside were beginning to starve. In desperation, the
Jewish revolutionaries killed themselves rather than surrender
to the Romans. The Romans then destroyed Jerusalem, annexed
Judaea as a Roman province, and systematically drove the Jews
from Palestine. After 73 AD, Hebrew history would only be the
history of the Diaspora as the Jews and their world view spread
over Africa, Asia, and Europe
|
CONFIGURING THE FILIPINO DIASPORA IN
THE U.S. FROM: http://www.boondocksnet.com/centennial/sctexts/esj_94a.html
According to the 1990 census, the Filipino community is
now the largest segment of Asian Americans, 21.5%, followed by
the Chinese and the Vietnamese (Patel 112). By the year 2000,
there will be over 2 million Filipinos in the United States. In
recent surveys of Asian American literature sponsored by the
Modern Language Association of America (MLA) and other
professional organizations, however, there is a notable absence
of any serious attention to Filipino writers, either born in the
United States or self-exiled. In scholarly discourse and
curricular offerings, "Asian American" usually designates
Chinese (Kingston, Chin, etc.) or Japanese (Yamamoto, Okada,
etc.) writers, or else Filipinos are tokenized with allusions to
Carlos Bulosan or Hagedorn. At the turn of the century, William
Dean Howells reviewed the novels of Jose Rizal, the national
hero; Carlos Bulosan had to wait until World War II to be
discovered. MLA president Houston Baker's edition of Three
American Literatures privileged the Chinese and Japanese
components of the category 'Asian American," perhaps a form of
editorial reverse discrimination repeated by A. LaVonne Ruoff
and Jerry Ward's expanded survey Redefining American Literary
History. This has no doubt vitiated the honorably pluralist
intent of an emergent canonizing, if revisionary, scholarship.
Why were such well-known authors as Bulosan, Jose Garcia Villa,
Bienvenido Santos, and others not considered on a par with
Maxine Hong Kingston or Toshio Mori? Why this
ethnic/multicultural marginalization or erasure?
Given the genuine historical, political, and cultural
differences between the Filipino nationality and other Asian
ethnic groups in the United States, one cannot help but discern
how scholars have articulated "Asian American" in a selective
and exclusivist direction, translating "Asian" as either Chinese
or Japanese, rendering it useless as a totalizing signifier (for
one, recent arrivals like Hmong refugees have had no
participation in the disciplinary constitution of the term
"Asian American" even if they are bureaucratically subsumed in
it). Within the field of Asian Studies in the United States, the
holy trinity of China, Japan (with Korea included in the space
between the first two), and India still dominates, with
Southeast Asian countries (mainly Indonesia) occupying the
periphery. The Philippines then constitutes the margin or fold
within the periphery, better known as the "Pacific Rim," despite
the fact of its being the only Asian colony of the United
States. Geopolitics, however, has superseded historical memory
in the present realignment of historical capitalisms after the
demise of the Soviet Union and Japan's economic ascendancy.
The entry of Filipinos into United States territory in
sizable numbers began in 1908, when 141 workers were recruited
by the Hawaii Sugar Planters Association. From then to 1946,
when formal independence was granted to the islands, at least
125,000 Filipino workers exchanged their labor as commodity with
the sugar planters (McWilliams 235). By 1930, there were 108,260
Filipinos all over the United States -- though most were
farmworkers concentrated on the West Coast. They had an
indeterminate status; neither protected wards nor citizens, they
were subjected to various forms of racist discrimination and
exclusion, circumscribed by (among others) laws of
antimiscegenation and prohibited from employment in government
and ownership of land. Deterritorialized in this way, Filipinos
in the process of affirming their human rights and dignity
forged a culture of resistance linking their homeland and place
of expatriation. Parallel to the incessant revolts of peasants
in the colonized islands, Filipino workers organized one of the
first unions in Hawaii in 1919, the Filipino Federation of
Labor, which spearheaded industrywide multiracial strikes in
1920 and 1924. In 1934, the Filipino Labor Union was organized
in California with 2,000 active members; it organized the
historic strike of 1934 in Salinas, California, and set the
stage for the Filipino Agricultural Workers Organizing
Committee, which led the grape strike of 1965, matrix of the
United Farm Workers of America (UFW) (CIIR).
|
CHINA Nanjing Massacre (1937-1938)
FROM: http://www.cnd.org/mirror/nanjing/
In December 1937, Nanjing fell to the Japanese Imperial
Army. The Japanese army launched a massacre for six weeks.
According to the records of several welfare organizations which
buried the dead bodies after the Massacre, around three hundred
thousand people, mostly civilians and POWs, were brutally
slaughtered.
Over twenty thousand cases of rape were reported. Many of
the victims were gang raped and then killed. The figure did not
include those captives who were sent to army brothels (the
so-called "comfort stations").
It must be reminded that contrary to Germany the Japanese
government has never made any formal or official apology to the
Chinese people for their crimes committed during the war.
Instead, a number of Japanese politicians and writers
denied not just the Massacre but any of their wrong doings in
the Second World War. They claimed that they had "liberated"
Asian peoples from Western colonialism. The Nanjing Massacre is
one of their so-called "liberations".
|
INDINESIA - 1998/1999 |
CHINESE
IN THE USA |
JOB LOCKOUTS vs RIOTS
|
From: http://newman.baruch.cuny.edu/digital/redscare/HTMLCODE/CHRON/RS033.HTM
|
NEW ORLEANS - 1900 FROM: http://www.marxists.org/archive/deleon/works/000730.htm
RACE RIOTS
by
Daniel DeLeon
The Daily People
July 30, 1900
A flood of ignorance is pouring out of the papers
regarding the slaughter of the Negroes in New Orleans by the
mob.
Various explanations are given, all silly, and many
"remedies" are suggested, each one vying with the other in
craziness.
The war in New Orleans is not between black and white. It
is a war between workingmen, and the prize they battle for is a
"job"; and that job means the same to them as the carcass of the
animal, over which two savages fight, means to the savage: life
or death.
When the vulgar editors prate about "racial hate" and
ascribe the riots to that, they merely display their crass
ignorance.
We are living in a time when the comforts of life, and all
the material wealth needed to bring happiness to every human
being, can be produced in abundance. There is no need whatever
for one human being to go hungry, homeless or naked. Man's
inventive genius has developed the tool to that point, and
guided the natural forces to that degree, that abundance is
possible to all.
But between that abundance and its enjoyment by the
children of men an obstacle is interposed. That obstacle is the
modern social system, capitalism, and its defenders and
beneficiaries are the capitalist class.
Balked and baffled by this obstacle, eyeing wistfully that
abundance of wealth which the capitalist class forbids them to
touch, the ignorant workingmen, black and white, instead of
fighting the capitalist, with wealth and freedom as the prize at
stake, fall to fighting each other; and the stakes in that
conflict are: death to the loser; poverty, misery and
wage-slavery to the winner.
More horrible than the battle of the savages who fought
for the meat, is this fight between workingmen. This has for a
result the survival of the slave. A more brutal and demoralizing
spectacle cannot be conceived.
How strong becomes the desire to forever end a system and
a class responsible for this manifestation of social atavism!
What bitter hate must fill the breast of the class-conscious
proletarian for the real authors: the capitalist class!
To the work, then, of organizing and educating the
proletariat, to fight for wealth and freedom, and not for
poverty and slavery; to fight their masters and not their fellow
slaves, and to win that victory in the class war which will
forever put an end to race riots.
|
SPRINGFIELD, IL - 1908 FROM: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/
By the turn of the century, Springfield, Illinois was no
longer the small town in which Abraham Lincoln lived, but a
growing industrial center. The population of Springfield had
grown at an alarming rate; it had nearly doubled since the last
shot of the Civil War was heard in 1865. The numbers of people
moving into Springfield increased faster than the creation of
new jobs. The new workers added more tension to an already tight
job market. The southern blacks emigrants and new European
immigrants vied with white workers for factory and coal mining
jobs. Blacks were, in some instances, brought in as scabs
(replacements for striking laborers). Springfield had the
largest percentage of blacks of any comparable city in Illinois.
This fierce competition for jobs created an enormous amount of
strife between the established white population and the new
influx of blacks.
During the miserably hot summer of 1908, the racial
tension heightened. On the night of Independence Day, 1908,
Clergy Ballard, a respectable mining engineer, had his home
broken into. He was awakened from his sleep by some unfamiliar
noises in his home. When investigating, he saw a stranger at the
bedside of his young innocent daughter. The intruder, upon
discovery ran out of the house. Ballard gave chase and caught
the assailant who, unfortunately for Ballard, had a straight
razor and slashed Ballard's throat. Clergy Ballard died the next
morning from wounds received that horrible night.
The people of Springfield were led by the press to believe
that the crime was a thwarted sexual assault attempt. The public
was outraged by the ugliness of the crime. Before Clergy Ballard
died he managed to identify the assailant as a Joe James, a
local black man with a long police record of minor criminal
offenses. He was later caught by a band of angry whites and
beaten unconscious. The police rescued James from the crowd and
carted him off to jail for murder and attempted rape.
The townspeople outraged by two horrible and vicious
crimes on respectable white women gathered at the southwest
corner of Seventh and Jefferson. There the Sangamon County Jail
housed the two hated individuals, James and Richardson. As the
temperature soared into the high nineties, the mood of the crowd
became more hostile. Obviously becoming intent on some kind of
vigilante justice, the crowd demanded the release of the two
alleged offenders. Sheriff Charles Werner, seeing that the crowd
was getting out of hand and fearing the safety of his prisoners,
devised a plan to transport the two to safety. A false fire
alarm was sounded to divert the crowd's attention while the
prisoners were escorted out the back of the jail to a car owned
by a local restaurateur, Harry Loper. By 5 o'clock the two
prisoners were on the train to safety in Bloomington, a town
sixty miles north of Springfield.
Then the sheriff announced that the crowd might as well
disperse because the men that they wanted were no longer in the
jail. This apparently enraged the crowd and that's where the
violent trouble began. Under the leadership of a few inspiring
individuals like Kate Howard, a local rooming house owner who
was notorious for her hatred of blacks, the crowd moved from the
county jail down to Harry Loper's restaurant when it learned
that his car was used in the escape plot. The crowd stalled at
the sight of Harry Loper standing in the doorway with his rifle,
but after he left by the back door the mob preceded to trash and
destroy his stylish restaurant. They consumed the liquor, broke
plate glassed windows, demolished the interior, and torched his
five thousand dollar automobile.
The local authorities attempted to control the crowd, but
were overwhelmed and outnumbered. Mayor Roy Reece of Springfield
was forced into hiding by threats from the angry crowd.
Fortunately for Springfield, Governor Charles Dedeen was in town
and promptly activated the State militia. The crowd, however,
was still on the move.
Urged on by shouts of "Women desire protection and this
seems the only way to get it" the mob's intent had changed from
the original purpose of seeking their own form of justice to
clearing the entire town of blacks. Now the crowd headed toward
the black commercial section of the city called the Levee where
they broke into Fishman's pawn shop, a Jewish owned business,
and stole weapons that would in the near future destroy many
businesses, homes, and dreams. The mob now possessing guns,
ammunition, and ropes, moved through the Levee, destroying all
black businesses that were in sight. The violent crowd destroyed
two or three blocks of the Levee. After having laid waste to a
number of Negro established businesses in Springfield the mob
then moved north heading toward the black residential section
known as the Badlands.
On the way, however, a section of the angry crowd
encountered the first resistance when they confronted a black
barber named Scott Burton. When he saw the mob approach, Burton
decided to protect his property and stood in the doorway with a
shotgun. The mob wanted to destroy the barber shop because it
was owned by a black man and because he had a white wife, but
they did not want to get killed themselves. Out of fear Burton
fired a blast of buckshot into the crowd. The crowd returned the
fire and Burton was killed. His barber shop was burned and his
body was paraded from his porch to a place several blocks away
where it was hanged from a tree outside a saloon. Burton's
corpse became the symbol of the mob's hatred of blacks and was
riddled by bullets until the militia came and put a stop to that
action.
But then the mob then moved on to the black residential
area of Springfield. Rioters set fire to the houses of blacks
avoiding only the homes with white handkerchiefs tied outside
which signified they were homes owned or inhabited by whites.
When firemen arrived, the crowd hindered their progress and even
cut their hoses. It was estimated that a crowd of nearly 12,000
people had gathered to watch the Badlands burn. Black families
were forced to run to surrounding towns or find refuge within
the hostile city. Some blacks found safety with white people
they knew, others went to the State Armory, and still others
tried just to get out of town. Those that went to surrounding
towns were met by signs that read, "All Niggers are warned out
of town by Monday, 12 Sharp!". By midnight some national guard
units arrived and dispersed the mob and the violence ended for
Friday night.
See site link for the rest of the story and photos: http://library.thinkquest.org/2986/?tqskip1=1&tqtime=0816
|
CHICAGO
- 1919 (1919), most
severe of approximately 25 race riots throughout the U.S. in the
"Red Summer" (meaning "bloody") following World War I; a
manifestation of racial frictions intensified by large-scale
Negro migration to the North, industrial labour competition,
overcrowding in urban ghettos, and greater militancy among black
war veterans who had fought "to preserve democracy." In the
South, revived Ku Klux Klan activities resulted in 64 lynchings
in 1918 and 83 in 1919; race riots broke out in Washington,
D.C.; Knoxville, Tenn.; Longview, Texas; and Phillips County,
Ark. In the North the worst race riots erupted in Chicago and in
Omaha, Neb.
Chicago racial tension, concentrated on the South Side,
was particularly exacerbated by the pressure for adequate
housing: the black population had increased from 44,000 in 1910
to more than 109,000 in 1920. The riot was triggered by the
death of a black youth on July 27. He had been swimming in Lake
Michigan and had drifted into an area tacitly reserved for
whites; he was stoned and he shortly drowned. When police
refused to arrest the white man whom black observers held
responsible for the incident, indignant crowds began to gather
on the beach, and the disturbance began. Distorted rumours swept
the city as sporadic fighting broke out between gangs and mobs
of both races. Violence escalated with each incident, and for 13
days Chicago was without law and order despite the fact that the
state militia had been called out on the fourth day. By the end,
38 were dead (23 blacks, 15 whites), 537 injured, and 1,000
black families made homeless.
The horror of the Chicago Race Riot helped shock the
nation out of indifference to its growing racial conflict. Pres.
Woodrow Wilson castigated the "white race" as "the aggressor" in
both the Chicago and Washington riots, and efforts were launched
to promote racial harmony through voluntary organizations and
ameliorative legislation in Congress. The period also marked a
new willingness on the part of black men to fight for their
rights in the face of injustice and oppression.
FROM: http://www.uic.edu/orgs/kbc/ganghistory/Industrial%20Era/Riotbegins.html -
SEE THIS LINK FOR PHOTOS
From July 27 to August 2, 1919, a race riot broke out in
Chicago. When it was over thirty-eight people were dead, 537
injured and about 1000 rendered homeless. The incident which
sparked the riot was the drowning of a black youth after he
drifted onto a white area of a beach, on a hot, 96 degree day.
The reasons for the riot, however, lie with segregation, vicious
racism, and the organized activities of white gangs, many of
which were sponsored by Chicago's political machine. Most of the
rioting, murder, and arson were concentrated in the Black Belt.
"The rioting was characterized by much activity on the
part of gangs of hoodlums, and the clashes developed from sudden
and spontaneous assaults into organized raids against life and
property." (1)
"As part of the background of the Chicago riot, the
activities of gangs of hoodlums should be cited. There had been
friction for years, especially along the western boundary of the
area in which the Negroes mainly live, and in the spring just
preceding the riot. They reached a climax on the night of June
21, 1919, five weeks before the riot, when two Negroes were
murdered. Each was alone at the time and was the victim of
unprovoked and particularly brutal attack. Molestation of
Negroes by hoodlums had been prevalent in the vicitiy of parks
and playgrounds and at bathing-beaches." (3)
As the riot began, clashes between whites and blacks
stepped up. The report continues;
"Further to the west, as darkness came on, white gangsters
became active. Negores in whtie districts suffered severely at
their hands. From 9:00pm until 3:00am twenty-seven Negores were
beaten, seven were stabbed, and four were shot." (5)
Black and white people went to work the next day without
incident, but a street strike forced workers to walk, creating
opportunities for mayhem. "But as the afternoon wore on, white
men and boys living between the Stock Yarks and the "Black Belt"
sought malicious amusement in directing mob violence against
Negro workers returning home." (5-6)
Black mobs retaliated against the white violence. As the
violence increased, police fired into a crowd of black
demonstrators, killing four. Whites became emboldened "Gangs in
white districts grew bolder, finally taking the offensive in
raids through territory "invaded" by Negro home seekers. Boys
between sixteen and twenty-two banded together to enjoy the
excitement of the chase….(6)
"Automobile raids were added to the rioting on Monday
night. Cars from which rifle and revolver shots were fired were
driven at great spead through sections inhabited by Negroes."
(6) No white raiders were arrested and Blacks began "sniping" in
retaliation. Chicago's Police Chief admitted to the Commission:
"There is no doubt that a great many police officers were
grossly unfair in making arrests. They shut their eyes to
offenses committed by white men while they were veryvigorous in
gettijng all the colored men they could get." (34). Twice as
many blacks were arrested than whites.
The next day gang violence grew worse:
"A white gang of soldiers and sailors in uniform,
augmented by civilians, raide the "Loop" or downtown section of
Chicago, early Tuesday, killing two Negroes and beating and
robbing several others…..Gangs sprang up as far south as
Sixty-third Street in Englewood and in the section west of
Wentworth Avenue near Forty-seventh Street. Premeditated
depredations were the order of the night. Many Negro homes in
mixed districts were attacked, and several of them were burned."
Lasalle Street railroad station was invaded twice, with white
gangs hunting for Black workers or riders (20).
Rain seemed to calm the
riot for a few days and fires in the Stock Yards left 948
people, mainly Lithuanians, homeless. While Blacks were blamed
for the fires, the Grand Jury suspected they were started by
back of the Yards white gangs "for the purpose of inciting race
feeling by blaming same on the blacks." (16). But by then, the
riot had run its course.
|
TULSA - 1921 Tulsa panel
seeks truth from 1921 race riot
Commission to recommend if survivors should be compensated
August 3, 1999
TULSA, Oklahoma (CNN) -- Beulah Smith and Kenny Booker,
two elderly Oklahomans, lived through one of the worst race
riots in U.S. history, a rarely mentioned 1921 Tulsa blood bath
that officially took dozens of African-American lives, but more
likely claimed hundreds. Perhaps even thousands.
The Tulsa Race Riot Commission, formed two years ago to
determine exactly what happened, will consider next week the
controversial issue of what, if any, reparations should be paid
to the known survivors of the riot, a group of less than 100
that includes Smith, now 92, and Booker, 86.
'The gun went off, the riot was on'
On the night of May 31, 1921, mobs called for the lynching
of Dick Rowland, a black man who shined shoes, after hearing
reports that on the previous day he had assaulted Sarah Page, a
white woman, in the elevator she operated in a downtown
building.
A local newspaper had printed a fabricated story that
Rowland tried to rape Page. In an editorial, the same newspaper
said a hanging was planned for that night.
As groups of both blacks and whites converged on the Tulsa
courthouse, a white man in the crowd confronted an armed black
man, a war veteran, who had joined with other blacks to protect
Rowland.
Commission member Eddie Faye Gates told CNN what happened
next. "This white man," she said, asked the black man, "'What
are you doing with this gun?'"
"'I'm going to use it if I have to,'" the black man said,
according to Gates, "and (the white man) said, 'No, you're not.
Give it to me,' and he tried to take it. The gun went off, the
white man was dead, the riot was on."
Truckloads of whites set fires and shot blacks on sight.
When the smoke lifted the next day, more than 1,400 homes and
businesses in Tulsa's Greenwood district, a prosperous area
known as the "black Wall Street," lay in ruins.
Today, only a single block of the original buildings
remains standing in the area.
The official death toll was below 100, most of them black,
but there was always doubt about the actual number. Experts now
estimate that at least 300 people, and perhaps as many as 3,000,
died.
'We're in a heck of a lot of trouble'
Beulah Smith was 14 years old the night of the riot. A
neighbor named Frenchie came pounding on her family's door in a
Tulsa neighborhood known as "Little Africa" that also went up in
flames.
"'Get your families out of here because they're killing
niggers uptown,'" she remembers Frenchie saying. "We hid in the
weeds in the hog pen," Smith told CNN.
People in a mob that came to Kenny Booker's house asked,
"'Nigger, do you have a gun?'" he told CNN.
Booker, then a teen-ager, hid with his family in their
attic until the home was torched. "When we got downstairs,
things were burning. My sister asked me, 'Kenny, is the world on
fire?' I said, 'I don't know, but we're in a heck of a lot of
trouble, baby.'"
Another riot survivor, Ruth Avery, who was 7 at the time,
gives an account matched by others who told of bombs dropped
from small airplanes passing overhead. The explosive devices may
have been dynamite or Molotov cocktails -- gasoline-filled
bottles set afire and thrown as grenades.
"They'd throw it down and when it'd hit, it would burst
into flames," Avery said.
Unmarked graves
Many of the survivors "mentioned bodies were stacked like
cord wood," says Richard Warner of the Tulsa Historical Society.
In its search for the facts, the commission has literally
been trying to dig up the truth.
Two headstones at Tulsa's Oaklawn Cemetery indicate that
riot victims are buried there. In an effort to determine how
many, archeological experts in May used ground-piercing radar
and other equipment to test the soil in a search for unmarked
graves.
The test picked up indications that dozens, if not
hundreds, of people may have been buried in an area just outside
the cemetery.
Further tests will be conducted, but there are no plans to
excavate the area.
The Tulsa commission is scheduled to release its final
report on the riot in January. For many of the survivors, the
issue is not money -- they want an apology.
"We were innocent," Booker said. "We didn't do anything to
start this race riot."
Correspondent Charles Zewe and The Associated Press
contributed to this report, written by Jim Morris
|
THE WELLAND CANAL - 1943 FROM: http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm
Irish on the Welland Canal
Many fleeting Irish, especially from the counties of Cork
and Connaught, came to Canada seeking a fresh start and found it
in the Niagara region.
The Welland Canal, a man made waterway meant to carry
ships around the falls at Niagara, would require many workers
and as advertisements (from 1821) showed, a wage of $12 a month!
was waiting for the men who would build it.
"Slabtown" Irish men swarmed in, many with their families,
so many that towns were soon brimming past full or springing up
along the canal at construction sites. Merriton and Thorold were
two such and St. Catharines grew expansively with the influx.
Difficulties in funding for the Canal, changes in course,
or stoppages of work all together, along with poor living
conditions made life for these immigrants difficult. Also,
coming to a new country did not erase old rivalries and bigotry
among the workers and indeed, irritated them, since there was
competition for jobs both here and on other similar projects.
Slabtown was the nickname given to the community of
Welland Canal workers who lived in rough slab shanties. Many of
these workers were Irish and tensions mounted which were
directly rooted in the Catholic _ Protestant split within the
community. Trouble broke out constantly and in 1943 rioting
broke out.
Aug. 18, 1842 Quest for food: Irish Laborers- letter from
Constantine Lee, D.D., Catholic Pastor. - They plundered Mr.
Barrett's storehouse at the Quarry. They admitted coming for
something to eat and if it was not given them they were prepared
to take it. - They planned to plunder Oliver Phelp's red mill,
but (Pastor) Lee prevented them. 70 shanties have been built
between this village and the mountain locks. Tried to plunder
flour from flouring mills of Henry Mittleberger - none there so
they plundered the schooner "Mariner".
Oct. 26, 1843 Labour Force: Expense of Canal Riots Dec.
14, 1843 More Canal riots among the laborers of the Welland
Canal - One of the officers, Mr. Wheeler, went out to make an
arrest at the Canalers Shanty at Allenburg and found he accused
armed and determined to resist... an express was sent off to D.
McFarland, Esq., Port Robinson for the assistance of a
detachment of the colored corps (see below) stationed there to
quell rioters. Many of the canallers along the line having
refused to work at the reduced prices offered by the
contractors, having been idle for some time past - their funds
are running low and they are becoming desperate.
Dec. 21, 1843 Strike Canal Rioters are striking for more
than 50 (cents) daily and increase in January to 5 York
Shillings. The strikers want more - above Port Robinson last
Friday - serious.
Feb. 16, 1844 Starvation and Riot Editorial on riots. Many
hundreds of men, women and children apparently in he last sages
of starvation. More to be discharged when navigation
opens. Wm. Benson, Esq., head officer of the Police Force of the
Division Port Dalhousie to near Allenburg sends the following
Statement consisting entirely of diggers, stone cutters,
mechanics, quarry men and other laborers not included, which
amount to 500 more. Mr. Bonallie's portion of the canal, which
includes the Feeder and Broad Creek is probably about the same.
Canal laborers:
working 658
idle 645
women 666
children 1, 209
total = 3, 178 of this number, only 42 are reported sick.
Apr. 12 1844 Strike on Lachine Canal - demand for increase
by men on Mr. Wait's contract - want 2s.3d., no 2s. they get.
July 19, 1844 Strike on section of Canal through Thorold.
Further south - no trouble.
Sept. 20, 1844 Riots on Canal July 10, 1845 Have Major
Richardson and Benson Situation in some detail Jul 17, 1845 -
controversy on the canal, prejudice. (Benson resigned and Major
Richardson replaced him as the "law" on the Canal. Supt. of
Police on Canal.
June 28, 1844 Terms Canal workers from Barnets Lock to
Thorold refuse to work on Monday except at an advance on wages.
They get 6s. New York currency per day and want 7s.
Feb. 19, 1846 Notice -
John Richardson, late Stipendiary Magistrate and Superintendent
of Police on he Welland Canal has been removed from the above
situations. Allenburg, Feb. 2, 1846, J. Thompson. Also an
editorial about Richardson and his good work. Police are no
longer needed on the Canal.
See http://www.irishhamilton.com/Welland%20canal.htm for
more
|
QUEBEC - 1992 FROM: http://www.wumingfoundation.com/english/giap/giapdigest10.html
1. The three days of Quebec City proved that the global
movement is not suffering any 'demographical crisis', which
people were afraid of after Nice and Davos. There is no risk of
a crisis when the movement successfully appeals to local,
peculiar characteristics. In plain words, the activists made the
most of Quebec's anti-imperial and anti-centralist feelings,
making the reasons of the protest intelligible by the
French-speaking population of Canada.
From saturday early afternoon to the dawn of monday,
10,000 rioters besieged the forbidden citadel then attacked and
tore down the Wall of Shame. They could do it by swimming in the
sea of the 50,000 demonstrators gathered by the unions and the
Summit of the Peoples of the Americas. In their turn, all these
people swam in the ocean of general solidarity, in a sympathetic
town and region which didn't lock out, indeed, rejected
corporate psychological terrorism and reacted to the state of
emergency in manifold ways. A few dozen yards from the riots,
bars were open and their windows showed such stickers as "Fuck
Le Sommet". The inhabitants of the St.Jean Baptiste borough
delivered water, baking soda and slices of lemon to attenuate
the effects of tear gas. Cab drivers advised demonstrators on
the safest routes to take.
By relying on a process of reterritorialization, the
praxis can supercede all media stereotypes, as well as the risk
of becoming a "professional army", kind of "protest
globetrotters", barbarians invading alien cities.
2. There was neither any distinction nor mutual
interference between street action and the work of more
institutional "interfaces", i.e. the unionists, NGO delegates,
"alternative" "experts" that organized the "counter-summit".
While in Seattle some people were still deluded about "dialogue"
( sending "observers" to the WTO meetings, setting up allegedly
"joint" committees, writing "amendments" to treaties which
couldn't be amended etc.), in Quebec City such dreams evaporated
even before tear gas filled the streets. The multifarious galaxy
of NGOs, environmentalists, trade unions and intellectuals
refused mediations and described the FTAA as "neo-liberal,
environment-destroying, racist and sexist project."
|
TEAMSTERS - 1934 TO BE REPEATED IN
2002 IN OAKLAND, CA ? Friday, June 28, 2002
Workers vow unity at port rally
By Paul T. Rosynsky
Staff Writer
OAKLAND -- Union leaders continued to chastise
international shippers Thursday, vowing to shut down the
country's ports if demands by West Coast dockworkers are not met
during current negotiations.
As the contentious negotiations between West Coast
dockworkers and international shippers moved from behind closed
doors to the pages of the nation's newspapers, more than 500
union workers gathered in Oakland to show their unity to each
other and against the shippers.
Led by Teamsters President James Hoffa Jr., the workers
shouted chants and held signs declaring "solidarity" and
demanding "a share of the wealth" during a rally at Port View
Park at the Port of Oakland.
"There is only one thing they can't get around ... all
these goods have to come through the ports," Hoffa said. "They
stand to make billions and billions of dollars and they got to
share the profits with our people. We want a piece of the pie."
Hoffa came to Oakland to tell leaders of the Pacific
Maritime Association, a group representing shippers, that the
1.4 million Teamsters will not cross picket lines set up by
longshoremen should a strike occur or if shippers decide to lock
out workers once a contract between the two expires Monday.
Raising hands with ILWU President Jim Spinosa, Hoffa
harked back to the union's infamous strike in 1934 in which
riots broke out and the ILWU became recognized as a formidable
labor party in the country.
"We stand together, and this morning we walked into a room
with all the employers of the PMA and we delivered a message,"
Hoffa said. "ILWU does not stand alone; if you lock out the
ILWU, you lock out the Teamsters and we will fight you every
step of the way."
While both sides said they will continue to work beyond
the July 1 deadline, many observers worried a job action could
occur, especially after it was revealed this week that the two
sides have just begun to talk about the highly sensitive issue
of introducing technology on the docks.
ILWU contends shippers are using the issue as a smoke-
screen to send their jobs to foreign countries where labor is
cheaper, while shippers say they will not cut jobs and are only
trying to make ports more efficient.
"There is a way to sit down and negotiate without any
major stoppage, but it does not seem to appear that it is going
that way," said Robin Lainer, executive director of the Pacific
Coast Waterfront Coalition, a Washington, D.C., group
representing merchants and some shippers. "It would affect
virtually every Fortune 500 company in America."
In fact, a recent study conducted by University of
California professor Stephen Cohen found a five-day work
stoppage at West Coast ports would cost the nation's economy
more than $4 billion, as many of the goods sold during the
Christmas shopping season are sent during July and August.
In addition, a work stoppage on the West Coast could
deteriorate into a shutdown across the country as
representatives from dockworkers unions along the East Coast
also said Thursday they will not accept ships diverted from the
west.
Despite union claims that the rally in Oakland and at
other ports in the country sent a message to the PMA, officials
at the organization said negotiations continued Thursday as if
the rally did not occur.
"I don't really think, despite the public posturing of the
union, that it really affects us at the bargaining
table," said PMA spokesman Jack Suite. "I think it is more
important for us to talk at the bargaining table."
Suite said it is doubtful the negotiations will be
completed by Monday's deadline; however, he said it was not
unusual for both sides to miss the deadline but continue working
until an agreement is found.
Workers at the rally, however, said they were ready to
take to the picket lines.
"I've got a family, we've all got families, but it is
going to take these types of actions to make the
community see what is going on here," said Edwin Cotton, 51, a
dockworker from Oakland. "I'm here in support of our union, and
that is what it is going to take."
|
1934 - BAY BRIDGE RIOTS
FROM: http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist4/maritime8.html
S.F. WORK ON SPAN HALTED
Riots Force Shutdown of Operations, Says Governor in
Statement
All work on the San Francisco-Oakland bay bridge in San
Francisco stopped today as the result of strike riots, Gov.
Merriam announced.
Work on the San Francisco side of the bridge was in the
area bounded by the top of Rincon Hill, the Embarcadero,
Harrison and Bryant sts. The units are the viaduct, the
anchorage, Pier A, at Main st.; Pier B, on the east side of Main
st., and pier 1 at Spear st.
Chief Engineer C.H. Purcell will confer with Police Chief
Quinn for aid, and Gov. Merriam offered cooperation if the
situation is not corrected.
The governor’s official statement was:
“I have just been informed by Chief Engineer Purcell that
strikers have occupied Rincon Hill and the Embarcadero area and
that the battle with police this morning has driven off all
bridge workers and stopped all bridge work in San Francisco.
“The strikers have stopped work at Rincon Hill by 100
Healy-Tibbetts construction men and a staff of 15 state bridge
engineers and assistants.
“The contractors’ men were driven off by rocks and gas at
9:50 a.m., although hauling of dirt from Pier A, Pier, B Pier
W-1 and the viaduct stopped earlier.
“All survey crews were called off by the chief engineer
this morning. The effect of the stoppage of work will postpone
the date when hiring of steel crews can begin. Mr. Purcell will
confer with Police Chief Quinn for aid. If control is not
reestablished today, Mr. Purcell will again report to me and I
am studying the situation and will give him the co-operation he
needs so that work can go on.”
The Daily News
July 5, 1934
|
1943 RACE RIOTS - DETROIT
FROM: http://detnews.com/history/riot/riot.htm SEE
PHOTOS ON THIS LINK
A flaming car sets fire to a streetcar station on Woodward
in the early hours of the riot.
The 1943 Detroit race riots
By Vivian M. Baulch and Patricia Zacharias / The
Detroit News Even as
World War II was transforming Detroit into the Arsenal of
Democracy, cultural and social upheavals brought about by the
need for workers to man the bustling factories threatened to
turn the city into a domestic battleground.
Recruiters toured the South convincing whites and blacks
to head north with promises of high wages in the new war
factories. They arrived in such numbers that it was impossible
to house them all.
Blacks who believed they were heading to a promised land
found a northern bigotry every bit as pervasive and virulent as
what they thought they had left behind in the deep south. And
southern whites brought their own traditional prejudices with
them as both races migrated northward. An injured driver from
Busy Bee Moving Company is detained by police after he attempted
to drive through a picket line of angry white neighbors near the
Sojourner Housing Project.
The influx of newcomers strained not only housing, but
transportation, education and recreational facilities as well.
Wartime residents of Detroit endured long lines everywhere, at
bus stops, grocery stores, and even at newsstands where they
hoped for the chance to be first answering classified ads
offering rooms for rent. Even though the city enjoyed full
employment, it suffered the many discomforts of wartime
rationing. Child-care programs were nonexistent, with grandma
the only hope -- provided she wasn't already working at a
defense plant.
The prevailing 48-hour work week put lots of money into
defense workers pockets, but there were few places to spend it
and little to spend it on. Food and housing were either rationed
or unavailable. Detroit's nickname was the "Arsenal of
Democracy" but stressed-out residents often referred to it as
the "arsehole" of democracy. Workers disgruntled by the long
commute out to the Willow Run plane factory dubbed that
operation "Will it Run." Police try to disburse a crowd of
blacks at Sojourner Truth Housing Project Feb. 28, 1942.
Times were tough for all, but for the Negro community, times
were even tougher.
Blacks were excluded from all public housing except the
Brewster projects. Many lived in homes without indoor plumbing,
yet they paid rent two to three times higher than families in
white districts. Blacks were also confronted with a segregated
military, discrimination in public accommodations, and unfair
treatment by police.
The summer of 1941 saw an epidemic of street corner fights
involving blacks and Polish youths who were terrorizing black
neighborhoods in Detroit and Hamtramck.
Early in June 1943, 25,000 Packard plant workers, who
produced engines for bombers and PT boats, stopped work in
protest of the promotion of three blacks. A handful of agitators
whipped up animosity against the promotions. During the strike a
voice outside the plant reportedly shouted, "I'd rather see
Hitler and Hirohito win than work beside a nigger on the
assembly line."
Whites resentful over working next to blacks caused many
stoppages and slowdowns. Harold Zeck, a former Packard defense
worker, recalls the time when a group of women engine workers
tried to get the men on the assembly line to walk off the job to
protest black female workers using the white restrooms. "They
think their fannies are as good as ours," screamed one woman.
The protest fizzled when the men refused to walk out.
Unions did their best to keep production figures up and to
keep the lid on confrontations, even though the Ku Klux Klan and
the feared Black Legion were highly organized and visible in the
plants.
Overcrowded housing combined with government rent control
further aggravated racial problems in the city. Once spacious
flats were divided and then subdivided into tiny rooms to rent.
Many living under these oppressive conditions relied on hopes
for the future to get them through the long tiring days.
Even before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the federal
government was concerned about providing housing for the workers
who were beginning to pour into the area. On June 4, 1941, the
Detroit Housing Commission approved two sites for defense
housing projects--one for whites, one for blacks. The site
originally selected by the commission for black workers was in a
predominantly black area. But the federal government chose a
site at Nevada and Fenelon streets, a white neighborhood.
The Rev. Horace White, the only black member of the
Housing Commission, stated, "As much as I disagree with the site
selection, the housing shortage in Detroit is so acute,
particularly among Negroes, that I feel we should cooperate."
On Sept. 29, the project was named Sojourner Truth, in
memory of the female Negro leader and poet of Civil War days.
Despite being completed on Dec. 15, no tenants moved into the
homes because of mounting opposition from the white
neighborhood.
On Jan. 20, 1942, Washington informed the Housing
Commission that the Sojourner Truth project would be for whites
and another site would be selected for black workers. But when a
suitable site for blacks could not be found, Washington housing
authorities agreed to allow blacks into the finished homes.
On Feb. 27, with a cross burning in a field near the
homes, 150 angry whites picketed the project vowing to keep out
any black homeowners. By dawn the following day, the crowd had
grown to 1,200, many of whom were armed.
The first black tenants, rent paid and leases signed,
arrived at 9 a.m. but left the area fearing trouble. It wasn't
long in coming. Fighting began when two blacks in a car
attempted to run through the picket line. Clashes between white
and black groups continued into the afternoon when 16 mounted
police attempted to break up the fighting. Tear gas and shotgun
shell were flying through the air. Officials announced an
indefinite postponement of the move.
Detroit newspapers, union leaders, and many other whites
campaigned for the government to allow the black workers to move
into the homes. The families, having given up whatever shelter
they had in anticipation of their new homes, were left with no
place to go and were temporarily housed with other families in
the Brewster Homes and other sites.
Finally, despite the simmering resentment, black families
moved into the project at the end of April. Detroit Mayor Edward
Jeffries ordered Detroit police and state troops to keep the
peace during the move.
Walter Jackson, a 35-year-old defense worker, his wife and
five children were the first to move in. "We are here now and
let the bad luck happen," said Jackson. "I have only got one
time to die and I'd just as soon die here."
Jackson, a short, wiry 130-pound former UAW-CIO shop
steward, had taken an active part in the auto sit-down strikes
of 1937.
White neighbors on the project's eastern boundary quizzed
each passing white: "Which side are you on?" A score of white
women, some pushing baby carriages, waved American flags and
paraded briefly along Conley Avenue north of the project. They
booed when the Rev. White appeared to show support for the new
neighbors.
Although the Sojourner Truth riots resulted in no
fatalities, the trouble was a warning of what was to come.
By 1943 the number of blacks in Detroit had doubled since
1933 to 200,000 and racial tensions in the city grew
accordingly. To protest unfair conditions, some blacks began a
"bumping campaign" -- walking into whites on the streets and
bumping them off the sidewalks, or nudging them in elevators.
Local and national media anticipated trouble. Life
Magazine called the situation dynamite. On June 20, blacks and
whites clashed in minor skirmishes on Belle Isle. Two young
blacks, angered that they had been ejected from Eastwood Park
some five days previously, had gone to Belle Isle to try to even
the score. Police began to search cars of blacks crossing to
Belle Isle but they did not search cars driven by whites.
Fighting on the island began around 10 p.m. and police declared
it under control by midnight. More than 200 blacks and whites
had participated in the free-for-all.
Rumors began to fly.
Leo Tipton and Charles (Little Willie) Lyons told a black
crowd at the Forest Social Club, 700 Forest, that whites had
thrown a black woman and her baby off the Belle Isle Bridge.
More than 500 angry and fearful patrons swarmed onto the street.
The angry crowd moved to Woodward, near Paradise Valley,
breaking windows and looting stores.
Nearby, just west of Woodward in an area inhabited by
southern whites, another rumor swept the neighborhood--blacks
had raped and murdered a white woman on the Belle Isle Bridge.
An angry mob of whites spilled onto Woodward near the Roxy
Theater around 4 a.m., beating blacks as they were getting off
street cars.
At least six Detroit policemen were shot in the melees,
and another 75 were injured.
Woodward was the dividing line between the roving black
and white gangs. Whites took over Woodward up to Vernor and
overturned and burned 20 cars belonging to blacks, looting
stores as they went. The virtual guerrilla warfare overwhelmed
the 2,000 city police officers and 150 state police troopers. A
crowd of 100,000 spectators gathered near Grand Circus Park
looking for something to watch. A white mob moves up Woodward
looking for trouble in the early hours of the 1943 riot. At
least two overturned cars can be seen in the background.
The first death was a white pedestrian killed by a
taxicab. Later four white youths shot and killed Moses Kiska,
58, a black man who was waiting for a bus at Mack and Chene.
The white Detroit police officers who patrolled Paradise
Valley considered all blacks on Hastings Street looters. They
reportedly told bystanders to "run and not look back." Some were
shot in the back running from police.
Disregarding police warnings, a white doctor, Joseph De
Horatiis, entered a black neighborhood on a house call. Within
moments he was hit with a rock, pulled from his car and beaten
to death by rioters. A monument to the Italian physician was
dedicated in 1946 at East Grand and Gratiot.
A black man coming off a bus on Woodward was beaten by a
white mob in front of four policemen who made no effort to
protect the victim or arrest the whites.
Mayor Edward Jeffries Jr. and Governor Harry Kelly asked
President Roosevelt for help in restoring order. Federal troops
in armored cars and jeeps with automatic weapons moved down
Woodward. The sight of the troops with their overwhelming
firepower cooled the fervor of the rioters and the mobs began to
melt away.
The toll was appalling. The 36 hours of rioting claimed 34
lives, 25 of them black. More than 1,800 were arrested for
looting and other incidents, the vast majority black. Thirteen
murders remained unsolved. A white mob overturns a car belonging
to a black man on Woodward. The whites running at right are
chasing the driver.
Five black men received 80-day jail terms for disturbing
the peace. Two were acquitted. Twenty-eight were charged and
convicted on various charges including concealed weapons,
destruction of property, assault, larceny. There was little
arson, due to gasoline rationing, but more than a few cars were
overturned and torched.
Tipton and Little, the two blacks linked to the original
rumor, were sentenced to two-to-five years for inciting a riot.
The city's white police force was criticized for its
"restraint" in dealing with the black rioters, despite the fact
that only blacks -- 17 of them -- were killed by police.
Police Commissioner John H. Witherspoon defended his force
and his refusal to issue shoot-to-kill orders, saying hundreds
could have been killed. "All of those killed would not have been
hoodlums or murderers--many would have been victims of mob
psychology or innocent bystanders. If a shoot-to-kill policy was
right, my judgment was wrong."
Mayor Jeffries praised the police and said he was "rapidly
losing my patience with those Negro leaders who insist that
their people do not and will not trust policemen." The mayor
asked the Rev. White to search for 200 qualified Negroes to join
the police force.
Thurgood Marshall, then with the NAACP, assailed the
city's handling of the riot. He charged that police unfairly
targeted blacks while turning their backs on white atrocities.
He said 85 percent of those arrested were black while whites
overturned and burned cars in front of the Roxy Theater with
impunity while police watched.
"This weak-kneed policy of the police commissioner coupled
with the anti-Negro attitude of many members of the force helped
to make a riot inevitable," Marshall said.
Despite Detroit's history of problems, the Seal of the
City of Detroit offers hopeful and timeless mottoes: "Speramus
meliora" (We hope for better things) and "Resurget Cineribus"
(It will rise from the ashes.) Rioters overturn car on Woodward
and Vernor. Moments later they set it on fire.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
DETROIT - 1967
FROM: http://www.davison.k12.mi.us/dms/CivilRightsWebPage/krk.htm
Do you know where your parents or grandparents were on
July 23, 1967? They might have been in a "Detroit riot". A riot
is a huge fight in the streets . One of the worst riot in United
States history happened on that sad day in July. This particular
riot all began with racism.
This whole riot started out just to be a little protest,
but soon evolved into a huge crowd of raging madmen fighting
anyone from a different race whom they could find. It was mainly
against blacks and whites. People started to burn down buildings
and vandalize other people's property. And this was only the
first day of the riot. The police didn't do anything
to stop it because in the past riots, it just caused more
fighting and violence. But the past riots weren't as bad as this
one. Finally, the police had decided that this one
had gone too far. So they had to try and do something.
On the second night of the riot people started calling
their friends and relatives from out of town to come and help
them fight. The people, all armed with weapons, just wanted to
cause even more trouble. No one could see an end to this
horrifying terror. By now, some of the people who participated
in this riot were either arrested or badly injured. But the
people just kept on coming and fighting.
On the third day of the riot, the police had decided to
call for backup because the riot had gotten so bad that they
couldn't handle it by themselves. This is the first time during
the riot that the police has asked for any help. The
police tried to use nightsticks and tear gas to try and get
control of the angry mob, but it didn't work. Then they decided
to bring out the dogs, but that didn't work either. Nothing the
police tried had worked. The peoples hatred drove them to
murder.
When the fighting finally calmed down, over 14 square
miles of the town had been destroyed. Over 7,000 people had been
arrested, 1,300 buildings destroyed, 2,700 businesses were
looted, and 43 people were killed. It was heard throughout
America and these three days are known as an embarrassment to us
as Americans. There have been many riots before, but for
different reasons. This one began with racism.
|
NEWARK, N.J. 1967
FROM: http://www.gfsnet.org/msweb/sixties/newarkriots67.htm
1967, several race riots occurred. However, one of the
better known riots occurred in Newark, New Jersey. Race riots
were breaking up the United States during the 60's and 70's.
These race riots were normally between African-Americans and and
white policemen accused of brutality towards these
African-Americans. Many times these race riots were located in
the slums of the city. In particular, the race riots of 1967,
were said to have sparked the assassination of Martin Luther
King, Jr. Many times African-American stores were looted and
destroyed by whites. These race riots would go on for days and
only come to a halt when the death toll had reached an enormous
amount. Race riots came to be because of a lack unfairness
towards the African-American people. Many times they would not
be able to make enough money, and for some reason made some
white people angry. Race riots sometimes broke out for a reason
of competition for jobs between African-Americans and whites.
Difficult conditions in low-income housing was another reason
for riots. After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.
many other terrible riots occurred. Newark was one of the
thousands of places where race riots occurred. However, the
riots in Newark were very extreme and terrible. Race riots were
a terrible issue in the 60's and 70's and are sometimes still a
problem in the world today.
|
BOMBAY - 1993 FROM: http://www.altindia.net/jp/MISSING%20PERSONS%20OF%20BOMBAY%20RIOTS.html
MISSING PERSONS OF BOMBAY RIOTS
Shabbir Kotawala and Shabbir Lakhat left their Malad home
at 11 am on January 10, 93, to rescue their sister-in-law from
riot-torn Jogeshwari. They neither reached their sister-in-law's
home, nor did they ever come back.
Their wives, Rashida and Fiza, observed the official
mourning only this year. ``For three months we neither ate nor
drank, hoping that they would walk in through the door any
moment,'' says 25-year-old Fiza.
This hope took them as far as the Nashik Jail, where many
riot arrested had been lodged. ``We would hang around Arthur
road Jail too, peering into the police vans taking people to
court, '' recalls Fiza.
Policemen told them that their men must have been upto no
good to be out on the streets during the riots. The two bearded
men are officially listed as Missing.
Pappu Qureishi of Citizens For Peace, who has, over the
last two years, traced 14 of the 165 persons listed as missing
during the riots (including Hindus) , found from police records
that on January 14, two burnt Muslim bodies were found at
Goregaon, naked and decomposed. He believes they must have been
the sisters' husbands.
Fiza, Rashida, their old mother and teenaged brother now
all work to ensure that Rarshida's two sons, aged 9 and 11, can
go to school. They did not receive the government
compensation of Rs 2 lakh which other riot victims did, since
they could produce no proof of their husbands' death.
21-year-old Javed Ismail left home early morning on
january 11, 93 to bring milk from Shiv Sena Nagri, sewree. He
never came back. The police registered him as a Missing person.
In response to a a habeas corpus petition by his mother
(one of many such filed by advocate Niloufer Bhagwat on behalf
of missing persons) , Inspector Ingle of RAK Marg filed an
affidavit saying that the police learnt later that Javed and
Samoon Ahmed had been killed by a mob at shiv Sena Nagari and
their bodies burnt to ash in the Christian cemetery nearby.
Four persons were arrested under TADA for the offence.
Bhagwat asked that the police issue a death certificate.
They refused. In their judgement on Oct 7, 93, Justices M L
Pendse and M F Saldanha accepted the police's offer that
Inspector Ingle's affidavit could be used as proof of Javed's
death.
Javed's mother is still to get the compensation.
Muniruddin (40) , Ansar Ali (20) and Zainullabideen (15)
were picked up by the Deonar police from home on December 8, 92,
at 1.30 pm, their wife and mother told the srikrishna Commission
last year. That was the last time they saw them. On december 20,
the police gave the women letters authorising them to identify
their men from bodies kept in the morgue. They could not.
Justice Srikrishna ordered that the women be granted the
compensation due to riot victims. They have yet to get it.
As far back as July 94, the Srikrishna Commission wrote to
S Jambunathan, Additional Chief Secretary, Home, recommending
that the government reconsider its policy not to grant
compensation to families of persons officially reported missing
during the riots, in the absence of proof of their death. The
letter annexed a list of 12 missing persons whose families had
deposed before the Commission, and recommended that they be
treated as riot-related deaths. In five cases, the police had
later registered cases of murder.
``The (Srikrishna) Commission feels this policy decision
operates harshly and unjustly against families of missing
persons, as, for no fault on their part, the family members may
be hard put to establish that the missing persons are dead. It
least in such of the cases which have been examined by the
Commission and recommended for payment of compensation, the
Commission feels there should be no hesitation in making (the)
payment," the letter said.
This week, Bombay Suburban Disctrict Collector S Chahande
told MIDDay he had never head of this letter.
He however revealed that the government had, in October
96, taken a policy decision to treat those missing as dead and
grant them the same compensation, on their signing an indemnity
bond. They would have to return the Rs 2 lakh if the missing
member turned up.
A number of such families signed the bonds, and one of
them actually got the Rs 2 lakh. Her husband, a hawker, who had
left home early on the morning of January 12, 93, had been
thrown into a bonfire at Golibar into which five other Muslims
were also thrown.
She was the first and last relative of a missing person to
get compensation. Sources in the high-powered relief committee
for the 92-93 riot victims, told Mid-Day that after this case,
the government stopped all further payments to such families
from the Collector's office without Mantralaya's approval.
Chahande attributed the delay to redrafting of the
indemnity bond. The new version was awaiting the Law and
Judiciary department's approval, he said.
This approval has been pending for the last four months,
revealed Pappu Qureishi, who has pieced together eye-witness
accounts which show that most of the missing persons had been
killed, and often, burnt. ``The authorities are dragging their
feet because accepting these cases as riot victims would mean
investigating who killed them,'' he says. Qureishi, whose area
of work is the suburbs, revealed that 12 families of missing
persons had been traced in the city.
Till the government recognises them as riot-related
deaths, their children cannot get the Rs 425 per month available
for children of riot victims from the delhi-based National
Foundation for Communal Harmony, points out Qureishi.
By the time Mantralay's renewed approval comes through,
the victims may legally be presumed dead, not having turned up
for seven years.
``What happened to them was outside the law. But the
government is treating their families strictly according to
law,'' complains Fazal Shad of the Bombay Aman committee, the
first to take up the issue of missing persons.
It is to thwart this injustice that a group of activists
have decided to file a petition next week asking that five years
after the riots, the government treat the missing as dead.
|
Nation's capital still recovering from 1968 riots
April 4, 1998
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- It's been three decades since Martin
Luther King's assassination sparked riots in Washington, D.C.,
and parts of the nation's capital are still trying to recover
from the impact of the violence. While some speak of
a city renaissance, others are unsure whether the district will
ever fully recover.
Thirteen people died and thousands were injured during
three days of riots.
"The sky was filled with flames and smoke. And it seemed
like the whole world was on fire," civil rights activist
Sterling Tucker recalled for CNN.
"The looting was going on, the devastation was going on,"
said City Councilwoman Charlene Drew Jarvis.
"No one tried to stop anyone," community activist Stanley
Mayes said.
Through it all, Ben's Chili Bowl stayed open.
"We identified the business as being African American by
putting a sign in the window that said 'Soul Brother,'" said
Virginia Ali. Nevertheless, the riots destroyed the district's
African-American commercial hubs.
Recovery has been slow
"I had no idea it would take us 30 years to rebuild it. I
thought my neighborhood would come back. This is a great
neighborhood. This is where everybody comes for their social
life, and everything," Mayes said.
The recovery was slow, and, in many ways, tells a tale of
two parts of a city.
U-Street in the northwest -- once the Mecca of black
professional Washington -- became a thoroughfare connecting more
affluent white neighborhoods. The city constructed a building
there in the 1980s and a subway stop in the 1990s -- and finally
some private-sector investment followed.
"My son is now leasing a property here as a commercial
broker. So the 30-something generation is getting involved again
in the vitality of these neighborhood commercial corridors,"
Jarvis said.
H-Street across town, in the northeast, is a different
story.
Like most areas, it got federal and city money to help it
clear out the rubble. And there was some rebuilding -- until a
railroad overpass was built, and divided the street from the
rest of the city.
"These businesses lost business," explained businessman
Anwar Saleem, describing the impact of the overpass. "When they
built that bridge, you didn't have that traffic flow. People had
to go around about to come down here to do business."
But much of that round-about-business dynamic failed to
materialize: Many buildings on H-Street remain locked and
boarded-up, and reinvestment has been slow and painful.
'The working poor are ... poorer'
While race relations have been improving in the formerly
riot-torn areas, civil rights leaders say more work remains to
be done.
"The working poor are in many ways poorer than they were
before. So we have some critical issues, even as we see lots of
progress," Tucker said.
"I hope what we've learned is how to live together and
work together better and to settle the differences," said Bill
Barrows of the H-Street Community Development Corporation. "But
I'm not at all certain."
Correspondent Kathleen Koch contributed to this report.
|
Tuesday, 8 February, 2000, Mutual fears behind
Spain's race riots
Tension in the region has been increasing
By Daniel Schweimler in Madrid
The anti-immigrant violence which has erupted in the
region of Almeria in south-eastern Spain comes after a period of
increasing tension, stretching back several years.
Local residents began attacking immigrant shops and cars
after the killing of a 26-year-old local woman, allegedly by a
young Moroccan immigrant.
Last month another North African worker was arrested in
connection with the killing of two men.
There have been a number of protests against what the
local population sees as rising crime in the region, which they
blame on the immigrant community.
Police say there is no evidence that the immigrant
community is committing more crimes than anyone else.
But that is how it is being perceived by many of the
Spanish residents.
The immigrants, mostly from North Africa, have in turn
complained to police about the increasing number of racist
attacks against them.
Protests
They have held protests calling on the local Spanish
community not to persecute them all for the crimes committed by
a few and have also demanded protection from the Spanish
government.
The government in Morocco, where the majority of immigrant
workers come from, has complained about the situation and
demanded action by the Spanish authorities.
The violence flared in the town of El Ejido, the centre of
a prosperous region where agriculture is the main industry.
About one-tenth of the population are immigrants.
They work in agriculture, picking and planting fruit and
vegetables - low-paid and back-breaking work which Spaniards
don't want to do.
Unable to work
Since the violence flared, they've been unable to work,
too scared to leave their homes.
However, they need the work and the local community needs
their labour.
In fact, the Spanish government said recently they would
have to attract millions more workers from abroad if the economy
is to maintain its current rate of growth over the next few
years.
Spain is a country which has in recent years seen a
massive increase in immigration, mostly from North Africa and
Latin America.
It still has a far lower number of immigrants than
partners in the European Union such as the UK, France and
Germany.
New law
At the beginning of February a new Spanish law came into
operation to protect the rights of immigrants - both legal and
illegal.
It gives them access to health care and education for
their children as well as protecting their employment rights.
The law was official recognition that the situation is
changing rapidly in Spain.
A fact demonstrated dramatically by the violence in
Almeria over the past few days.
|
More than 400 police fight gypsy riots in Bulgaria
Monday, 24-Jun-2002 9:20AM
Story from AFP
Copyright 2002 by Agence France-Presse (via ClariNet)
SOFIA, June 24 (AFP) - More than 400 police tried Monday
to restore order after riots sparked by a row between two Romany
families rocked the gypsy quarter of Vidin, in north-western
Bulgaria, police said.
Riots broke out Saturday after the body was discovered of
a 19-year-old man who had been missing for a week after being
caught stealing from a shop in the gypsy quarter, where some
15,000 Romany live.
The shop's owners, two brothers, have been arrested on
suspicion of murder.
Some 100 police entered the Nov Pat (New Path) quarter on
Sunday, where a 41-year-old man was killed in an axe attack, a
police sergeant was injured by rioters throwing stones and at
least five protestors were hurt.
Three hundred more police arrived on Sunday.
Two houses have been burnt down, with women and children
stopping fire fighters from trying to halt the blazes, and the
situation remained tense Monday when Interior Ministry Secretary
General Boiko Borissov and national police Director Vassil
Vassilev arrived on the scene.
In February gypsies living in a poverty-struck ghetto of
Plovdiv, southern Bulgaria, rioted after electricity firms cut
their supplies because they had not paid their bills.
The few Bulgarians living in the quarter have gone on
hunger strike in an appeal to authorities to move them out of
the area.
In Kustendil in western Bulgaria municipal authorities
have begun building a wall between the Romany quarter and the
international motorway to Macedonia, after gypsies threw stones
at passing cars to try and steal them.
Bulgarians and gypsies in the central village of Metchka
have been at each others' throats for two years, with the
Bulgarians calling for the Romany population to be deported,
accusing its members of an assassination and numerous thefts.
Gypsies make up 600,000 of Bulgaria's eight million
inhabitants, and are the ethnic minority hardest hit by the
country's economic crisis, with more than 90 percent out of
work.
Social Affairs Minister
Lidia Chuleva recently announced a plan to give local
authorities grants which they would use to create jobs for
gypsies, and "to teach them how to work again".
|
NCC General Secretary Arrested in
Protest Outside Sudan Embassy
July 14, 2004, Washington, D.C. -- In an
act of civil disobedience and protest of the genocide unfolding
in Darfur, Sudan, the Rev. Dr. Robert W. Edgar, General
Secretary of the National Council of Churches USA, was arrested
outside of the Sudanese Embassy here today. Dr. Edgar
presented himself for arrest as part of a campaign to call
attention to what the United Nations calls the worst
humanitarian crisis in the world today and to mobilize U.S. and
world action to stop it.
The campaign,
coordinated by Christian Solidarity International, includes
daily noontime demonstrations in front of the Sudanese Embassy
that began June 30. It is pressing Congress to pass House
Concurrent Resolution 467 declaring genocide in Darfur, Sudan,
and calling on the Bush Administration to lead an international
intervention, impose targeted sanctions on the Sudanese
government and establish a humanitarian aid fund.
At today’s
protest, about 50 participants, including many children, marched
outside of the embassy to demand that the government of Sudan
stop attacks by its military and proxy militia against civilians
in Darfur. The Rev. Dr. Walter Fauntroy, Pastor of New
Bethel Baptist Church in Washington, D.C., and a formermember of
Congress, led the demonstration, which ended shortly after Dr.
Edgar and Dr. Carole Burnett, Professor
of Ancient and Medieval Christianity at the Ecumenical Institute
of Theology in Baltimore, were arrested. Drs. Edgar and
Burnett were taken to a local police station, fined and
released.
According to
the United Nations, tens of thousands of people have died and
more than one million people in the region have been displaced
in an apparent attempt at ethnic cleansing in Sudan’s Darfur
region. Refugees are living in makeshift camps, where mass
rape of women and girls is common, living conditions are
deplorable and diseases such as cholera, meningitis and polio
threaten to take the lives of infants, children and the elderly.
If nothing is done to prevent it, countless thousands will die
in the weeks and months ahead.
“It is clear
that a genocide is unfolding in Sudan,” Dr. Edgar said today.
“In April 2004, as the world commemorated the tragic Rwandan
genocide of 1994, we all said we would never allow this to
happen again. Yet we are faced today with another horror
that is clearly preventable. The National Council of
Churches joins with people of goodwill throughout the world who
want to end the needless deaths of countless innocent Sudanese
citizens.
"Getting
arrested for this cause is the very least one could do to bring
attention to the urgency of this situation. The solution
rests at the door of the government of Sudan -- and also at the
feet of the international community. We must face the fact that
time grows dangerously short for action. As our
governments hesitate to do what is right, the loss of precious
lives accelerates with each passing week."
Dr. Burnett
commented, “No thinking and feeling person can be indifferent to
the magnitude of the crisis in the Sudan.” She prayed
alongside Dr. Edgar as the two were arrested by the Secret
Service. Congressman Charles Rangel (NY) was arrested
yesterday and the Rev. Fauntroy last week. Additional acts
of disobedience are planned.
-end-
NCC Contacts:
Leslie Tune, 202-544-2350 x 11, 202-297-2191(cell), ltune@ncccusa.org;
Tony Kireopoulos, 212-870-3422, tkireopoulos@ncccusa.org
|
Wednesday, July 28, 2004
Resolve needed to halt Sudan genocide
SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER EDITORIAL BOARD
It's going to take concerted efforts for the world to stop the
growing humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The situation demands
sustained focus.
The U.N. Security Council could vote as early as this week on a
U.S.-drafted resolution demanding Sudan deliver on its promises
to stop Arab militia attacks on black African communities in the
western Darfur region. That kind of international pressure,
including at least an implied threat of sanctions, is critical.
As a congressional resolution suggested, the attacks amount to a
campaign of genocide, carried out with Sudanese government
support.
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, U.S. Secretary of State Colin
Powell and other diplomats have done significant work to gain
Sudanese promises to act responsibly. But Sudan must act, not
just talk.
Humanitarian aid is also urgent. Federal Way-based World Vision
says Sudan is promising to facilitate aid deliveries for refugee
camps. The U.N. World Food Program and private agencies,
including World Vision, also are sending food to refugee camps
in Chad.
A U.S. agency has warned that 350,000 or more Sudanese could die
this year. That gruesome prospect can be averted only with
international resolve.
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POLITICAL DREAMS
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DREAMS OF THE GREAT EARTHCHANGES - MAIN INDEX
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THE DRAFT RIOTS OF 1863
DUBLIN - 1913
WTO (WORLD TRADE
ORGANIZATION) SEATTLE PROTEST
http://www.greatdreams.com/prep.htm
NATIONAL SECURITY -
THE ANNIVERSARY OF WACO/OKLAHOMA BOMBING
http://www.greatdreams.com/wacovst.htm
THE WACO FIRE
INVESTIGATION
http://www.greatdreams.com/waconews.htm
KENT STATE - PROTEST -
A DREAM
http://www.greatdreams.com/kent.htm
HOW THE
GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001
http://www.greatdreams.com/trade_blew_up.htm
9-11-2001 - THE WORLD
TRADE CENTER
LEO TAXIL -
GABRIEL-ANTOINE JOGAND-PAGES
-1881-1887
... . Fortunately for the proprietors of the lecture hall, the police
were summoned before a full-scale riot had broken out. Jogand's success
had been due, primarily, to his journalistic flair and to the
credibility
...http://www.greatdreams.com/jogand.htm
RUSSIAN PROPHECY BY
DEE
... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and
was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group
of four or five men were dealing with the attacker, and the streets ...
http://www.greatdreams.com/russia.htm
THE HOMELESS ARE
DYING
... occurred in the last two weeks alone. The demonstration came less
than two weeks after police in riot gear clashed with a group of some
300 anti-poverty protesters near the Parliament building
http://www.greatdreams.com/homeless.htm
DREAMS AND VISIONS OF
WAR
... There was a group of men and one of them had a machine gun and
was shooting the others. They had a riot in Moscow yesterday and a group
of four or five men were dealing with the attacker
http://www.greatdreams.com/war.htm
THIS IS WHERE I POST WHAT I'M DOING AND THINKING
BLOG INDEX
2011
BLOG INDEX 2012 -
page 1
JANUARY THRU APRIL 2012
BLOG INDEX 2012 - PAGE 2
MAY THRU AUGUST 2012
BLOG INDEX 2012 - PAGE 3
SEPTEMBER THRU DECEMBER
BLOG INDEX 2013
JAN, FEB, MAR, APR. 2013
BLOG INDEX - PAGE 2 - 2013
MAY, JUNE, JULY, AUGUST 2013
BLOG INDEX - PAGE 3 - 2013
SEPT, OCT, NOV, DEC, 2013
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