Operation Blue Star
The Golden Temple with Akal Takht in the background
Date June 3, 1984 - June 6, 1984 Location Golden Temple in Amritsar, India Result Sikh militia are driven out of Golden temple complex
Belligerents
Indian Army	Sikh militiamen
Casualties and losses
Military: 83 killed, 248 wounded	Militants (including civilians): 492 Killed

Operation Blue Star ( ਬਿਲਯੂ ਸਟਾਰ , बिल्यू स्टार (bilyū sţār)) (June 3 to June 6, 1984) was an Indian military operation ordered by Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India,^[1] to remove Sikh terrorists who were amassing weapons in the Golden Temple in Amritsar.^[2]. The operation was launched in response to a deterioration of law and order in the Punjab. The government's reasons for a seemingly late action, its choice of day to attack and heavy army assault is still highly debated. The operation was carried out by Indian army troops with tanks and armored vehicles.^[3] Militarily successful, it is considered to be a political disaster and an un-precedented act in modern Indian history.^[4] The impact of the military assault, its aftermath and the increased tensions led to assaults on members of the Sikh community within India and uproar amongst Sikhs worldwide. In India, many Sikhs resigned from armed and civil administrative office and returned their government awards.^[5] Revenge for the desecration of the Sikh shrine was pledged by some in the Sikh community,^[5] resulting in the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards.

The operation

The Indian Army used seven Vijayanta Tanks during the operation^[6]

Indira Gandhi first asked Lt. Gen. S.K. Sinha, then Vice-Chief of Indian Army and who was to succeed as the Army chief, to prepare a position paper for assault on the Golden Temple.^[7] Lt. Gen. Sinha advised against any such move, given the sacrilegious outlook from pious Sikhs. He suggested the government adopt an alternative solution. A controversial decision was made to replace him with Gen. Arun Vaidya as the Chief of the Indian army. Gen. Arun Vaidya was assisted by Lt. Gen. K. Sunderjee as Vice-Chief. Operation Blue Star was eventually planned and controlled by them.^[7]

On June 3, a 36 hour curfew was imposed on the state of Punjab with all methods of communication and public travel suspended.^[8] Electricity supplies were also interrupted, creating a total blackout and cutting off the state from the rest of India and the world.^[9] Complete censorship was placed on all types of Media.^[9]

The Indian Army stormed the Golden Temple on the night of June 5 under the command of Major General Kuldip Singh Brar. The forces had full control of the Golden Temple by the morning of June 7. Bhindranwale, Shahbeg Singh and several other militant leaders were killed in the operation along with a large number of followers and innocent civilians. The armed forces also suffered many casualties.^[10]

Operation Blue Star coincided with a Sikh annual festival. Pilgrims, including the elderly and children, were trapped inside the temple when the operation began and many were reported as wounded and killed as a result.^[10]

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the Golden Temple

Throughout his career Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale remained in contact with Indira Gandhi,^[11] who maintained the contact despite allegations.^[12] Bhindranwale had earlier taken refuge in the Golden temple in April 1980, when he was named as a suspect in the killing of Nirankari Baba Gurbachan Singh^[13] to which Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale had offered voluntary arrest to Punjab Police but was never arrested due to greater design by Indian Government. The Nirankari Baba, also known as Baba Gurbachan Singh, had been the target of an attack by followers of a Sikh group, Akhand Kirtani Jatha, outside the Golden Temple when he appeared claiming himself to be incarnation of Guru Gobind Singh. The Nirankaris are a heretical sect, who claim to be a part of the Sikh panth, but are not considered such by the Khalsa. On 13 April 1978 Nirankar's Head Gurbachan Singh openly ridiculed and insulted the 10th Guru , Sri Guru Gobind Singh in Nirankari Convention held in Amritsar,to which members of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha after hearing Nirankari Gurbachan Singh ,held a peaceful protest march. On reaching the convention bodyguards of Niranakari Head Gurbachan Singh opened fire at the peaceful protestors, seeing this Fauja Singh drew his sword and tried to stop the firing; he was shot by a bodyguard.^[14][15] The bodyguards of the Baba used semi-automatic machine guns to fire at the protesters who were carrying swords and sticks. In the ensuing violence, several people were killed: two of Bhindranwale's followers, eleven Sikhs of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha, and three Nirankaris.^[15] That event was, allegedly^[who?], premeditated by the Indian government^[14][16] with the Nirankaris subsequently acquitted of any wrong-doing by the courts, on grounds of self-defence.

In 1982, Bhindranwale and approximately 200 followers moved into a guest-house called the Guru Nanak Niwas, in the precinct of the Golden Temple.^[17] From here he met and was interviewed by international television crews whilst violence in the Punjab against Hindus continued.^[17]

On 23 April 1983, the Punjab Police Deputy Inspector General (DIG) A. S. Atwal was shot dead as he left the Golden Temple compound. The following day, after the murder, Harchand Singh Longowal (then president of Shiromani Akali Dal) hinted at the involvement of the Chief minister of the Punjab, Darbara Singh, in the murder.^[18]

On October 5, 1983 and November 18, 1983, militants posing as Sikhs hijacked two buses, Sikh and Hindu passengers were separated and the Hindus shot dead.^[19] The selective murders were condemned by Bhindranwale.^[20]

Bhindranwale with his entourage at the Golden Temple.

When Darbara Singh resigned as chief minister of Punjab after the massacre of Hindu travellers on October 6, 1983, Bhindarwale said " Six Hindus are killed and the (State) government has fallen. Two Hundred Sikhs have been gunned down by police and nothing has been done. This shows that to the (Central) government Hindu lives are more important than Sikh lives".^[21][22]

On December 15, 1983, Bhindranwale was forced to move out of Guru Nanak Niwa's house by members of the Babbar Khalsa who acted with Harcharan Singh Longowal's support Longowal by now feared for his own safety. By 1983, the Golden Temple became a shelter for a large number of militants. Mark Tully and Satish Jacob wrote:^[23]

"All ... terrorists were known by name to the shopkeepers and the householders who live in the narrow alleys surrounding the Golden Temple...The Punjab police must have known who they were also, but they made no attempt to arrest them. By this time Bhindranwale and his men were above the law."

The Golden Temple compound and some of the surrounding houses were fortified. The Statesman reported on July 4 that light machine-guns and semi-automatic rifles were known to have been brought into the compound. On February 1, 1984, Harcharan Singh Longowal claimed that Bhindranwale had suggested to him that motorcycles and arms should be purchased on a mass scale for killing members of a 'particular community'".^[24] Bhindranwale angrily responded to the allegation, saying "...nothing is more farther in my mind than this ".^[21]

Faced with imminent army action and with the foremost Sikh political organisation, Shiromani Akali Dal (headed by Harchand Singh Longowal), abandoning him, Bhindranwale declared "This bird is alone. There are many hunters after it ".^[21]

Time magazine reported (about Amritsar) that:^[25]

"These days it more closely resembles a city of death. Inside the temple compound, fierce Sikh warriors wield submachine guns, guarding against encroachment by government security forces. Outside, the security men keep a nervous vigil, all too aware that the bodies of murdered comrades often turn up in the warren of tiny streets around the shrine."

Overview

Operation Blue Star was launched to eliminate the Sikh militants who had taken control of the Amritsar Golden Temple Complex. The Sikh militants within the Harminder Sahib were led by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and former Major-General Shabeg Singh MVC,who had been expelled from the Indian Army for embezzlement. Maj. Gen. Kuldip Singh Brar had command of the action, operating under Gen. Sunderji.

20 hrs - 22 hrs

Indian Army taking position outside the temple complex

The first element was the destruction of Shabeg Singh's outer defenses. Much of this had been completed in the preliminary shelling. Major-General Brar had hoped to force Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale into surrendering, which did not occur. The destroyed defenses included seventeen houses which the police believed Bhindranwale's followers occupied in the alleys surrounding the Golden Temple. Nearby was the Brahmbuta Akhara, a large building housing the headquarters of a Sikh sect. Then there were three main towers which had been fortified to create positions from which Bhindranwale's men could defend. Because the towers rose well above surrounding buildings, they were excellent observation positions for tracking the movement of Indian troops in the narrow alleys surrounding the temple. The tops of these towers were destroyed in the preliminary artillery fire.

22 hrs - 2330 hrs

Between 10:00 PM and 10:30 PM on June 5 commandos from 1st Battalion, the parachute regiment, were ordered to run down the steps under the clock tower on to the parikarma, or pavement, and move quickly around the edge of the sacred pool to the Akal Takht. As the paratroopers entered the main gateway to the Temple they were gunned down by light machine-gun firefrom both sides of the steps. The few commandos who did get down the steps were driven back by a barrage of fire from the building on the south side of the sacred pool. In the control room, a house on the opposite side of the clock-tower, Major-General Brar was waiting with two supporting officers to hear confirmation that the commandos had established positions inside the complex.^[26]

An APC used in the operation.

The few commandos left regrouped in the square outside and reported back to Major-General Brar. He ordered them to make another attempt. The commandos were then to be followed by the 10th Battalion of the Guards, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Israr Khan. This second commando attack managed to neutralize the machine-gun posts on both sides of the steps and get down on to the parikarma. They were followed by the Guards who came under heavy fire and were not able to make any progress. They radioed for permission to fire back at the buildings on the other side of the tank. That would have meant that the Golden Temple itself, which is in the middle of the pool, would have been in the line of fire. Brar initially refused, but started to receive reports of heavy casualties from the commander of the Guards.

2330 hrs - 01 hrs

Brar again requested tanks after an APC was destroyed by a rocket fired by a Sikh militant. His request was granted and seven tanks rolled into the Golden Temple complex. They cleared the ramparts and later assaulted the main temple in order to neutralize the militants remaining in the structure. The shelling achieved its objective and the primary target of removing militants from the Akal Takht was achieved by 01:00. However, the secondary objective of removing militants from other neighbouring structures went on for a further 24 hours.

Aftermath

Main articles: Indira Gandhi assassination and 1984 Anti-Sikh riots

Bullet and shell riddled Akal Takht building after Operation Blue Star

As per the affidavit filed by retired Brigadier D.V. Rao in court of Harjit Singh Khalsa, judicial magistrate first class, Amritsar, on March 19, 2007, the Indian Army suffered 83 deaths, which included four officers, four Junior Commissioned Officers and 75 other ranks. As per the affidavit, 13 Indian Army officers, 16 JCOs and 220 other ranks were injured in the operation. Indian army recorded 492 civilian deaths inside Golden Temple with 433 persons segregated as "separatists" amongst 1592 persons apprehended.^[27][28] During June of 1984, brigadier D.V. Rao served as Commander of 350 Infantry Brigade based in Jalandhar, which formed part of Ninth Infantry Division of Indian Army. The unofficial casualty figures from eye-witness accounts (such as Amnesty International) was much higher.^[29]

An unspecified number of Sikh soldiers resigned from positions across India in protest, with some reports of large-scale pitched battles being fought to bring mutineers under control.^[30] The operation also led to the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. On October 31 of that year, two of her armed Sikh security officers murdered her.^[31] Anti-Sikh riots were triggered by Mrs Gandhi's assassination. The widespread killing of Sikhs, principally in the national capital Delhi but also in other major cities in North India, led to major divisions between the Sikh community and the Indian Government.

General A S Vaidya, the Chief of Army Staff at the time of Operation Blue Star, was also assassinated in 1986 in Pune by two Sikhs, Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha. Both were sentenced to death, and hanged on 7 October 1992.

The army was removed from the Golden Temple later in 1984 under pressure from Sikh demands.^[32] Sikh militants continued to use and occupy the temple compound and on May 1, 1986, Indian paramilitary police entered the temple and arrested 200 militants that had occupied the Golden Temple for more than three months.^[33]

On May 2, 1986 the paramilitary police undertook an 12-hour operation to take control of the Golden Temple at Amritsar from several hundred militants, but almost all the major radical leaders managed to escape.^[34]

In May 1988, army troops were called in again to remove militants from the . The conflict during May 12-18 resulting in clearing the compound and on May 23, regular worship resumed. On May 29, the government banned both political and military use of the shrines in India. Sikh militants then murdered the head priest on July 26, 1988. In June 1990, the Indian government ordered the area surrounding the temple to be vacated by local residents to try to stop the militant activity around the temple.^[35]

Choice of time to attack by Government

The timing of Operation Blue Star has baffled Sikhs. It was a religious day, regarding the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (the founder of Golden Temple), and Sikhs from all over the world visit the temple on this day. In 1736 the Golden Temple was attacked by the Mughal army, resulting in heavy casualties of civilian Sikhs.^[36] Attack of Ahmad Shah Abdali on Golden Temple (Darbar Sahib) also came on Vaisakhi day when Sikhs gather in large numbers in Amritsar. Many Sikhs view the timing and attack by the Indian Army as an attempt to inflict maximum casualties on Sikhs and demoralize them.^[37]

The Sikh community's anger and suffering was further increased by comments from leading newspaper editors, such as Ramnath Goenka, terming the operation as " A greater victory than the win over Bangladesh, this is the greatest victory of Mrs. Gandhi".^[38]

Criticism of the operation

The use of artillery in the congested inner city of Amritsar proved deadly and reckless considering many civilians lived near the Golden Temple. The media blackout throughout the Punjab resulted in widespread doubt regarding the official stories and aided the promotion of hearsay and rumour.^[39]

The army responded to such criticisms by pointing out that the militants in the temple were armed with machine guns, anti tank missiles and rocket launchers and that they strongly resisted the army's attempts to dislodge them from the shrine, and appeared to have planned for a long stand-off, having arranged for water to be supplied from wells within the temple compound and had stocked food provisions that could have lasted months. However, in a recent book written by M.K. Dhar, former Indian Intelligence Bureau chief writes that many weapons were implanted by the Indian Intelligence itself before the operation.

The Army Chief and other senior Generals made statements that no harm was done to the Golden Temple and Akal Takht. The TV news reported about findings of a Rocket Launcher and two medium machine guns. But these did not find any mention in the official white paper issued by the Govt. The white paper mentions of General Shabeg Singh of having a walkie talkie in his hand, but mentions of no-one else having that to receive or pass on the orders. Shahbeg Singh was mentioned as having sacked from the army but no mention was made that he was acquitted by the appropriate court of all the charges against him. One editor told Richard Nations that the national press was giving good play to the Govt. line "out of sympathy for the Indian Army, the last Holy Cow we have." ^[40]

In the words of BBC journalists Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, the White Paper in its anxiety to highlight the threat which had forced the govt. to take such a drastic action came near to describing the Akali Dal as separatists too, which once again outraged the moderate majority of the Sikh community.^[41] When the White Paper was written off by the Press and the Sikhs as an in-adequate justification of the operation, an all-out effort was made by the govt. to blame Pakistan and the Foreign Hands. In all their speeches, both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi highlighted the foreign hand in Punjab, but the effect was marred by their reluctance to identify that hand. Sometimes it was the CIA, sometimes Pakistan and sometimes even Britain.^[42] A pamphlet, 'Conspiracy Exposed', distributed by the Congress Party talked about highly sophisticated weapons found inside the Golden Temple complex which were produced in China. These allegations did not convince the Press. Sikhs also wrote of the foreign hand. They knew that Indira Gandhi had a habit of blaming India's problems on foreigners.^[43]

Mark Tully and Satish Jacob also wrote that matters were made worse by the poor performance of the government-controlled media, especially the television service, Doordarshan.^[44] Under the guidance of a special committee, dominated by a close friend of Rajiv Gandhi, Doordarshan mounted a series of programmes to justify the army action in the Golden Temple. Major General K.S Brar was seen standing outside the Harmandir Sahib describing the operation like a victorious conqueror.^[45] Other programmes concentrated proving the guilt of the Sikhs. Pictures of naval divers recovering arms were shown and the allegations that drugs had been used were also made. They had to be withdrawn because they could not be substantiated. A visibly un-happy, Head Priest of Akal Takht, was forced to read out a statement saying that the Golden Temple was undamaged, when he knew that there were bullet holes in the Sikh's most sacred shrine.^[46]

Allegations of Cruelty on the Indian Army

The Sikh Reference Library was set on fire during the Operation and Army confiscated lot of Sikh relics. The Indian Government accepted that the army was involved in the confiscation of Sikh relics including handwritten manuscripts.^[47]

There were thousands of pilgrims inside the Darbar Sahib on day of Martyrdom and conservative estimates have put the number to 5000-9000. Several human rights groups such as Citizens For Democracy and other journalists have witnessed Sikh dead bodies being thrown in dump trucks and illegally cremated by the Indian Army.

C.K.C Reddy, an Indian journalist writes that the whole of Punjab and especially the Golden Temple Complex was turned into a murderous mouse trap from where people could neither escape nor could they seek succor of any kind.The way the dead bodies were disposed off adds to the suspicions regarding the number and nature of the casualties.The bodies of the victims of military operation in Punjab were unceremoniously destroyed without any attempt to identify them and hand them over to their relatives. The government, after the operation, on the other hand, did every thing in its power to cover up the excesses of the army action.The most disturbing thing about the entire operation was that a whole mass of men, women, and children were ordered to be killed merely on the suspicion that some terrorists were operating from the Golden Temple and other Gurdwaras. ^[48]

Justice V.M. Tarkunde labeled the Army operation as an undeclared, unilateral ruthless war against hundred of innocent defenseless men and women in far-away tiny villages of Punjab from where their voices do not reach the rest of India. In the name of curbing terrorism,he writes that unabashed state terrorism was unleashed on the Sikhs branding them as criminals, arbitrary arrests and McCarthy style witch-hunt, sadistic torture...shooting down of young men in false encounters were common occurrences; even village women were not spared, they were harassed and beaten up, dishonored and taken away to Police Stations or to unknown destinations.The eye witnesses witnessed the use of gas by the Army, the pile of dead bodies on the `Parikarma,' the arrival of tanks which some of them thought were the ambulances, the hovering of helicopter at night, throwing their search light on targets which were bombed, the wanton destruction of the Akal Takht (the Eternal Throne), the Research Library and the Museum. Tarkunde asserts , it is the State itself which openly indulges not only in murder and assault but also in inhuman torture, molestation of women...and false encounters leading to gruesome death. In his words on the condition of Sikhs- "Our visit was almost like lifting the corner of a veil to discover a face - an amazing face full of conflicting emotions, suffering yet defiant, anguished yet challenging, tortured yet proud"^[49]

The Christian Science Reporter reported that the pattern in each Punjab village appeared to be the same. The Army moves in during the early evening, cordons a village, and announces over loudspeakers that everyone must come out. All males between the ages of 15 and 35 were trussed and blindfolded, then taken away. Thousands have disappeared in the Punjab since the Army Operation began. The government has provided no lists of names; families don't know if sons and husbands are arrested, underground or dead." ^[50]

Ram Narayan Kumar, a noted human rights lawyer in his book "Reduced to Ashes" asserts that Sikhs in Punjab are demonized as a community, targeted for abuse by the authorities and they had no protection from the leaders of the supposedly independent institutions, including the judiciary, either in shielding their fundamental rights against imminent violations or in obtaining acknowledgment and legal restitution of wrongs. In his words "Freedom of discourse remained an empty promise which even the higher judiciary joined the chorus to turn the page and obliterate the victims' memory on the grounds that a public discussion and scrutiny focusing on past abuses and the role of institutions would undermine the interests of peace and social order." ^[51]

Joyce Pettigrew,a Swedish Anthropologist in her book title "The Sikhs of Punjab" wrote that the Indian Army went into Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple Complex) "not to eliminate a political figure or a political movement but to suppress the culture of a people, to attack their heart, to strike a blow at their spirit and self-confidence."

The army simply stated that they "answered the call of duty as disciplined, loyal and dedicated members of the Armed Forces of India....our loyalties are to the nation, the armed forces to which we belong, the uniforms we wear and to the troops we command"^[52]

The Army placed total casualties at:

• Military : 83 killed, 248 wounded
• Sikh Casulties : 492 Killed (100 women and 75 children), 86 wounded (7 women and 4 children).^[53]

The figure was placed by independent historians at:

• Military : 700^[54]
• Sikh Casulties: 5000.^[54][55]

According to some journalists, several Sikh youths were also killed by Indian Army by tying their hand at back after completion of Operation at point blank range.^[56]

The wearing out approach taken by Rajiv Gandhi five years later, in Operation Black Thunder when Sikh militants had again taken over the temple complex, was highly successful as they managed to resolve the stand-off peacefully. The army responded by stating that "no comparison is possible between the two situations, as "there was no cult figure like Bhindranwale to idolise, and professional military General like Shahbeg Singh to provide for military leadership"^[57] and "confidence of militants having been shattered by Operation Blue Star".^[57]

See also

Sikh Extremism

References

 External sources

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The place where Indira Gandhi was walking, when she was assassinated on October 31, 1984 by two of her Sikh bodyguards .

The 1984 Anti-Sikh massacre took place in India after the assassination of Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984. India's Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by two of her Sikh guards acting in the aftermath of Operation Bluestar, in which the Indian Army attacked Sikh militants hiding in the Harimandir Sahib, the holiest Sikh shrine, causing damage and subsequently outrage amongst Sikhs.

Over the next four days Sikhs were killed in retaliatory attacks led by Congress activists and sympathizers. The then Congress government was widely criticized for doing very little at the time, possibly acting as a conspirator, especially since voting lists were used to identify Sikh families.^[1] Then Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, son of Indira Gandhi, made an insensitive statement at Boat Club in New Delhi on November 19th 1984, on the birthday of Indira Gandhi, “Some riots took place in the country following the murder of Indiraji. We know the people were very angry and for a few days it seemed that India had been shaken. But, when a mighty tree falls, it is only natural that the earth around it does shake a little.”.^[2][3][4] His widow, Sonia Gandhi and current President of the Congress Party, officially apologized in 1998 for the events of November, 1984. The most affected regions were neighborhoods in Delhi.

Many ordinary Indians of different religious dispositions made significant efforts to hide and help Sikh families.^[5].

The Incident

On November 1, 1984, large mobs largely formed by supporters of the ruling Indian Congress party from suburbs of Delhi and bordering villages of Western Uttar Pradesh descended on eastern and central Delhi. Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri, Trilokpuri, and other Trans-Yamuna areas of Delhi were the worst affected. The mobs carried iron rods, knives, clubs, and combustible material, including kerosene. They used voters' lists to identify houses and business establishments owned by Sikhs one by one and of which the voters' lists were of course distributed to them by the politicians themselves. The mobsters swarmed into Sikh neighborhoods, arbitrarily killing any Sikh men they could find. Their shops and houses were ransacked and burned. In other incidents, armed mobs stopped buses and trains, in and around Delhi, pulling out Sikh passengers to be lynched or doused with kerosene and burnt.

Many historians have noted that these events should not be called riots, but be described as one sided pogrom or a crime against humanity. The Congress party still has its secular credentials questioned due to the incidents of 1984.

Timeline of Events

October 31, 1984

9:20 AM: Indira Gandhi is shot by two of her Sikh security guards at her residence, No. 1 Safdarjung Road, and rushed to All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS).

Approximately 10:50 AM: Indira Gandhi dies.^[6][7]

11:00 AM: All India Radio listeners learn that the two security guards who shot Indira Gandhi were Sikhs.

4:00 PM: Rajiv Gandhi returns from West Bengal and reaches AIIMS. Stray incidents of attacks in and around that area.

5:30 PM: The motorcade of President Zail Singh, who is returning from a foreign visit, is stoned as it approaches AIIMS.

Late Evening and Night: Mobs fan out in different directions from AIIMS. The violence against Sikhs spreads, starting in the neighboring constituency of Congress Councillor Arjun Das. The violence includes destruction of Sikh properties. Shortly after Rajiv Gandhi is sworn in, senior advocate and opposition leader, Ram Jethmalani, meets Home Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao and urges him to take immediate steps to save Sikhs from further attacks. Delhi's Lt. Governor, P.G. Gavai and Police Commissioner, S.C. Tandon, visits some of the affected areas, but no precautionary follow-up actions are initiated. It is alleged that Rajiv Gandhi deliberately delayed in calling in the Army, a move which many believe could have saved the lives of many.^{[citation needed]}

During the night of October 31st, several Congress leaders hold meetings and mobilize support of a full scale assault against Delhi's Sikhs.

November 1, 1984

Very Early Morning: Several Congress leaders hold meetings mobilizing their followers to attack Sikhs on a mass scale. The first killing of a Sikh occurs in east Delhi in the early hours of November 1.

Approximately 9:00 AM: Armed mobs take over the streets of Delhi and launch a massacre. The first targets are Gurdwaras, the holy temples of Sikhs, to prevent Sikhs from collecting there and putting up a combined defense. Mobs are armed with iron rods of a uniform size. Activist editor Madhu Kishwar claims seeing the rods being distributed amongst the miscreants. Mobs also have abundant supplies of petrol and kerosene. Victims later traced the source of kerosene to dealers belonging to the Congressional party.

Throughout the day: Police units, though adequately armed and supplied, take no action against miscreants in most places. The few areas where the local police stations take prompt measures against mobs see hardly any killings or major violence; Farsh Bazar and Karol Bagh are two such examples. In other localities, the priority of the police, as later stated by the then police commissioner S.C. Tandon before the Nanavati Commission, is to take action against Sikhs who resist the attacks.

Most of the mobs are led by Congress members, including those from affluent families. The worst affected areas are low income colonies like Trilokpuri, Mongolpuri, Sultanpuri and Palam Colony.

The Congress leaders later identified by the victims as organisers of the carnage include three MPs H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar and Dharam Dass Shastri and 10 councillors Arjan Dass, Ashok Kumar, Deep Chand, Sukhan Lal Sood, Ram Narayan Verma, D.R. Chhabbra, Bharat Singh, Vasudev, Dharam Singh and Mela Ram.

November 2, 1984:

Throughout the day: Curfew is in force throughout Delhi - but only on paper. The Army is also deployed throughout Delhi but nowhere is it effective because the police do not co-operate with soldiers (who are not allowed to open fire without the consent of senior police officers and executive magistrates). Meanwhile, mobs continue to rampage with the same ferocity.

November 3, 1984:

Late Evening: The national Army and local police units work together to subdue the violence. After law enforcement intervention, violence is comparatively mild and sporadic.

Role of Delhi Police

Following excerpt is taken from Who Are The Guilty report published in November 1984 by Delhi based Human Rights organizations PUDR (People's Union For Democratic Rights) and PUCL (People's Union for Civil Liberties). [1] [2]

Role Of Police

All through the period from October 31 to November 4 - the heights of the riots the police all over the city uniformly betrayed a common behavioural pattern marked by (I) total absence from the scene; or (ii) a role of passive spectators or (iii) direct participation or abetment in the orgy of violence against the Sikhs. On November 1, when we toured the Lajpat Nagar area we found the police conspicuous by their absence while Sikh's shop were being set on fire and looted. Young people armed with swords, daggers, spears, steel trishuls and iron rods were ruling the roads. The only sign of police presence was a police jeep, which obstructed a peace procession brought out a few concerned citizens (who later organised themselves into the Nagarik Ekta manch) on the evening of November 1, When the procession was on its way to the Lajpat Nagar main market, a police inspector from the van stopped the procession, warned it not to proceed reminding its members that the city was under curfew and Section 144. When leaders of the procession wanted to know from the police inspector why the arsonists and rioters were not being dispersed if curfew was on, he gave no reply and warned instead that theprocessionists could go to the Lajpat Nagar market at their own risk. At the Lajpat Nagar market, leaders of the procession sought to pacify the mob by pointing out that innocent Sikhs were not responsible for Mrs. Gandhi's assassination and should be protected from the attacks. They raised the slogan : " Hindu-Sikh bhai bhai " As the crowd began to listen to the speeches made by the procession leaders, organised attempts were made by certain groups from among them to shout down the speakers, by raising the slogans :- "Indira Gandhi Zindabad" "Hindi Hindi bhai bhai". It is significant that wherever we went, we did not find any sign of mourning or grief on the faces of those who were participating in the looting and burning. Attempts of pacify them by the peace marchers were met with derisive laughter. Listening to their gleeful faces, one would have thought it was a festival, but for the arson and loot that was going on.

In the resettlement colonies, the police came out from their passive role and directly participated in the violence against the Sikhs. We were told by survivors that at the first signs of tension those who felt threatened personally went to the nearby police stations to seek their intervention. But the police did not respond. In Trilokpuri, the police reportedly accompanied the arsonists and provided them with diesel from their jeeps. The Station Hours Officer (SHO) of Kalyanpuri police station under which Trilokpuri falls, withdrew the constables who were on duty there when action against the SHO and his two colleagues by suspending and arresting them for a criminal negligence of duties. In Sultanpuri, the SHO, one Bhatti, is alleged to have killed two Sikhs and helped the mob in disarming those Sikhs who tried to resist the mob.

Several residents of Loni Road in the trans-Jamuna area, who were camping at Shakarpur when we interviewed them on November 7, told us that the police announced on loudspeakers two or three times at night on November 1 that they would not be responsible for the safety of the Sikhs and that the latter must look after themselves. One women from the same area said she had seen a police jeep full of men and that the stoning of Sikh shops was conducted from the jeep. Another resident from the same road said that the police had incited the looting of a watch shop before it was burnt.

In Kotla Mubarkpur, a domestic worker told our team members that the police had encouraged the looting. Later they were reported to have said to the looters; " We gave you 36 hours. Had we given the Sikhs that amount of time, they would have killed every Hindu"/

In the Kingsway Camp, residents claimed that seventy percent of the loot was to be found in the police lines, suggesting that the police took a leading role in the plundering.

When after this destruction and murders, people went to complain and file FIR's the police in many areas refused to record their complaints, according to information gathered from the Hindu neighbours of the victims. A respected Sikh professional whose house was burned on 1st November was not able to register an F.I.R. despite all efforts. In Mangolpuri we were told, a police officer asked the Hindu complainants why they were protecting Sikhs and advised them to look after safety of Hindus. Typical was the experience of Dharam Raj Pawar and Rajvir Pawar - two residents of Ber Sarai - who on November 1, went to the sector IV R.K. Puram Police station to ask for protection of Sikh family (which till then was being sheltered by Hindu neighbours from impending attack by a mob led by a Congress-I man, Jagdish Tokas) The officer in charge of the police station reportedly told them that he could not offer any help. Two constables later said to them, " You being Jats should have killed those Sikhs. What are you doing here ? Don't you know a train has arrived from punjab carrying bodies of Massacred Hindus ?"

A few individual police officials who did try to intervene and stop the riots found their efforts frustrated primarily through lack of co-operation from the top. One senior officer told us that when on October 31 and November 1 be received reports about some 3000 to 3000 people moving around the city in scooters and motorcycles without helmets, he contacted the CID seeking information from them regarding the identity of these people. Till November 7, when we met him, he had not received any report from the CID.

While analysing the role of the police during the crucial period we can not afford to ignore the responsibility of those in position of authority at the top, namely the Home Ministry. The Home Minister, Mr. Narasimha Rao who was inducted in the new Cabinet by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi soon after Mrs. Gandhi's death, was enpowered in his capacity as a Home Minister to deploy the para-military forces ( if the Delhi Police force was found to be inadequate or inefficient) to quell the violence that erupted following the announcement of Mrs. Gandhi's death. Mr Rao is not a new incumbent who is unaware of the procedural technicalities. We are left with the question : why did Mr. Rao, with his past experience as a Home Minister in the previous cabinet, fail to take the necessary steps and summon the forces available to him to nip in the bud the communal elements that organised the riots ?

 Aftermath

Harjinder Singh Jinda, Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Ranjit Singh Gill of Khalistan Commando Force assassinated Lalit Maken (Member - Parliament of India and a leader of Congress (I) to take revenge of 1984 Anti Sikh Riots. Lalit Maken was killed on July 31 1985. In a 31-page booklet titled 'Who Are The Guilty', People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) listed 227 people who led the mobs, Lalit Maken's name was third on the list ^[8].

Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha also assassinated Congress (I) leader Arjan Dass because of his involvement in 1984 Anti-Sikh riots. Arjan Dass's name appeared in various affidavits submitted by Sikh victims to the Nanavati Commission which was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India ^[9].

Commission(s) of Enquiry

Numerous commissions have been setup to investigate the riots, however, many of the primary accused were acquitted or never charge-sheeted. Ten commissions and committees have till now inquired into the riots. The most recent commission on the riots, headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati submitted its 185-page report to the Home Minister, Shivraj Patil on February 9, 2005 and the report was tabled in Parliament on August 8, 2005. The commissions below are listed in the order they were formed.

Marwah Commission

This commission was appointed in November 1984. Ved Marwah, Additional Commissioner of Police, was assigned the job of enquiring into the role of the police during the carnage of November 1984. Many of the accused officers of Delhi Police went to Delhi High Court. As Ved Marwah completed his inquiry towards the middle of 1985, he was abruptly directed by the Home Ministy not to proceed further[3]. Complete records of the Marwah Commission were taken over by the government and were later transferred to the Misra Commission. However, the most important part of the record, namely the handwritten notes of Mr Marwah, which contained important information, were not transferred to the Misra Commission.

Misra Commission of Enquiry

Misra commission was appointed in May 1985. Justice Rangnath Misra, was a sitting judge of the Supreme Court of India. Justice Misra submitted his report in August 1986 and the report was made public six months thereafter in February 1987. In his report, Justice Misra stated that it was not part of his terms of reference to identify any person and recommended the formation of three committees. There was only one term of reference to this commission, i.e. whether the violence was organised? The commission and its report has been heavily criticized as biased and a miscarriage of justice.

 Kapur Mittal Committee

Kapur Mittal Committee was appointed in February 1987 on the recommendation of the Misra Commission to inquire into the role of the police, which the Marwah Commission had almost completed in 1985 itself, when the government asked that committee to wind up and not proceed further. After almost two years, this committee was appointed for the same purpose. This committee consisted of Justice Dalip Kapur and Mrs Kusum Mittal, retired Secretary of Uttar Pradesh. It submitted its report in 1990. Seventy-two police officers were identified for their connivance or gross negligence. The committee recommended forthwith dismissal of 30 police officers out of 72. However, till date, not a single police officer has been awarded any kind of punishment.

 Jain Banerjee Committee

This committee was recommended by the Misra Commission for recommending registration of cases. It consisted of Justice M.L. Jain, former Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr A.K. Banerjee, retired Inspector General of Police. The Misra Commission held in its report that a large number of cases had not been registered and wherever the victims named political leaders or police officers, cases were not registered against them. This committee recommended registration of cases against Mr Sajjan Kumar in August 1987, but no case was registered. In November 1987 many press reports appeared for not registering cases in spite of the recommendation of the committee. In December 1987, one of the co-accused along with Sajjan Kumar, namely Mr Brahmanand Gupta filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court and obtained a stay against this committee. The government did not oppose the stay. The Citizens Justice Committee filed an application for vacating the stay. Ultimately, the writ petition was decided in August 1989 and the high court quashed the appointment of this committee. An appeal was filed by the Citizens Justice Committee in the Supreme Court of India.

Potti Rosha Committee

Potti Rosha Committee was appointed in March 1990, by the V.P. Singh government, as a successor to the Jain Banerjee Committee. In August 1990, Potti-Rosha issued recommendations for filing cases based on affidavits victims of the violence had submitted. There was one against Sajjan Kumar. A CBI team went to Kumar's home to file the charges; his supporters locked them up and threatened them harm if they persisted in their designs on their leader. As a result of this intimidation, when Potti-Rosha's term expired in September 1990, Potti and Rosha decided to disband their inquiry.

Jain Aggarwal Committee

The committee was appointed in December 1990 as a successor to the Potti Rosha Committee. It consisted of Justice J.D. Jain, retired Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr D.K. Aggarwal, retired DGP of Uttar Pradesh. This committee recommended registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar, Dharamdas Shastri and Jagdish Tytler. The Committee also suggested setting up of two - three Special Investigating Teams in the Delhi Police under a Deputy Commissioner of Police and the overall supervision by the Additional Commissioner of Police, In-charge - CID and also to review the work-load of the three Special Courts set up to deal with October - November 1984 riots cases exclusively so that these cases could be taken up on day-to-day basis. The question of appointment of Special Prosecutors to deal with October - November 1984 riots cases exclusively was also discussed. This committee was wound up in August 1993. However, the cases recommended by this committee were not even registered by the police.

Ahuja Committee

Ahuja Committee was the third committee recommended by the Misra Commission to ascertain the total number of killings in Delhi. This committee submitted its report in August 1987 and gave a figure of 2,733 as the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi alone.

Dhillon Committee

Dhillon Committee headed by Mr Gurdial Singh Dhillon was appointed in 1985 to recommend measures for the rehabilitation of the victims. This committee submitted its report by the end of 1985. One of the major recommendations of this Committee was that the business establishments, which had insurance cover, but whose insurance claims were not settled by insurance companies on the technical ground that riot was not covered under insurance, should be paid compensation under the directions of the government. This committee recommended that since all insurance companies were nationalised, they be directed to pay the claims. However, the government did not accept this recommendation and as a result insurance claims were rejected by all insurance companies throughout the country.

 Narula Committee

Narula Committee was appointed in December 1993 by the Madan Lal Khurana government in Delhi. One of the recommendations of the Narula Committee was to convince the Central Government to grant sanction in this matter. Mr. Khurana took up the matter with the Central Government and in the middle of 1994, the Central Government decided that the matter did not fall within its purview and sent the case to the Lt. Governor of Delhi. It took two years for the Narasimha Rao Government to decide that it did not fall within Centre's purview. Narasimha Rao Government further delayed the case. This committee submitted its report in January 1994 and recommended the registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. Ultimately, despite the delay by the Central government, the CBI was able to file the charge sheet in December 1994.

The Nanavati Commission

Nanavati Commission was appointed by a unanimous resolution passed in the Rajya Sabha. This commission was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The commission submitted its report in February 2004. The Commission claimed evidence against congressmen Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar and H.K.L. Bhagat for instigating the mobs to violence. The Commission also held the then police commissioner S.C. Tandon directly responsible for the riots. There was widespread protest against the report as it did not mention clearly the role of Tytler and other Congressmen in the riots. It finally led to the resignation of Jagdish Tytler from the Union Cabinet. The Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (who ironically is a Sikh himself) also apologised to the Sikhs for the riots, few days after the report was tabled in the Parliament.

Reopening of 1984 Riot Cases against Jagdish Tytler

India's Central Bureau of Investigation closed all cases against Jagdish Tytler in November 2007 for his alleged criminal conspiracy to engineer riots against Sikhs in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination on October 31, 1984. CBI submitted a report to the Delhi court which stated that no evidence or witness was found to corroborate the allegations against Tytler of leading murderous mobs during 1984 [4].^[10] It was also alleged in the court that then member of Indian Parliament Jagdish Tytler was complaining to his supporters about relatively "small" number of Sikhs killed in his parliamentary constituency Delhi Sadar, which in his opinion had undermined his position in the ruling Indian National Congress party of India [5].

However in December 2007, a certain witness, Jasbir Singh, who is living in California, appeared on several private television news channels in India, and stated he was never contacted by Central Bureau of Investigation. India's main opposition party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) demanded an explanation from the minister in-charge of CBI in Indian Parliament. However, Minister of State for Personnel Suresh Pachouri, who is in-charge of department of CBI, and was present in the parliament session refused to make a statement.^[11]

On December 18-th 2007, Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Delhi court Mr. Sanjeev Jain, who had earlier dismissed the case after CBI submitted a misleading report in his court; ordered India's Central Bureau of Investigation to reopen cases relating to 1984 Anti-Sikh riots against Jagdish Tytler.^[12]

Quotations

• I felt like a refugee in my country. In fact, I felt like a Jew in Nazi Germany. (Khushwant Singh)
• Criminally led hoodlums killed Sikhs, looted or burnt homes and properties while the police twiddled their thumbs. (India Today, November 15, 1984)
• I was told,‘You appoint another committee to identify the people but HKL Bhagat is not involved.’ (Advocate Harvinder Singh Phoolka)

Cultural References

The Delhi riots were the core subject of the film Amu (2005)

References

External links

• Who are the guilty?
• Website by the attorney defending November 1984 riot victims in Delhi. Contains important affidavits and other documentation.
• 1984 Sikhs' Kristallnacht: 5-part video.
• Times of India Report On the 20th Anniversary of the riots
• CBI to reinvestigate Anti-Sikh riots case
• Anti-Sikh riots a pogrom: Khushwant
• NDTV X-Factor discussion about involvement of HKL Bhagat, Tytler, Sajjan Kumar and Congress Party in 1984 riots
• Interview with director and producer of documentary 'The Widow Colony'

 Further reading

• Jaskaran Kaur, Barbara Crossette. Twenty Years of Impunity: The November 1984 riots of Sikhs in India. London: Nectar, 2004.[6]
• 1984 Truth & Justice. 1984 Sikhs' Kristallnacht 16-page report, 2007 [7]
• Cynthia Keppley Mahmood. Fighting for Faith and Nation: Dialogues With Sikh Militants. University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 0-8122-1592-3.
• Cynthia Keppley Mahmood. A Sea Of Orange: Writings on the Sikhs and India. Xlibris Corporation, ISBN 1-4010-2857-8
• Ram Narayan Kumar et al. Reduced to Ashes: The Insurgency and Human Rights in Punjab. South Asia Forum for Human Rights, 2003. [8]
• Joyce Pettigrew. The Sikhs of the Punjab: Unheard Voices of State and Guerrilla Violence. Zed Books Ltd., 1995.
• Anurag Singh. Giani Kirpal Singh’s Eye-Witness Account of Operation Bluestar. 1999.
• Patwant Singh. The Sikhs. New York: Knopf, 2000.
• Harnik Deol. Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab. London: Routledge, 2000
• Mark Tully. Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi's Last Battle. ISBN 0-224-02328-4.
• Ranbir Singh Sandhu. Struggle for Justice: Speeches and Conversations of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. Ohio: SERF, 1999.
• Iqbal Singh. Punjab Under Siege: A Critical Analysis. New York: Allen, McMillan and Enderson, 1986.
• Paul Brass. Language, Religion and Politics in North India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974.
• PUCL report "Who Are The Guilty. Link to report.
• H S Phoolka and Manoj Datta. "When a tree shook Delhi."

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The place where Indira Gandhi was walking, when she was assassinated.

Indira Gandhi's saree and her belongings at the time of her assassination, preserved at the Indira Gandhi Memorial Museum in New Delhi.

Indira Gandhi, then Prime Minister of India, was assassinated on October 31, 1984 by two of her Sikh bodyguards, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, who wanted to avenge the desecration of the Harmandir Sahib (Sikhism's holiest shrine) during Operation Bluestar.

Mrs. Gandhi was walking through the garden of the Prime Minister's Residence at No. 1, Safdarjung Road in New Delhi on her way to be interviewed by the British actor Peter Ustinov, who was filming a documentary for Irish television. As she passed a wicket gate guarded by Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, they opened fire with Sten submachine guns. Beant Singh was killed by gunfire at the scene of the assassination. Satwant Singh was arrested by Mrs. Gandhi's other bodyguards.

Mrs. Gandhi was rushed to Delhi's General Hospital immediately after the shooting. She died one hour later, undergoing surgery to remove 7 of the 19 bullets that wounded her. She was cremated on November 3, near Raj Ghat (a memorial to Mahatma Gandhi) and the place was called Shakti Sthal.

Over the next four days Sikhs were killed in retaliatory pogroms led by Congress activists and sympathizers. The then Congress government was widely criticized for doing very little at the time, possibly acting as a conspirator, especially since voting lists were used to identify Sikh families.^[1] Then Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, son of Indira Gandhi made a statement at Boat Club in New Delhi on November 19, 1984, on the birthday of Indira Gandhi “Some riots took place in the country following the murder of Indiraji. We know the people were very angry and for a few days it seemed that India had been shaken. But, when a mighty tree falls, it is only natural that the earth around it does shake a little.”.^[2][3][4] His widow, Sonia Gandhi and current President of the Congress Party, officially apologized in 1998 for the events of November 1984. The most affected regions were neighborhoods in Delhi.

The Justice Thakkar Commission of Inquiry set up to probe Indira Gandhi’s assassination recommended a separate probe for the conspiracy angle behind the assassination. The Thakkar Report stated that the “needle of suspicion” pointed at R.K. Dhawan for complicity in the conspiracy.

Satwant Singh was sentenced to death along with conspirator Kehar Singh. The sentence was carried out on January 6, 1989. Satwant Singh was the last man to be hanged in Tihar Jail in Delhi.

The book "The Assassination of Indira Gandhi" by Ritu Sarin describes the event in detail.^[5]

See also

• Sikh Extremism
• 1984 Anti-Sikh riots
• Operation Blue star
• Indian National Congress

References

Standoff holds after Mumbai attacks

By Somini Sengupta and Mark McDonald

Published: November 27, 2008