Since 1995, there has been hot debate over who is John Doe #2

It's about time it was known!!!

compiled by Dee Finney

"Don't ever forget Bob Mathews and don't ever forget the
'Order'... because that's what's gonna happen again
soon.... It's coming again!.... Revolution is coming!....
It's coming sooner than you think!"
-- Dennis Mahon, July, 1991, Aryan World Congress, Hayden
Lake, Idaho.


The FBI has issued a warrant for the arrest of a man described as "John Doe #2." John Doe #1 has been identified as Timothy McVeigh and is in custody. A reward of up to $2 million has been offered for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the persons responsible for the May 19 bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building. Doe #2 may be armed and should be considered extremely dangerous. Any one having information about the suspect should contact local law enforcement officials or the FBI OKC Hotline at 1-800-905-1514 or via email at

John Doe #2 is described at 5-foot-9 to 5-foot-10, 175 pounds, with brown hair. He reportedly has a tattoo on his left arm.


Jose Padilla (left)          John Joe #2 (right)

From: 02/06/17/arjj061702.htm

Many witnesses describe John Doe No.2 as: Hispanic, 5'10", 170 pounds., 25 to 26 years old, 
dark hair, robust, prominent lips, bushy eyebrows, with a strong, angry look upon his face. 
Descriptions of Jose Padilla at the time would have been similar to those of John Doe No. 2.

But the connection between Padilla and John Doe No. 2 does not end with similar physical characteristics.

Background of Jose Padilla

Jose Padilla has an extensive criminal record -- including an involvement in a gang-related murder when he was 15 years old.

Padilla was born in Brooklyn, N.Y.and moved to northwest Chicago at age 5. As a teenager, he was a member of a street gang.

He spent time in juvenile detention in 1985 for an armed robbery that left one victim dead of stab wounds.

Later, armed with a baseball bat, Padilla and a knife-wielding accomplice robbed three men. One man fled, but the two thieves chased him, and Padilla' s accomplice stabbed him in the stomach.

As a juvenile, Padilla was convicted aggravated battery, armed robbery and attempted armed robbery and was in custody in Illinois from November 1985 to May 1988.

After serving time on murder and assault charges, Padilla moved to Florida, but quickly found himself in trouble again when he was convicted of both aggravated assault with intent to commit a felony and discharging a firearm from a vehicle.

Despite his already lengthy criminal record, he was sentenced to just a year on probation.

In 1992, one year after he was released from probation, Padilla was convicted in Florida of aggravated assault with a firearm.

While serving time in the Broward County Jail, Padilla was accused of battery on a jail officer and resisting without violence in January 1992. He settled the charges with guilty pleas after spending 10 months behind bars.

It was either during or after serving those 10 months in the Broward County Jail that the man raised as a Roman Catholic converted to radical Islam with his future wife, Cherie Maria Stultz.

Following Padilla's release, he and Stultz worked at a Taco Bell restaurant in Davie, near Fort Lauderdale, close to about 20 Islamic centers or mosques.

Padilla disappeared after two years, and the couple later divorced.

By 1998, Padilla had moved to Egypt. His goal, according to officials, was to further explore Muslim teachings and traditions. He stayed about two years, aligning himself with illegal underground extremist mosques.

Putting the Pieces Together

Even though McVeigh went to his death denying any larger plot, many questions remain unanswered. Did John Doe No. 2 ever exist? If he did, who is he? If there is no John Doe No. 2, why did a second suspect initially emerge? What items or witnesses did the bureau use to create its three sketches of this alleged co-conspirator?

The evidence that the Oklahoma City bombing involved a larger conspiracy, one with Middle Eastern connections, is compelling. And the trail begins with that mysterious FBI APB.

In the week following the bombing a Oklahoma City, a reporter at television station received a tip about some suspicious activity and began an investigation of a local property management company. The reporter had been told by several former employees of the management company that they had seen a pickup truck at the office, a truck that matched the description in the APB.

The reporter discovered that the owner of the property, a Palestinian expatriate, had pled guilty in 1991 to several counts of insurance fraud and served eight months in a federal prison. Court papers indicated that the FBI had investigated him for alleged connections to the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Former employees told the investigator that six months prior to the bombing, the owner of this management company had hired a group of foreign refugees to do painting and construction work. This group had allegedly fled from Iraq to escape Saddam Hussein's regime. An employee told the reporter that he saw these "refugees" cheering the Oklahoma terror attack and vowing to die in Saddam's service.

The reporter used surveillance equipment to photograph these foreign refugees, and focused on one man who seemed to match the last FBI profile sketch and description of John Doe No. 2.

Over the next several months the reporter interviewed witnesses who said they saw McVeigh in the company of a foreign-looking man in the days and hours before the bombing.

Witnesses also said they saw several of the refugees moving large barrels around in the back of an old white truck. The barrels, they alleged, emanated a strong smell of diesel fuel, one of the key ingredients used in the Oklahoma City bomb.

Who was this man, the one who resembled John Doe No. 2?

His name was Al-Hussaini Hussain who later filed a defamation lawsuit in Oklahoma County District Court against the television station and the reporter, charging that the news station had falsely accused him of being John Doe No. 2. The lawsuit was later dropped since the station had never directly targeted him as John Doe No. 2.

However Al-Hussaini Hussain is just one of many who were mentioned as a possible John Doe No. 2. Some would suggest that Hussain was given up as a target to deflect attention from the real John Doe No. 2.

Middle Eastern Ties

After the bombing came the finger-pointing and assignation of blame. However, since the Clinton-Reno Justice Department laid down the official line that the Oklahoma bombing was a purely domestic terrorist act, an eerie silence had descended over the case..

Oliver Revell, former FBI Assistant Director in Charge of Investigation and Counterterrorism, was quoted in news accounts as saying, "I think it's most likely a Middle East terrorist. I think the modus operandi is similar. They have used this approach." According to court documents filed in the McVeigh trial, an FBI communiqué on the day of the bombing suggested the attack may have been in retaliation for the prosecution of the World Trade Center bombers. The communiqué was clear: "We are currently inclined to suspect the Islamic Jihad as the likely group."

Terrorist expert Neil C. Livingstone was quoted in The Globe on May 16, 1995 with this observation: "There is a remarkable similarity between the methods used by Islamic terrorists in the bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut, the attack on the World Trade Center, and the bombing in Oklahoma. The truckload of explosives is almost a signature or calling card, and it is the weapon of choice among these groups." Livingstone, the author of several books on terrorism, continued: "Very typically, these terrorists have found homegrown radicals to use as dupes in the actual bombings. They have supplied the money and the technical expertise and highly skilled operatives to guide a project and then get out of town before they can be apprehended."

One investigator from 1995 said he was more than "inclined to suspect" Islamic Jihad. His investigation, he told this reporter, directly ties suspects from the Oklahoma City bombing to an Islamic Jihad cell in Florida. The Florida cell, he believes, is tied into the network of Osama bin Laden.

Padilla's whereabouts are unknown from 1994 to 1998. In all likelihood, he was still living somewhere in Florida and could have been involved with some of the Middle Eastern terrorist organizations that have possible ties to the Oklahoma City bombings.

Additionally, according to a report from the Associated Press filed on Tuesday, June 11, 2002, Padilla was a protégé of a top lieutenant of Osama bin Laden, traveling at his mentor's request to meet with other terrorists and using the Internet to research how to build a radioactive weapon.


So what exactly what happened in OKC on the morning of April 19, 1995? Was it really just two anti-government ex-Army radicals? Did they construct this idea by themselves? Did they carry out the whole thing by themselves? Are all the witnesses who say there were more people involved simply mistaken?

How about Padilla? How does he fit into this puzzle?

Some might not believe that Jose Padilla was John Doe No. 2. However, it is certainly plausible to counter that a man convicted of murder as a youth, a man linked with extreme Islamic mosques, could move to the Middle East, become a part of the worlds most wanted terrorist organization and attempt to carry out a plot to kill tens of thousands of Americans.

You must consider all of the facts.

Consider all of the possibilities.

Consider the improbable, the improvable, the unbelievable.

Then consider Padilla.

Copyright 2002 - Glenn Beck Program.

Reprint of the article is acceptable as long as this footer (copyright and Web site credit) and the article's original header (title, credit) remain in place. If you choose to reprint this article, please let us know.


Dee Finney dream prior to the Oklahoma Bombing


NOTE: I didn't know this until after the fact.

DREAM 1 - I was standing on a road when three of my sons came down the road and I saw that they had very long unkempt hair. I was about to ask why they let their hair grow so long when their father came down the road. I saw that he too had let his hair grow long. (It was half way to his waist in back) He only said one word, "OKLAHOMA!"

DREAM 2: I was in a large house being used to house displaced persons or something. There were many foreigners with dark skin there who were learning to speak English. One very thin man who looked like a previous Pope sat at the dinner table. Suddenly he fell over and we saw blood gushing out of his head. I rushed over to help him. His head was split open like a cracked egg and inside his skull was wiring like a robot. He came back to life in my arms and said only one word, "OKLAHOMA!"

NOTE: After the bombing, I could see that Timothy McVeigh was the man in my dream. The memory of his face was that clear in my mind.

DREAM 3: I was living or visiting with my son Tom on 84th St. The phone rang. It was my ex-husband. (Same guy as dream #1) He arrived at the house then for a visit and I told them all the first dream. My ex-husband acted all disappointed and said, "I really wanted to go to Utah!"

NOTE: There was news after the bombing that the group responsible for the Oklahoma bombing had also considered going to Utah. 


Oklahoma City bombing John Doe No. 2?

Nichols defense eyes John Doe No. 2

Friday, May 7, 2004 Posted: 1:51 PM EDT (1751 GMT)

McALESTER, Oklahoma (AP) -- Defense attorneys for Oklahoma City bombing conspirator Terry Nichols shifted the focus of his murder trial to John Doe No. 2 as they began presenting their case.

Defense attorneys questioned six witnesses Thursday on an issue that is key to Nichols' defense, that McVeigh had contact with people other than Nichols in the final days before the bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building.

Sketches bearing the image of John Doe No. 2, a muscular, dark-skinned suspect who does not resemble Nichols, were flashed across television monitors during testimony.

The defense alleges McVeigh received substantial help from others in planning the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building and that Nichols was set up to take the blame. The blast killed 168 people and injured more than 500 others.

Lea McGown, owner of the Dreamland Motel in Junction City, Kansas, testified that she rented a room to McVeigh from April 14 to April 18.

McGown also said she heard McVeigh talking with one or two other men in his room one night. She said she couldn't identify them but thought one of the men had telephoned McVeigh's room earlier.

"I heard Mr. McVeigh's voice and another velvety voice and a third voice in the background," McGown said. On cross examination, she said the third voice could have come from a television set.

The day McVeigh checked in, a man came in the motel lobby and asked directions to Room 25, where McVeigh was staying, McGown said. She gave the man directions to the barber shop where McVeigh was getting his hair cut, she said.

McGown said she didn't remember the man's face but that he was between 25 and 35 years old, had light skin and eyes and a small build.

She said she remembered seeing McVeigh with a large Ryder rental truck on the Sunday before the bombing, one day before prosecutors allege he leased it at Elliott's Body Shop using the alias Robert Kling.

McGown also said she never saw McVeigh with anyone else and couldn't identify an FBI sketch of John Doe No. 2. However, she did identify two phone calls that were made from the room to Nichols' home in Herington, Kansas.

The defense's first witness was FBI artist Raymond Rozycki, who drew the sketch based on a description by Elliott's Body Shop employee Tom Kessinger.

The drawing depicted a heavy, well-built man with brown eyes and hair who witnesses said was with McVeigh at the leasing agency. Rozycki also drew a sketch of McVeigh.

Kessinger said the man wore a black T-shirt, a baseball cap with white and blue zigzag patterns and had a tattoo on his left arm.

Hilda Lopez, a former housekeeper at the Dreamland Motel, said she saw a man wearing a cap with a similar pattern walk toward a Ryder truck that was parked in the motel parking lot on April 17.

The man was well-built, had short black hair and a dark complexion that made him appear Hispanic, she recalled.

A former Chinese food deliveryman, John Jeffrey Davis, said he brought an order to a man who was neither McVeigh nor Nichols at McVeigh's motel room on April 15.

Davis identified a composite sketch of the man drawn by an artist in April 1996, but it didn't match FBI sketches of McVeigh or John Doe No. 2.

Also Thursday, Judge Steven Taylor replaced a juror who suffered a heart attack before arriving in court. The excused juror, Robert Dale McCoy, is expected to make a full recovery, Taylor said. He was replaced by a female alternate, changing the makeup of Nichols' jury to six men and six women.

Nichols, 49, is serving a life prison sentence on involuntary manslaughter and conspiracy counts in the deaths of eight federal agents in the bombing.

In Oklahoma, he faces 161 counts of first-degree murder for the deaths of the other 160 victims and one victim's fetus.

McVeigh was convicted on federal murder charges and executed in 2001.

Copyright 2004 The Associated Press. All rights reserved

Posted: November 9, 2002

By Notra Trulock

In 1995, the worst act of terrorism on American soil, prior to the 9/11 disaster, was committed in Oklahoma City.

On April 19, terrorists blew up the Murrah Federal Building and killed 168 Americans and wounded scores more. Not long after the bombing, Timothy McVeigh was arrested about 60 miles east of Oklahoma City and a few days later Terry Nichols surrendered to police in Herrington, Kansas. With those arrests, the Justice Department shut down any further investigation into who had committed this awful crime.

But like the Kennedy assassination, many Americans remained deeply skeptical about the government's assurances that McVeigh and Nichols acted alone in this horrible crime. And for good reason, as it seems that the FBI ignored important investigative leads, failed to interview potentially significant witnesses, and destroyed the Murrah building before experts could examine the crime scene.

The involvement of a John Doe No. 2 in the bombing has remained a simmering controversy. Skeptics ask why the FBI canceled an all-points-bulletin for a Middle Eastern male subject or subjects fleeing the scene issued in the immediate aftermath of the explosion. Numerous eyewitness accounts have identified Middle Eastern males in the company of McVeigh in the days and weeks before the bombing.

Dr. Frederic Whitehurst's allegations against the FBI crime lab sparked a Justice Department investigation that found the lab had provided "inaccurate pro-prosecution testimony in major cases including Oklahoma City." Retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, an explosives expert, disputed the FBI's theory that the damage to the Murrah Building was caused by a single truck-bomb. His analyses were later endorsed by numerous physicists, physical chemists, and experts in structural mechanics as well as a series of live tests conducted at Eglin Air Force Base. These are just some of the lingering questions about the 1995 bombing.

Beyond covering McVeigh's execution and the FBI foul-ups that delayed it, the mainstream media have devoted little effort to digging into any of these questions. Concerned citizens have had to go to Internet media outlets like WorldNetDaily and NewsMax or be on the lookout for the occasional investigative report in obscure outlets like the Los Angeles Weekly or the London Evening Standard. In early September, the Wall Street Journal did one column on its editorial page about possible Iraqi involvement in Oklahoma City and the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, but seemed to lose interest after that.

One columnist who has refused to let the story die is James Patterson, an editorial writer at the Indianapolis Star. Patterson was one of the first to report a potential crack in the wall of silence erected around the Oklahoma City bombing by the government and the elite media.

Twice in recent months, Patterson has reported that Chairman Dan Burton's House Government Reform Committee investigators have uncovered the possible whereabouts of videotapes and photographs of the Murrah Federal Building from the day of the bombing. The Final Report of the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee noted the existence of such tapes, but the Justice Department has adamantly refused to release them, even in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.

Burton believes that the tapes and photographs may be held in the archives of Naval Intelligence at the Washington Navy Yard and he has issued a subpoena to the Secretary of the Navy to obtain them. The tapes are said to contain video of a John Doe No. 2 getting out on the passenger side of the Ryder truck just prior to the explosion.

Former FBI Deputy Director Weldon Kennedy told the Philadelphia Inquirer that talk of withheld videotapes is "ludicrous and insulting." Kennedy says that agents nailed down "98 to 99 percent" of McVeigh and Nichols' movements in the months before the bombing and he is absolutely convinced they acted alone. Cate McCauley, who worked on McVeigh's appeal, goes beyond Kennedy and charges that talk of Middle Eastern men helping McVeigh is "perhaps the worse case of misinformation and pandering" she has come across. The allegations, she says, are easily refutable and those who promote them are "standing on the graves of thousands of people."

A quick, easy way to resolve the controversy over John Doe No. 2 would be to simply release the videotapes and photographs and let the American public judge for itself. Release the tapes and bring this case to closure. The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing deserve nothing less.

Notra Trulock is the associate editor of Accuracy in Media's AIM Report. He is a former director of intelligence at the U.S. Department of Energy.

* Interview with Jayna Davis - 6/20/02
* My Word commentary by John Gibson

June 20, 2002
HEADLINE: Interview With Jayna Davis 

GIBSON: Documents obtained by The Associated Press show that our government was warned that Islamic terrorists were planning attacks on American federal buildings around the time of the Oklahoma City bombing. The Clinton administration even stepped up security around such buildings.

So could this mean that Timothy McVeigh was acting in league with those militants? My next guest says, yes, indeed.

Jayna Davis is a former Oklahoma City television reporter. She joins us now from Oklahoma City.

So, Jayna, this warning that was issued in February of 1995, a -- essentially a couple of months before the Murrah building explosion -- do you think it was connected to that bombing?

JAYNA DAVIS, FORMER OKLAHOMA CITY TV REPORTER: Well, it dovetails with the information that we generated when I was working as a reporter for the NBC affiliate here in Oklahoma City, and we gathered information from 24 witnesses who identified eight Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom were of Iraqi descend, working in collusion with Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols during various stages of the bombing plot to blow up the Murrah building.

The warning you refer to, John, I have in my possession. It was issued by the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, and what -- why it's startling to me is because it stated in February of 1995 that there would be an Iran-sponsored Islamic attack on U.S. soil. This specific target was Washington, D.C., primarily Congress and the White House.

Once security was beefed up after the dissemination of this warning, then there was an updated warning that was then issued by the director of the Congressional Task Force, Mr. Yossef Bodansky. He stated in the updated warning the specific language that the terrorists planned to strike at the heart of the U.S. but not acting alone.

The Islamic terrorists were going to employ the services and recruit what they call two lily whites. And in the jargon of the intelligence community, lily whites means anybody that's not connected or ostensibly connected to any Middle Eastern terrorist organizations and they have no police record, they're clean, they wouldn't be flagged by any law- enforcement agencies. Both Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh fit that criterion.

GIBSON: Now, Jayna, you have long held that a character named Hussain Al-Hussaini is John Doe #2, and I think we have pictures of him here. This is Hussain Hasham Al-Hussaini, and then, of course, we'll see the picture of John Doe #2, and he does bear a resemblance to him. What evidence do you have that Hussain Al-Hussaini, an Iraqi, was with Tim McVeigh?

DAVIS: Well, let's start with four days before the bombing. Two witnesses who independently identified him out of a photo line-up of 35 photographs of eight different Middle Eastern men. These witnesses identified him independently of each other as drinking beer with Timothy McVeigh in a tavern in Oklahoma City on April 15th of 1995.

Then there were two more witnesses that identified him jogging outside the Murrah building, dressed in blue jeans with a backpack and a windbreaker, racing from the Murrah building, one block east of the building, timing his run, before daybreak, the day of April 19th. These witnesses walked past this individual they saw running within about three to four feet and looked him square in the face. He was positively identified...

GIBSON: Where is Hussain Al-Hussaini?

DAVIS: Well, we don't know. I do know that he went and moved to Boston sometime around 1997 and claimed that he was working at Boston International Airport...

GIBSON: Logan?

DAVIS: ... in '97 and '98. Logan. Yes.

GIBSON: And he was an Iraqi soldier?

DAVIS: It's also important to note, John, he was identified in the Ryder truck with McVeigh 30 minutes prior to the bombing when McVeigh stopped to ask for directions at 10th and Hudson, which is about five blocks north of the Murrah building.

He was also identified at ground zero stepping out of the Ryder truck. He was identified in the passenger seat -- I'm sorry -- in the driver's seat of a brown Chevrolet pickup speeding away from the bomb site 60 seconds after the blast in a truck that matched the description of the official FBI all-points bulletin issued the morning of the bombing for Middle Eastern terrorists.

GIBSON: Jayna Davis, former Oklahoma City television reporter.

Jayna, thanks very much.



OKC Bombing John Doe Seen in Newkirk, OK with Nichols and Ryder Truck

 Dallas Morning News ^ | April 19, 2002 | Patrick B. Briley

Copyright 2002 by Patrick B. Briley

At about 4 pm on April 18, 1995 one day before the OKC bombing, a Ryder truck stopped for gas at the E-Z Mart in far north central Oklahoma at a small town named Newkirk. A light blue 1970’s Chevy pickup truck stopped at the same time with the Ryder truck at the EZ Mart in Newkirk.

According to witnesses the light blue pickup truck was driven by Terry Nichols and had a passenger with dark curly hair who was wearing a baseball cap, mirror glasses and was dressed in black. The pickup truck passenger had dark olive skin and appeared to look possibly Middle Eastern or Mexican. He also had a stern gaze and a large chest.

The Ryder truck reportedly had an overhang and one occupant, a driver who had short, light hair, a large nose and eyes and a mouth that were small in proportion to his face.

An employee at the EZ Mart said that Nichols came into the store and bought eight burritos but no chips or drinks. Nichols reportedly gave some of the food to the driver in the Ryder truck who appeared to have a disagreement with Nichols about something when Nichols handed him the food. The driver of the Ryder truck and the passenger in Nichols’ pickup truck never got out according to the EZ Mart employee.

The EZ Mart employee was interviewed by OKC TV station, KWTV, Channel 9 and their reporter Gann Mathews in mid May 1995. The witness also gave an interview to the Arkansas City Traveler newspaper which came out in a May 1, 1995 article entitled “Bombing Suspects Spotted in Newkirk”. Unfortunately, the newspaper reporter Jeff Guy got some of the significant facts (as to who was in which trucks) confused in the article. The EZ Mart employee was considered to be very reliable as she was married to a police officer and was also very observant with details.

The Dallas Morning News had a lengthy article published in May 1995 which showed a map of the route taken by McVeigh and other John Does from near Junction City Kansas, and south through Arkansas City, Kansas into Oklahoma and passing directly through Newkirk, Oklahoma en route to OKC. A 32 year veteran of the OKC police department told me in May 1995 that up to five men associated with the OKC bombing had passed through Newkirk with a Ryder truck.

Two other witnesses who taught school at Newkirk came to the EZ Mart around 4 pm on April 18, 1995 and saw a Ryder truck parked there. One of the witnesses said that to buy a coke the witness was standing in line with three men waiting to pay for their snacks. This witness said that two of these men come out of the EZ Mart and that one of them passed snacks to the driver of the Ryder truck. This witness said that the man buying snacks and giving it to the Ryder truck driver was about 5 feet seven, unshaven, and MAY (not certain) have been Terry Nichols. One of the teacher witnesses also said that the man buying snacks got into an old pickup truck

All the witnesses said they were interviewed by the FBI and some said they were also interviewed by the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation (OSBI) at the same time they were interviewed by the FBI.

The BATF came to the EZ Mart about a week after the bombing canvassing the area and learned of witnesses who had seen the Ryder truck, Nichols and a John Doe. The BATF interviewed the EZ Mart employee and had the EZ Mart thoroughly dusted for fingerprints even though many customers had since been in the EZ Mart.

It is not known whose fingerprints (Nichols?) the BATF found at the EZ Mart. Bombing victim survivors presumably still not only would like to find out about the identities of fingerprints at the EZ Mart, but like to learn the identities of the fingerprints taken from where another John Doe (not John Doe #2) stayed in room 25 of the Dreamland motel in Kansas with McVeigh. A sketch of the John Doe in the Dreamland was made by FBI sketch artist Jean Boylan with witness Jeff Davis and resembles an FBI informant working at Elohim City, Peter Ward.

Do FBI or BATF files show the fingerprints taken from the EZ Mart and the Dreamland and the identities of the fingerprints and was this information later destroyed or withheld from the courts and the public?

About two weeks after the bombing the FBI interviewed the same EZ Mart employee witness for about fifteen minutes. The witness strongly identified an FBI supplied frontal view sketch of a John Doe #2 wearing a baseball hat. The witness also gave the FBI a description of the driver of the Ryder truck and told the FBI that even though he resembled McVeigh the witness could not be sure if it was McVeigh. The witness also told the FBI and BATF that they were certain that Nichols was not only at the EZ Mart driving a blue Chevy pickup when the Ryder truck on April 18, 1995, but also had been there with the same pickup at about seven a.m. on the Saturday before the OKC bombing.

Nichols presence with the Ryder truck and John Doe at the EZ Mart on April 18, 1995 suggests an even stronger role for his involvement in helping do the OKC bombing than heretofore commonly known. And John Doe#2’s participation is obvious by these accounts.

McVeigh, the FBI and prosecutors have kept saying for years that there were no John Does who helped McVeigh even though the FBI had positive confirmation of the John Doe# 2 by the witness at the EZ Mart. The witness was never called by the prosecution or defense at the trials. The witness was also not called by the OK County Grand Jury investigating the OKC bombing. Furthermore, during the trials the prosecution never called witnesses who had seen McVeigh with any John Does anywhere even though the FBI testified at a preliminary hearing on April 27, 1995 of over ten witness sightings of McVeigh with John Does including in OKC at the time of the bombing.

The curly hair and olive skin of the John Doe seen riding in Nichols pickup truck is consistent with the description of the John Doe reported by witnesses in OKC and later identified as the Iraqi suspect, Al Hussain Hussaini. Hussaini had reportedly been seen fleeing the area of the Murrah Building and with McVeigh at several locations prior to the bombing in OKC.

There is suspicion that the FBI and OSBI and BATF either did not do adequate interview reports of the sightings of Nichols and the John Doe by the EZ Mart witnesses or that the FBI withheld the reports from the defense and the court trials or had the reports destroyed too early (as recently verified by the DOJ inspector General Glenn Fine two weeks ago in his report to the Senate Judiciary Committee).

One important detail revealed by the EZ Mart employee witness is that the Ryder truck had an overhang. The Ryder truck allegedly driven by McVeigh on April 19, 1995 and carrying a bomb was shown across the Regency Towers apartments (a block to the northwest of the Murrah Building) in a video at the trial but it did not have an overhang. The EZ Mart witness also noted this difference in what they had seen at the EZ Mart and what was shown at trial.

Danny Wilkerson ran a snack shop in the Regency Towers apartments. Wilkerson told me that McVeigh parked a Ryder truck with an overhang in front of his snack shop at 8:35 a.m. April 19, 1995. Inside the Ryder truck, Wilkerson said he saw a John Doe. McVeigh came in and bought pop and talked to Wilkerson. Wilkerson says that by about 8:45 he noticed that McVeigh had driven around the block and parked the Ryder truck across the street in a direction headed toward the Murrah building and in the location shown by video at the trial. Wilkerson also said he saw McVeigh get out of the truck (after he parked it across the street) and look east up the street in the direction of the Murrah building

Wilkerson says several FBI agents including Ricky Raines tried for months to get him to change his description of the Ryder truck as having an overhang. Wilkerson said he believed Raines even tried to trick him to change his story by showing him a fake or an incomplete Ryder truck brochure having no pictures of Ryder trucks with overhangs. Wilkerson says he had seen Ryder trucks with overhangs many times before since they were used by people to move into the Regency Towers apartments. He even asked McVeigh if he was moving in because he says he saw the overhang on the truck.

The yellow pages in the OKC phone book from 1994-1995 clearly show that Ryder rented a truck with an overhang just as Wilkerson and the EZ Mart employee witness have stated they saw.

So we have both Wilkerson and the employee at the EZ Mart insisting that the Ryder truck they saw had an overhang while the Ryder truck the FBI says was used to blow up the Murrah building and shown in videos at trial did not have an overhang. If the witnesses are correct then these possibilities remain to account for the evidence:

Either the FBI is wrong about the truck that blew up in front of the Murrah building and altered the trial video, or a second Ryder truck was used in the bombing exercise. If a second Ryder truck was used with an overhang, perhaps it was used to transport bomb making materials to Oklahoma for future assembly inside of the larger, Ryder truck (it had a side door) the FBI says blew up. If this were the case then McVeigh would have had to switch trucks after he left the snack shop and drove around the block and parked a Ryder truck across the street.

Wilkerson was not called during the trials and his testimony to the FBI about the Ryder truck overhang and McVeigh having a John Doe in the Ryder truck was never disclosed in the trials. It is suspected that the FBI once again (as in the case with the EZ Mart employee witness) either did not do interview reports or withheld them or had them destroyed.

What is obvious from these accounts is that the DOJ and FBI are still withholding from the courts, Congress and the public evidence of John Does involved in the OKC bombing. McVeigh and Nichols who did not act alone as the FBI and DOJ still try to claim. Evidence of Nichols greater involvement may have also been withheld from the trials to preclude the jury and public from learning of the John Doe(s) that were with Nichols ( and perhaps McVeigh) at the EZ Mart on April 18, 1995.

There is growing concern that the John Does involved in the OKC bombing can bomb again and/or that they come from radical domestic groups who could help Middle Eastern terrorists in the US attack innocent civilians in the future.

Copyright 2002 by Patrick B. Briley


Return to: James Patterson's Oklahoma City columns

Ex-CIA agent believes in a John Doe 2

Published: March 23, 2002

The Indianapolis Star

Though the U.S. government clings to the notion that Timothy McVeigh, acting alone, set off the horrendous explosion on April 19, 1995, that pancaked the nine-story Oklahoma City federal building, a former high-ranking CIA official says there's solid evidence to indicate he worked with an Iraqi John Doe No. 2.

Larry Johnson, former CIA officer and deputy director of the State Department's Office of Counterterrorism, told a network news show this week the FBI had failed to properly investigate significant eyewitness accounts of McVeigh meeting with the man believed to be a former Iraqi soldier.

Johnson made those comments on The Big Story with John Gibson, a Fox news program airing nightly at 5 p.m., which delved into an extensive dossier on the case compiled by former Oklahoma TV reporter Jayna Davis. The program aired just days after a lawsuit filed by the watchdog organization Judicial Watch that alleges Iraqi involvement in the Oklahoma City bombing and seeks compensation for victims from frozen Iraqi assets.

Davis, who reported from Ground Zero in Oklahoma City for NBC-affiliate KFOR, broadcast a series suggesting a possible accomplice to the bombing who had been seen with McVeigh on the days leading up to and the day of the bombing. Gibson unabashedly reported Davis' work to a national TV audience on three consecutive days this week.

On Monday, Gibson relayed that Davis' evidence is based "on the simple proposition that Tim McVeigh's John Doe 2 was an Iraqi, a former Iraqi soldier from the Gulf War, paroled into the U.S. under a claim of political asylum, known to be in Oklahoma City as of November of '94 almost a year before the Murrah bombing, spotted with McVeigh by multiple witnesses, and who in recent years was working at (Boston) Logan airport," where the Sept. 11 hijackings originated.

On Tuesday, Gibson posed the question to Johnson about a possible link between Iraq and Oklahoma City.

"I think this woman (Davis) has done a remarkable job of finding a link that was overlooked," Johnson said. Johnson also commented on a Justice Department review of the thousands of documents that resurfaced or were destroyed, delaying McVeigh's execution for a month.

"The FBI . . ., they still have not turned over all of the documents to the defense teams that came out of Oklahoma," he said. "In particular, the information that links, shows possible links to Middle Eastern subjects."

KFOR's reports distorted the face of one of those suspects and did not name him. However, on his own volition, a former Iraqi soldier who claims he surrendered to the U.S. in the Gulf War and who was brought to the United States from a refugee camp in Saudi Arabia, stepped forward and identified himself to two other Oklahoma City TV stations and The Associated Press as the man that KFOR had implicated as John Doe No. 2.

Hussain Hashem Alhussaini sued KFOR and Davis for defamation, saying the reports falsely identified him as John Doe No. 2. But a U.S. District Court disagreed. In ruling for KFOR, U.S. District Judge Timothy Leonard found in November 1999 that the station had taken extraordinary measures to hide Alhussaini's identity.

Leonard added that KFOR's reports were either "based on fact or a matter of opinion," and not negligence or reckless disregard for the truth. Alhussaini, who went to work at Boston's Logan International Airport after leaving Oklahoma City, continues to deny any involvement in the bombing. Former CIA Agent Johnson is unconvinced.

"I compared it to all the human intelligence I've looked at," he said. "And comparing it to classified material, this is not from just one witness, this is not from two witnesses; you're talking 23 people, you're talking at least 10 people who put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini before the Oklahoma City bombing.

"Two people who identified Hussain Alhussaini and Tim McVeigh in a bar on April 15; three people who identified Hussain Alhussaini running from the federal building early in the morning at 5:30 as if he is practicing timing himself. You have two witnesses that put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini in the Ryder truck; you have one witness inside the Murrah Building who sees Hussain Alhussaini eating out of the truck . . .

"The point is the FBI has not thoroughly, fully investigated this. It is an outrage. I went along for many years thinking they have covered the bases. They have not, John."

You can't say Davis didn't try. She tried to give the witness statements to the FBI in the fall of '97, but it wouldn't take them.

Patterson is a Star editorial writer. Contact him at 1-317-444-6174 or by e-mail at


Return to: James Patterson's Oklahoma City columns

Related Factfile: The Oklahoma City bombing

The Middle Eastern connection to Oklahoma City
February 17, 2002

Ever since the country was savagely attacked on Sept. 11, the FBI has relentlessly investigated flight schools, airports, universities, mosques, Middle Eastern charities and Muslim communities, looking for connections to al-Qaida or other jihadist groups.

The only stone, it seems, the bureau hasn't been willing to turn over is its own investigation into the Oklahoma City bombing. Presumably, that's because the 1995 terrorist attack was the exclusive work of homegrown extremists Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols. Or was it?

Even though McVeigh went to his death denying any larger plot, serious questions remain unanswered. Did John Doe No. 2 ever exist? If so, who is he? If not, why did a second suspect initially emerge? What material or witnesses did the bureau use to create its three sketches of this alleged co-conspirator?

And then there's that troublesome FBI-authorized all-points bulletin issued just minutes after the truck bomb exploded. The alert sent members of Oklahoma City law enforcement searching for two Middle Eastern-looking men seen speeding away from the blast area in a brown Chevy pickup with tinted windows and a bug shield. The APB was abruptly cancelled several hours later without explanation.

The evidence that the Oklahoma City bombing involved a larger conspiracy, one with Middle Eastern connections, is compelling. And the trail begins with that mysterious pickup.

The week after the bombing, Jayna Davis, a veteran Oklahoma City reporter at KFOR-TV, got a tip, which began her investigation of a local property management company. Dr. Samir Khalil owns Samara Properties, and several former employees told Davis they had seen a pickup, matching the APB's description, at the office.

Davis discovered that Khalil, a Palestinian expatriate, had pled guilty in 1991 to several counts of insurance fraud and served eight months in a federal prison. Khalil's court papers indicated that the FBI investigated him for alleged connections to the Palestine Liberation Organization. But Khalil vehemently denied any PLO links. And he's never responded to my calls for comment.

Former Samara employees also told Davis that six months before the bombing, Khalil hired a group of Iraqi refugees to do painting and construction work. This group had allegedly fled Iraq to escape Saddam Hussein's regime. But a Samara employee told Davis he saw them cheering the terror attack and vowing to die in Saddam's service.

Davis then used surveillance camera to take pictures of these Iraqis. Eventually, she focused on one man, Hussain Alhussaini (also known as Al-Hussaini Hussain), who seemed to match the last FBI profile sketch and description of John Doe No. 2.

Over the next several months, she interviewed witnesses who said they saw McVeigh in the company of a Middle Eastern-looking man in the days and hours before the bombing. Using KFOR's photo line-up, they identified that individual as Alhussaini.

Perhaps the most intriguing statements she collected came from a host of staff members at a motel near downtown Oklahoma City. They reported seeing McVeigh with a number of Middle Eastern men at the site in the months preceding the bombing. Using KFOR's photos, those men were identified as Samara employees. Alhussaini was included in that group.

The motel witnesses also said they saw several of the Iraqis moving large barrels around in the back of an old white truck. The barrels, they alleged, emanated a strong smell of diesel fuel, one of the key ingredients used in the Oklahoma City bomb.

Davis also discovered that the mysterious brown Chevy pickup was impounded by the FBI on April 27, 1995. The pickup had been abandoned in an apartment building lot. According to the police report, the truck had been stripped of its license plate, inspection tag and all its vehicle identification numbers. It also was spray-painted yellow, but the original color was listed as brown. One resident at the complex told the FBI the driver was "clean-shaven, with an olive complexion, dark, wavy hair and broad shoulders," in his late 20s or early 30s and of Middle Eastern descent.

Davis also used a hidden camera to interview Lana Padilla, Terry Nichols' ex-wife, about Nichols' repeated trips to the Philippines, a hotbed for terrorist activity. "Tim bought Terry the first ticket for the Philippines," Padilla said. That trip occurred in 1989. His last visit came in November 1994.

Ramzi Yousef, the Iraqi convicted for masterminding the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and a plot to blow up U.S. airliners, operated out of Mindanao and Manila in the Philippines. Yousef received funding from Osama bin Laden. According to a motion filed by the McVeigh defense team, an American fitting Nichols' description met with Yousef in the Philippines in 1992 or 1993.

Davis eventually aired a number of pieces, taking care to disguise the Iraqi's identity. However, Alhussaini voluntarily stepped forward on June 15, 1995, to publicly claim that KFOR and Davis had labeled him as John Doe No. 2.

Alhussaini told Channel 9 in Oklahoma City he was living in fear. He claimed to be working at one of Khalil's properties when the bombing occurred. And he produced a handwritten time sheet as proof. The former Iraqi soldier also denied knowing McVeigh, and demanded a public apology from KFOR.

KFOR and Davis stood by their reports and countered with witnesses who contradicted Alhussaini's assertions, including the time sheet, which was labeled a fabrication. Alhussaini responded by filing a state civil libel suit. However, he withdrew the suit the day before a judge was scheduled to rule on KFOR's motion for summary judgment.

Meanwhile, Alhussaini's suit froze KFOR's coverage of the story. And Davis eventually quit after The New York Times bought the station and the investigation was stopped. The former reporter, who had collected 22 signed affidavits from the witnesses she interviewed, was called to testify before a state grand jury that examined the bombing in 1997. With the witnesses' permission, she gave the grand jury the affidavits.

Alhussaini then refiled his libel suit in federal court. Once again attorneys for KFOR and Davis filed for a dismissal. On Nov. 17, 1999, U.S. District Judge Tim Leonard granted their motion. In his ruling, Leonard stated that all the facts in Davis' report were either true or statements of opinion, and did not libel the plaintiff. Alhussaini then appealed the ruling. A hearing was held on Sept. 10; a decision is pending.

Alhussaini moved from Oklahoma City and was reportedly living in the Boston area. His lawyer declined to give me a phone number for his client.

According to 1997 medical records produced during his federal suit, Alhussaini said he had worked for a while at Boston's Logan Airport (where two of the planes were hijacked on Sept. 11). Quoting from those records, Alhussaini first told his psychiatrist that he had quit his airport job because, "If anything happens there, I will be a suspect." However, he later told his doctor that he "wanted to look for another job because he feels unsafe in the environment he works in, the airport, given the recent events involving his being previously suspected of involvement in the Oklahoma bombing."

Alhussaini's specific job at the airport was never identified. I contacted the Massachusetts Port Authority, which oversees Logan, to obtain dates of employment. A spokesperson said the agency would not release any information.

During the course of her investigation, Davis made contact with Yossef Bodansky, executive director of the 13-year-old Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare. Bodansky told Davis the task force had warned of an impending Islamic-sponsored terrorist attack in America's heartland back in 1995.

On Feb. 27, 1995, the task force had issued its first confidential warning to federal agencies that Islamic terrorists "may soon strike Washington D.C., specifically the Capitol and the White House." This confidential alert, which he said was quietly distributed to federal intelligence agencies and law enforcement, claimed the attacks were to begin after March 21, 1995.

"Striking inside the U.S. is presently a high priority for Iran," stated the warning. The alert also stated that upcoming terrorist strikes might be directed against "airports, airlines and telephone systems." In light of Sept. 11, it was a telling note.

On March 3, 1995, the task force issued an update. This "super-sensitive" alert stated there was a "greater likelihood the terrorists would strike at the heart of the U.S." Bodansky also told Davis that after the truck bombing, he reviewed intelligence data that confirmed, "Oklahoma City was on the list of potential targets."

Bodansky gave Davis copies of the task force's original alert and some of his confidential notes detailing the update and Oklahoma City's target status. His material notes an independent warning from Israeli intelligence a month before the bombing. The warning indicated a terrorist attack was impending and that "lilly whites" would be activated. Lilly whites, Bodansky writes, were people without any background or police records who would not be suspected members of a terrorist group.

Now President Bush has labeled Iran, Iraq and North Korea an "axis of evil." And hyperbole aside, details of Iran's alleged involvement in terrorism were included in last summer's U.S. Department of Justice indictment issued in connection with the Khobar Towers attack in Saudi Arabia. Moreover, Bodansky told me that Iran and Iraq agreed to cooperate in terrorist operations against the West.

Over the past seven months, I reviewed all of Davis' documents, including the material she got from Bodansky. I also conducted my own follow-up interviews and found no holes in her investigation. As for Davis, she's tried twice to give her material to the FBI.

According to her attorney Tim McCoy, Department of Justice attorneys prosecuting Nichols rejected Davis' documents in 1997 because they didn't want more material to turn over to the defense. McCoy testified to this at a recent hearing in Nichols' state murder case.

In 1999, former FBI agent Dan Vogel accepted the material, but he said that higher-ups later rejected it because the agency questioned Davis' ownership rights.

I called the bureau but it declined to explain this strange turn of events. Perhaps if Vogel had been allowed to testify at a recent hearing in Nichols' Oklahoma murder trial, details would have been forthcoming. But the Justice Department refused to let him take the stand.

Is this a case of FBI incompetence, political interference or the Justice Department's desire not to complicate a seemingly open-and-shut case against McVeigh and Nichols? I don't know.

I do know that too many questions remain unanswered. And I wonder: If the FBI had followed through on these leads, might agents have turned up links to sleeper cells or the network that planned the Sept. 11 massacre?

Crogan is a free-lance writer and investigative reporter based in Los Angeles. His work has appeared in Newsweek , Time , the Los Angeles Times and other publications. His e-mail address is

FROM: okc/sot1.htm 

Posted on Thu, Oct. 10, 2002


By Michael Smerconish

JAYNA DAVIS - the dogged Oklahoma City investigative reporter who thinks she can link Middle East terrorists and the bombing of the Murrah Building - has been waiting seven years to share her dossier with a senior member of our government.

Today, she gets her chance.

At 4 p.m., Jayna Davis has an appointment on Capitol Hill with a member of the U.S. Senate. And not just any senator. Davis will meet with none other than Arlen Specter.

He's the perfect man for this job.

Think about it. He's a brilliant mind; a man whose politics we may question from time to time, but never his ethics; a former prosecutor; author of the single-bullet theory; the controversial but incisive cross-examiner of Anita Hill. Now he'll be casting his interrogative gaze onto a file that no senior member of government would previously acknowledge. And it's about time.

Given the imminent war with Iraq, you would think the government would have accepted Davis' many offers to hand over her file long before this. But the feds have rebuffed her repeated invitations.

And the FBI and Justice Department have even denied Specter's staff their own request for a briefing on Davis' work.

What is it that the government doesn't want made public? Is she a crackpot, some kind of conspiracy nut? Does her work under scrutiny resemble Swiss cheese?

Or is it that she ruffles feathers when reminding us that the first APB after the Murrah bombing was for two Mideastern-looking men? Perhaps somebody doesn't like her uncovering the presence of an Iraqi cell in America's heartland?

Or maybe her identification of John Doe No. 2 as former Iraqi soldier Hussain Hasem al-Hussaini is a sensitive subject. (See the police sketch of John Doe No. 2 with a photo of al-Hussaini that's running with this column.) (NOTE: Photo wasn't found)

Or is it the Philippine connection of Oklahoma bomber Terry Nichols and Ramzi Yousef, who masterminded the 1993 WTC attack?

Or that Davis claims McVeigh and Nichols staged their crime at a motel where Mohamed Atta and Zacharias Moussaoui later appeared pre-9/11?

It could be that America isn't prepared to hear that the man Davis has identified as John Doe No. 2 was last seen working at Logan Airport in Boston, where two of the 9/11 flights originated.

Why it's taken this long for Jayna Davis to get a congressional airing of her work is the second greatest mystery to come out of Oklahoma City. Her work has been circulating for quite some time. Jim Crogan first wrote about her for the L.A. Weekly.

Then James Patterson gave the subject attention in the Indianapolis Star. Along the way, Fox News has given Jayna some airtime. But she didn't make the mainstream until last month, when Micah Morrison of the Wall Street Journal filled two-thirds of a page talking about her work.

By then, my radio station had already made arrangements to bring Davis to Philadelphia for an in-studio interview and to brief 500 select listeners in a private setting. That turned out to be quite an event. Attendees were able to eyeball Jayna Davis.

What they saw was a credible woman who spoke with authority. She answered all questions. And when she was done, all 500 stood up and applauded her efforts.

The next day, I summarized her presentation in the Daily News. My column last Thursday received great play via the Internet. It was picked up by a number of national Web sites, including, and Meanwhile, Sen. Specter, whom I had previously provided with a copy of Davis' file, agreed to meet with her and listen to her briefing.

Which brings us to today's meeting, which will be open to the public via a live radio broadcast on the Big Talker 1210AM. The national media have been invited. ABC's "Prime Time Live" has sent word that it is sending a film crew.

Finally, Jayna Davis is going prime time. Whether her work can withstand the scrutiny remains to be seen.

But one thing is certain. The American people deserve to hear what she has to say.
Michael Smerconish's column appears Thursdays. He can be heard weekdays from 3-6 p.m. on the Big Talker 1210/AM. His e-mail address is


The mystery of John Doe No. 2
June 9, 2001


- - - - - - - - - - - -
By David Neiwert

The main thing Joann Van Buren says she remembers about Timothy McVeigh is the $50 bill he wanted her to break. That, and the two men who accompanied him.

One day before he tore a hole in the nation's psyche with the bomb that destroyed Oklahoma City's Murrah Federal Building, McVeigh, Van Buren says, pulled up to the little Subway sandwich shop where she worked in Junction City, Kansas, driving the yellow Ryder truck that would contain the bomb.

Van Buren didn't pay any particular attention to them at first. Another clerk waited on the men, but when they tried to pay for their meal with a large bill, she took notice.

"As soon as the $50 bill came up, I had to go to the safe to get the change," says Van Buren today. "And when I gave them the change and they got their sandwiches, I remember them going back over to the corner, sitting down. And when they left, I remember three people getting into the truck. There were three people at the table."

The clerks she worked with later told FBI agents that two of the men matched the descriptions of McVeigh and his cohort, Terry Nichols. The third was a shorter, dark-haired and muscular man with an olive complexion: a perfect fit for the figure destined to be known as John Doe 2.

Luckily, the Subway shop actually had a video camera recording that day's events. When Van Buren contacted the FBI, agents interviewed everyone working in the shop on April 18. And when they were done, they confiscated the video recorded that day.

But if that tape showed a third co-conspirator with McVeigh and Nichols, no one outside the FBI can say. No one beyond the agency ever saw it. In the waning days of Nichols' trial, his defense attorneys discovered the details of Van Buren's story -- which had only been described in generic terms in the FBI's report, omitting her contention that two men accompanied McVeigh -- along with information contained in some 43,000 other "lead sheets" that the FBI until then had failed to turn over to them.

Michael Tigar, who led the Nichols defense, tried in 1999 to use the FBI's failures to produce all relevant documents to gain a new trial for his client. But U.S. District Judge Richard Matsch refused, saying the withheld material would not have altered the trial's outcome.

He likely was right. In fact, Nichols' jury had already refused to give him the death penalty largely because of some jurors' belief that more people were involved in the bombing than merely McVeigh, Nichols and Michael and Lori Fortier, the Arizona couple who were acquaintances with the two men and who were the prosecution's chief witnesses. That belief is also shared by thousands of conspiracy theorists who remain convinced the whole truth about the Oklahoma City bombing has not been told. Nichols' verdict stands as nearly the sole validation that the bombing may not have been the product of two lone bombers.

And when the FBI admitted it had failed to turn over another 3,100 documents to defense attorneys, fresh fuel was thrown onto those fires. McVeigh's execution was delayed a month as lawyers for both men started combing through the withheld information to see if it might give them an opportunity to overturn at least their sentences, if not their convictions. His execution is now scheduled for Monday.

But just as he hovered in the background of numerous eyewitness accounts like Joann Van Buren's, the figure of John Doe No. 2 almost certainly lurks within those withheld documents -- and he will continue to haunt the Oklahoma City case after McVeigh is executed. And, in an era that has seen more FBI foul-ups than any other time in history, the bureau's inability to explain away the repeated accounts of additional participants in the bombings has raised legitimate questions about the quality of its own investigation -- as well as fueled thoughts of larger conspiracies that will live beyond McVeigh.



The mystery of John Doe No. 2 

Even the simplest investigations of seemingly straightforward crimes -- let alone a massively complex one like the Oklahoma City case, in which some 35,000 witnesses were interviewed -- can be complicated by the randomness and unrelated coincidences of real life. An unattached stranger who wanders onto a scene at some point can become a suspected accomplice for no reason other than bad timing.

The FBI has maintained that coincidence is the best way to explain John Doe No. 2, whose character sketch was drawn mainly from the account of an eyewitness at the Junction City shop where the Ryder truck was rented. That witness, the FBI says, mixed up his recollections and mistakenly identified a man who came in the next day to rent a truck -- a 23-year-old soldier named Todd Bunting -- as an accomplice of McVeigh's. Bunting, who was cleared of any connection to the crime, vaguely resembled the composite drawing and wore clothes similar to those in the drawing, including a Carolina Panthers ball cap.

Is this the same man?  Or a relative? 

Homeland Security Advisor
General Todd Bunting
Major General, Adjutant General/Director of Emergency Management

Kansas National Guard's Adjutant Major General,1169,C_GOVERNOR_STAFF%5ED_404,00.html

Authorities later concluded that the man was actually an innocent Army private from nearby Fort Riley. (1995)

There is a kind of logic to the FBI's conclusion. The Oklahoma City case was anything but straightforward, and the agency was hit with a near-apocalyptic flood of tips about the possible perpetrators of the bombing. The vast majority of them turned into time-wasting dead ends and wild goose chases, and the investigators were forced to turn to Occam's Razor -- the maxim that the simplest explanation for a mystery is most often the correct one -- to shave down the possibilities.

McVeigh, a dead ringer for the John Doe No. 1 sketch, had been captured, and Terry Nichols (who looked nothing like John Doe No. 2) had turned himself in to authorities. The Fortiers were quickly tracked down and confessed to their relatively minor roles in the bombing as sympathizers who gave McVeigh a temporary base of operations and listened avidly as he planned the attack. And though there was no shortage of theories about the identity of Doe No. 2, no one who resembled him emerged as a possible co-conspirator.

Ultimately, investigators were forced to conclude that John Doe No. 2 was a phantom who never really existed. And that was the case they chose to take to the courts in their prosecutions of McVeigh and Nichols.

"There's nothing there," says FBI spokesman Steven Berry. "It's a case where every avenue we went down, there's nothing there. And we're certainly not going to get behind it and say there's something there or put it out that there is something when there's nothing there. It's chasing ghosts."

Indeed, McVeigh himself steadfastly denies there was any John Doe No. 2. He told the authors of "American Terrorist" that he and Nichols alone had built and detonated the bomb and vehemently denied that anyone else had been involved. He also denied the existence of Doe No. 2 in a May 2 letter to the Houston Chronicle.

But even McVeigh's own trial attorney, Stephen Jones, never believed him on this count. Jones believes McVeigh had substantial motive to lie about the involvement of others: For one, it covers the tracks of his cohorts, and it heightens his own role in the drama. Certainly "American Terrorist" captures McVeigh's desire for martyrdom -- he manipulated his appeals to expedite his execution -- and admitting anyone else into the scenario would certainly diminish his starring role.

Jones also told reporters that McVeigh failed a lie-detector test when asked about John Doe No. 2. And McVeigh, he says, frequently covered up any traces of potential co-conspirators. Once he insisted he had not accompanied Nichols to a farm co-op to buy ammonium nitrate, but after learning that a clerk at the store identified Nichols and said there was a second man with him, McVeigh flip-flopped, telling Jones he had been the man there after all. The clerk, on the other hand, insisted that it hadn't been McVeigh.

But when Jones' defense team attempted to track down Doe No. 2, it ran into the same dead ends as the FBI. Nonetheless, Jones himself came to believe McVeigh was associated with a gang of white supremacists operating out of an enclave in rural Missouri called Elohim City.

That theory is also a favorite of conspiracists who see the Oklahoma City investigation as a massive coverup. Many of them go well beyond Jones' relatively modest conjectures about the nature of the bombing to argue that the government itself was somehow involved in the bombing, as part of its plan to discredit the militia movement. The theory that McVeigh was set up looms large in the voluminous conspiracy theories that are the metier of the far-right Patriot movement. The Militia of Montana, for instance, continues to claim that there was a second blast -- a charge set by federal agents, they say -- recorded within seconds of the truck bomb (there was not; the seismic reports that form the basis of this claim actually recorded the impact of the mass of debris from the Murrah Building hitting the ground).

Others argue that a bomb made of ammonium nitrate and fuel oil could not have delivered enough force to cause the extraordinary damage of the Oklahoma City blast, and cite a study at a federal laboratory as proof. They are right. But then, the explosion set off by McVeigh actually was a high-octane mix of jet fuel and fertilizer, and the Murrah damage was entirely consistent with the force of that kind of bomb.

The theories that have gained the most currency among the conspiracy set are traceable to an Oklahoma journalist named J.D. Cash, who has built a minor career out of linking McVeigh's activities back to Elohim City and other violent supremacist factions. The core of Cash's theories revolve around McVeigh's connections to a handful of people at Elohim City who shared anti-government (and deeply racist) views, suggesting that McVeigh and his co-conspirators were actually dupes of a federal informant acting as an agent provocateur.

However, Cash's theories crumble in the face of a careful examination of the facts of the case. Cash makes much of the shadowy presence of a German neo-Nazi named Andreas Strassmeier and McVeigh's attempts to contact him at Elohim City in the days before the bombing. But Strassmeier had little contact with McVeigh and was nowhere near any of the activities that produced the bomb, and he steadfastly denies any connection. Cash's chief witness, an ex-debutante turned white-power pinup girl named Carol Howe who eventually worked as a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms informant, has constantly changed her story in a way seeming to indicate that she was tailoring it to suit the needs of the conspiracists who promoted her tale.

These theories reached a kind of apex in the work of a British journalist named Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, whose 1997 book, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton," postulated that the former president covered up the government's complicity in the bombing as part of a larger career of perfidy that included drug-running and murder. Though Evans-Pritchard's work gained some favor among mainstream conservatives -- Robert Novak, for instance, wrote a column extolling his theories -- nearly every aspect of "Secret Life" has been roundly debunked.

Cash's work surfaced again recently as a source for a report by the British newspaper The Guardian that linked McVeigh's activities to those of the Aryan Republican Army, a gang of Midwestern bank robbers whose whereabouts eerily paralleled those of McVeigh at key moments in the run-up to the bombing. However, like nearly everything proceeding from Cash, the piece was built on a fabric of coincidence and speculation.

Indeed, there has been no shortage of candidates for the identity of John Doe No. 2, but nearly all of them lead to the same kind of factual dead ends. And it is precisely those failures that tend to bolster the government's contention that the man in the sketch never existed as an actual conspirator in the bombing.

But the FBI's explanation of the John Doe No. 2 theories is nearly as full of holes as the conspiracists' scenarios -- or at least, it leaves dangling a long list of unanswered questions. When it is examined, a troubling portrait emerges of an agency eager to tailor its investigation for the purposes of prosecuting a criminal case, rather than doggedly seeking out the truth. 


McVeigh prosecutor: Newly disclosed documents won't prompt new trial

May 11, 2001

On Thursday, the FBI announced it had discovered about 3,000 documents related to the investigation of convicted Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh that had not been released to prosecutors or McVeigh's defense attorneys during his 1997 trial.

A federal prosecutor in the case, Patrick Ryan, spoke to CNN's Carol Lin about the documents on Friday morning from Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

Lin: What was your reaction when you heard about this disclosure of documents?

Ryan: I was disappointed. It's very unfortunate. One of the things that has been said over and over again since yesterday (Thursday) afternoon is that the government failed to turn these materials over to the defense, and the point has not been made that the FBI didn't turn the materials over to the prosecution, either. These are not materials that we're familiar with either.

Lin: How does this make the FBI look?

Ryan: Like I say, it's very unfortunate. You have to take, I think, into context that we had over a billion documents that we were reviewing and analyzing in connection with this case, so if you look at 3,000 documents not having been produced, you're talking three for every 1 million. People make mistakes; I think that's what it was.

Lin: Are you concerned that there is evidence in this pile of documents that creates reasonable doubt possibly leading to another trial?

Ryan: Not at all. We had a very clear, concise case of absolute responsibility on McVeigh's part for this bombing. He's since admitted that he took his part in delivering the bomb to the Oklahoma City Murrah Building, where the people were killed. I don't think there's any chance at all for any evidence in these documents that will be favorable to the defense or provide any type of defense.

Lin: How do you know what's in the pile of documents?

Ryan: I have talked to Sean Connelly, the lawyer in Denver who was our legal scholar and who handled all the research and writing in oral presentations of matters such as this, and he's reviewed the documents and believes there's nothing that provides a defense.

Lin: What is in there, then?

Ryan: It's just miscellaneous, haphazard information, more John Doe 2 was my brother-in-law, in New Hampshire, and John Doe 2 was my uncle in Vermont. That's the kind of information. There's no single category or grouping of documents that would indicate any type of defense.

Lin: John Doe 2 being the person whom nobody actually found but was suspected and cited by one of the witness as being with Timothy McVeigh that day.

Ryan: We believe we know who John Doe 2 is. We believe that's Todd Bunting, and he's totally uninvolved in this event. Todd Bunting and Michael Hertig rented the Ryder truck from Elliot's Body Shop in Junction City (Kansas), the day after Tim McVeigh rented his truck. Michael Hertig looks just as much like John Doe 1 as Timothy McVeigh does. Todd Bunting looks exactly like the pictures of John Doe No. 2.

Lin: I didn't mean for you to relive those long days at the trial.

Ryan: That's all right.

Lin: But I do want to ask you something. You are in Oklahoma City. Have you talked to any of these families? What are you going to say to them?

Ryan: Well, I have not talked to the families. I think that, for the most part, they will understand that, unfortunately, mistakes are made, and in this case, the FBI did not, apparently, gather up all the materials and provide them to the prosecution, so that we could, in turn, provide them to the defense.



'The resurrection of President Clinton'
Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's stunning investigative reports on Oklahoma terror

Editor's note: The FBI's shocking 11th-hour admission that it withheld voluminous evidence from the McVeigh defense team and the world has forced to the surface long-suppressed evidence on the Oklahoma City bombing. Arguably the best investigative journalist to have researched the subject is Ambrose Evans-Pritchard of the London Telegraph.

Each day this week, will serialize portions of his celebrated book, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton, fully seven chapters of which are devoted to the Oklahoma City bombing. Following is chapter 1, "The resurrection of President Clinton."

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard
© 2001 Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

Relaxing on Air Force One after the 1996 elections, Bill Clinton told a pool of reporters that he owed his political revival to the Oklahoma bombing. He was in a reflective mood, looking back at the ups and downs of his turbulent presidency. As so often, his thoughts lingered on those first painful months after the Republicans captured both Houses of Congress for the first time in almost two generations. It had been a stinging rebuke for the White House. But then that bomb went off. "It broke a spell in the country as people began searching for our common ground again," he said.

The searing destruction of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995, was the most traumatic event in the United States since the assassination of President Kennedy. Had it been carried out by foreign radicals, the impact on the national psyche would have been far less. But this was a homegrown conspiracy. Americans were committing mass murder against other Americans. One hundred and sixty-eight people were dead. A crèche full of infants had been massacred in cold blood, by Americans.

President Clinton's analysis cannot be faulted. The bombing had a catalytic effect, abruptly changing the chemistry of American politics. One has to think back to the mood in Washington in April 1995 to understand what Clinton meant. The Republican Congress was completing its one hundred-day march; the Contract with America was being rushed through the House at breakneck speed; and the world was kneeling in obeisance before Speaker Newt Gingrich, even as President Clinton spoke plaintively of being "relevant."

Think back to the triumphalist language of the Republican diehards. The Education Department was going to be abolished before breakfast, the Commerce Department before lunch, Housing and Urban Development before supper, and the Environmental Protection Agency was going to be torched in a spectacular bonfire before bedtime. Rhetoric was leaping ahead of realty, of course, but the tone and manner of the new leadership was deeply unsettling to great numbers of Americans of mellow, conservative views. Things were getting out of hand.

The bombing brought it into sharp focus. The militia movement, right-wing talk radio, the perceived Gingrich onslaught against government, all melded together in the public mind as one rampant movement of extremism.

Clinton seized the moment. He castigated talk radio for broadcasting "a relentless clamor of hatred and division." The Right, he said, was sowing distrust of government institutions and creating a climate that fostered recourse to violence. He did not name the Republicans as co-conspirators; he did not have to. The media clerisy made the connection for him. They all but said that Tim McVeigh was the military expression of the Gingrich agenda. Republicans had failed to understand that rhetoric has consequences, opined the commentators, and now look what had happened.

The Republicans were dumbstruck. A few dared to reply that it was the deployment of tanks by a militarized FBI against women and children in Waco that had set off the deadly spiral. But most were too intimidated, or horrified, to articulate a defense. When Sen. Phil Gramm risked a word of polite protest -- "I think we all need to be very careful that we keep politics out of this thing" -- he was reprimanded for his "mean streak."

President Clinton traveled to Oklahoma and handled the ceremony of grief with consummate skill. He visited the rescue workers. He held the hands of the victims. He said all the right things. His empathy was boundless. The polls noted that four-fifths of Americans admired his human touch. Overall, Clinton's job rating jumped from 42 percent to 51 percent, although this did not begin to reflect the tectonic changes beneath the surface of American politics. Clinton had come back to life, and the Justice Department was riding high. There was overwhelming support for White House plans to enhance the anti-terrorist powers of the FBI.

But what if the Clinton administration has not told the full truth about the Oklahoma bombing, as many of the families now suspect? What if some of the perpetrators are still at large, freely walking the streets and giving remarkably candid interviews to this author, because it is not in the political interests of the White House or the FBI to bring them to justice? I think that would give a different complexion to the matter. I hope that the following chapters will make it clear that these are not idle questions.

I do not wish to revisit the Denver trial of Tim McVeigh. I am convinced that McVeigh was guilty, and his own lawyer admitted as much during the sentencing hearings. But the trial did not bring out the full story. Indeed, it was skillfully managed to ensure that collateral revelations were kept to a minimum.

This was a terrible mistake. The Oklahoma bombing was the most deadly act of terrorism ever committed on U. S. soil. It was no time for a sloppy investigation or a trial that could be considered as expedited, abridged, or rigged in any way. Jurists concurred that it was imperative that the Justice Department conduct itself beyond reproach if this tragedy was to attain closure. It would be profoundly injurious to the republic if it were ever felt that the proceedings were manipulated for the benefit of the executive branch. Retribution was important, of course, but it was even more important to sustain confidence in the American democratic system for decades to come. The president professed agreement. The attorney general promised to make this an exhibit of American excellence.

It did not happen. In violation of its "Brady" responsibilities, the prosecution withheld material from the defense that was exculpatory or impeached the credibility of government witnesses. It delayed a year in handing over FD-302 witness statements that were critical to the defense. It stonewalled, obstructed, and dragged its feet at every turn. It also told a series of demonstrable lies that will be enumerated in this book. If this is how the Justice Department behaves in a high-profile case after the president and the attorney general have both made explicit promises of transparency, I dread to think how it conducts itself when nobody is paying attention.

As for the FBI, the proven malfeasance of the crime labs in the handling of scientific evidence from the crime scene makes it clear that the "OKBOMB" investigation was rotten from the foundations up. Far from taking extra precautions to uphold the highest standards of forensic evidence, the FBI resorted to methods that cannot be tolerated in a democratic society. The report of the Justice Department's inspector general lists the Oklahoma bombing case as one of the worst examples of de facto evidence tampering by the crime labs.

It is worth dwelling on this point because the FBI has been patting itself on the back for "solving" the Oklahoma bombing, as if it had cause for self-congratulation. In the first place, the FBI had no scientific basis for concluding that the Murrah Building was blown up by an ammonium nitrate fertilizer bomb. The FBI did not know in 1995, and does not know to this day, what actually caused the explosion. The Justice Department report concluded that the explosives unit simply guessed that the bomb was made of 4,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate after "the recovery of receipts showing that defendant Nichols purchased 4,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate."

The labs guessed that the explosive charge was placed in 50-gallon white plastic barrels, without conducting the requisite tests, after the discovery of 50-gallon plastic containers at the house of Terry Nichols. They said that the detonator appeared to be a Primadet Delay system, but no trace of this was found at the crime scene. Primadet was, however, found at the house of Terry Nichols. … You get the picture.

The FBI crime labs sculpted a theory of the bombing that would help the prosecution secure convictions against Tim McVeigh and Terry Nichols – and science be damned. Once it is understood that the FBI behaved this way in handling empirical evidence – where malfeasance is susceptible to exposure – it becomes easier to discern the attitudes that informed the rest of the OKBOMB investigation. It is my contention that the crime labs were no worse than other divisions of the FBI. The only difference is that the technicians were caught red-handed, while certain corrupt field agents and their superiors have yet to be exposed.

In summing up, the inspector general's report found that the FBI crime labs had "repeatedly reached conclusions that incriminated the defendants without a scientific basis" in the Oklahoma bombing case. I find this quite staggering. In Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence, shared by Britain and America, it is not acceptable to shape the crime to fit the suspect. It is a practice we condemn as "framing." I do not understand why the current director of the FBI is still drawing a paycheck from the U. S. taxpayer after a scandal of this magnitude, especially since he permitted the retaliatory harassment of Dr. Frederick Whitehurst, the chief whistle-blower.

It was the duty of Judge Richard Matsch to prevent the executive branch from conducting a politicized trial that obscured the facts. Instead he went with the flow, acceding to the prosecution's request that the Inspector General's report be barred as evidence. It was never made clear to the jury that the FBI did not know what kind of bomb really caused the blast, nor that the FBI had forfeited its magisterial authority.

But most serious of all, the judge refused to allow the testimony of an ATF informant with very relevant information indicating that the Oklahoma bombing was a broad conspiracy involving several members of the neo-Nazi movement in Oklahoma, an assertion that the U. S. government had gone to great lengths to repress. Whether or not Judge Richard Matsch was acting in tacit concert with the Justice Department is a matter that will demand hard scrutiny by historians. Doubtless Judge Matsch is sure that he can justify his decision on technical grounds. No judge likes to commit reversible error. But even if he can do so, I still believe that he betrayed his mission as a U. S. federal judge. There was more riding on the trial than the guilt or innocence of Tim McVeigh. The greater cause of justice was obstructed.

Needless to say, the McVeigh trial was not described in this way to the American media. The outcome was seen as a triumph. Judge Matsch was lionized, praised for restoring confidence in the criminal justice system. The reaction of the press disturbed me deeply. I never imagined that the machinery of cover-up could be so oppressively efficient.

McVeigh's mercurial counsel, Stephen Jones, allowed himself a moment of angry passion when he returned home to Oklahoma. If anybody thinks that the full story came out in the trial, he said, he could guarantee them that it most assuredly did not. Jones was bound to silence by the rules of attorney-client confidentiality, while McVeigh was "hanging tough" out of loyalty to his sworn brothers in the Aryan order.

Indebted to the Oklahoma families who have refused to accept the half-truths of the U. S. Justice Department, I offer a fragment of the story that these two men cannot or will not reveal.

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's landmark book, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton" is available from WorldNetDaily's online store.

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard has built a stellar career as a journalist, covering Central America for The Economist and The Daily Telegraph, and reporting from the United States for both The Spectator and The Sunday Telegraph, for which he was Washington bureau chief. Cambridge-educated and internationally renowned, Evans-Pritchard has recently returned to England, where he serves as The Daily Telegraph's roving European correspondent.


Warning, Doe #2 ruled out

By Howard Pankratz
Denver Post Legal Affairs Writer

Jan. 9 (Year?)- In the days just before a bomb ripped through the Alfred P.  Murrah Federal Building, various law enforcement agencies received phone calls warning of a pending disaster.

But the Oklahoma County grand jury that looked into the calls, and recently issued a report on its findings, concluded that none of the callers warned that the Murrah building was targeted for a bombing or any other kind of attack.

Among the calls:

On April 14, 1995 - five days before the April 19 bombing - Oklahoma City Fire Chief Charles Gaines received a phone call from a man identifying himself as "Gilmore with OSBI'' who warned of an unspecified event that might happen on April 15.

The information was passed on to various officials in the fire department. One of them, Assistant Chief Jon Hansen, said that he understood that Oklahoma City officials should be alerted to a possible Sarin gas incident similar to the one in Japan. After the bombing, Hansen attempted to find out who "Gilmore'' was, but was unsuccessful. The grand jury said it was not unusual for the fire department to receive such calls.

On April 15, 1995 - four days before the attack - Opal's Answering Service, which answered calls for the U.S. Secret Service office in the Murrah building, took a call at 7:45 a.m. about a "possible terrorist attempt.'' The caller said it was not an emergency situation and informed the operator that "it's a hunch. I've been up all night thinking about it.''

On April 17, 1995 - two days before the bombing - a call was made to the Respiratory Research Unit of the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research in Washington. The caller identified himself as a Pentagon congressional liaison officer representing the governor of Oklahoma.

The caller asked how to treat blast victims and what type of medical team and equipment would be required to treat such victims. Walter Reed personnel said there was no specific reference to a bombing in Oklahoma City and they could not recall the person identifying himself.

On April 19, 1995 - the day of the bombing - the U.S. Justice Department in Washington received a call from a person saying he was across from the Murrah building, which had just blown up. The grand jury said that initially the call was thought to have occurred 38 minutes prior to the actual bombing. However, the grand jury said that the Justice Department employee who took the call later determined the call came after the blast.

The grand jury also mentioned another call a week before the blast on April 12. The 911 call was made from an Oklahoma City fast-food restaurant and the caller indicated that he knew about a bombing that was to occur. However, he did not mention a federal building or a specific location.

Oklahoma City police went to the restaurant and talked to the caller. His address was a home that cares for the mentally disabled. Police categorized the call as a "Signal 8,'' meaning a mentally ill person.

The grand jury also said it investigated the numerous sightings of the elusive John Doe No. 2, who some believe helped Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols bomb the Murrah building.

During an 18-month investigation, 26 witnesses testified before the grand jury that they saw John Doe No. 2 or saw McVeigh with John Doe No. 2. Testimony from the witnesses often conflicted, the grand jury said. The sightings, said the jury, were reported after composites were shown on television or after McVeigh was led out of the Noble County, Okla., jail on April 21, 1995.

The grand jurors said the descriptions were so wide-ranging that, "John Doe No. 2 would have to be as follows: height - 5 foot 3 to 6 foot 3; weight - 140 pounds to 210 pounds; build - slim and skinny to stocky and muscular; race - white, Hispanic, Middle Eastern or Asian; skin color - white, olive or dark; hair color - dark blond, red, brown or black; hair length - crew cut, 2 inches long or shoulder length; facial hair - mustache or none.''

The jury said John Doe No. 2 is most likely Todd Bunting, a U.S. Army soldier who went to Elliott's Body Shop in Junction City, Kan., on April 18, 1995. A day earlier, McVeigh had gone to Elliott's and picked up the Ryder truck he used in the Murrah building bombing. Bunting went to Elliott's with Michael Hertig.

"The similarity of Mr. Hertig to the composite of John Doe No. 1 and the similarity of Todd Bunting to the composite of John Doe No. 2 are remarkable, particularly when you take into account Bunting's tattoo of a Playboy bunny on his upper left arm and the fact that he was wearing a black T-shirt and a Carolina Panthers ball cap when he was at Elliott's Body Shop,'' said the report.

The jurors concluded there is no evidence to connect John Doe No. 2 to the Middle East. It said reports John Doe No. 2 may have fled the building after the blast in a brown pickup truck were unfounded.

The jury said that a brown pickup did leave the area shortly before the bombing. But inside was an employee of the Journal Record Building, located just yards from the Murrah building. She had left shortly before 9 a.m. at a high rate of speed after receiving a call that one of her children had become ill at school, said the grand jury. The bombing occurred at 9:02 a.m.

The grand jury said there was absolutely no evidence the bombing was a federal sting operation gone bad or that various agencies knew in advance there would be a bombing.

It categorically rejected an allegation that agents of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms assigned to the Oklahoma City ATF office were contacted on their pagers prior to 9:02 a.m. on April 19, and told not to come to the office.

"We are convinced that ATF employees Luke Franey, Valerie Rowden, Vernon Buster, James Staggs and Alex McCauley were in the building when it was destroyed,'' said the grand jury. The jury noted, however, that evidence presented during McVeigh's trial showed that McVeigh wanted to bomb the ATF office in Oklahoma City - which was housed in the Murrah building - because he thought orders for the raid on the Branch Davidian complex near Waco, Texas, came from the ATF in Oklahoma City.

The grand jury placed responsibility for the bombing squarely on McVeigh and Nichols.

The grand jury said it couldn't absolutely rule out the involvement by other people but it hadn't been presented with, or uncovered, enough information to indict any additional conspirators.



John Doe 2 not a suspect

By Chance Conner and Mark Eddy
Denver Post Staff Writers

Jan. 30 (Year?) - Federal prosecutors yesterday identified the infamous "John Doe No. 2" of the Oklahoma City bombing case as Army Pvt. Todd Bunting and eliminated him as a suspect in the blast. 

In firing back at attempts by suspect Timothy McVeigh to toss out seven eyewitnesses in the case - one from whom prosecutors say McVeigh tried to buy rocket fuel - the government shed light on the mystery of John Doe No. 2, the square-jawed man in a baseball cap whose face is known worldwide. 

In documents filed yesterday, the government says Bunting rented a Ryder truck in Junction City, Kan., a full day after McVeigh allegedly rented the truck that carried the fertilizer bomb to Oklahoma.

 The sketch of John Doe No. 2 was based on descriptions from a rental-truck mechanic, Tom Kessinger, who now admits he was mistaken. The document said Kessinger "is now confident he had Todd Bunting in mind when he provided the description for the John Doe No. 2 composite." 

Prosecutors said Kessinger realized he had made a mistake when meeting with a prosecutor and two FBI agents Nov. 22, 1996. Bunting has no connection to the bombing. Kessinger described to FBI sketch artist Ray Rozycki a man wearing a black Tshirt, a tattoo partly visible below the sleeve and a ballcap with a zigzag pattern of blue in front and white in back. 

For nearly two years that man has been known as John Doe No. 2 and was the target of an international search. However, the government says it is still looking for a second man who accompanied McVeigh on April 17, 1995. Two employees of Elliott's Body Shop in Junction City, Kan. - Eldon Elliott and Vicki Beemer - told the FBI of the second man. 

Lawyers for McVeigh are attempting to use that misidentification of John Doe No. 2 to discredit Kessinger's and Elliott's identification of McVeigh. Prosecutors contend McVeigh used the name "Robert Kling" to rent the Ryder truck that carried a fertilizer bomb used to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995. The explosion killed 168 people and injured more than 500 others. Stephen Jones, lead lawyer for McVeigh, is asking U.S. District Judge Matsch for a hearing on the matter prior to the start of his client's trial, set for March 31 in Denver. 

In yesterday's brief, prosecutors opposed a hearing, saying witness identifications should be presented at trial and left for a jury to decide how much weight to give. "Because none of the identification testimony here is from eyewitnesses who saw McVeigh commit the bombing, and because McVeigh's guilt will be established independently, the concern that eyewitness testimony may so overwhelm jurors . . . simply does not exist," prosecutor Sean Connelly wrote. 

The other government eyewitnesses McVeigh wants to dismiss include people who prosecutors want to use to trace McVeigh's activities prior to the day of the bombing. They include: Glynn Tipton, a salesperson for VP Racing Fuels in Kansas. Tipton claims in early October 1994, a man he identified as McVeigh but calling himself "John" asked about buying an obscure product Tipton later learned to be rocket fuel. A supplier told Tipton it could be used to "create a bomb." Tim Donahue, a Kansas rancher who employed bombing suspect Terry Nichols in autumn 1994. Donahue is expected to testify that on Nichols' last day of work Sept. 30, 1994, Donahue watched McVeigh and Nichols place a shell on Nichols' pickup truck. It was that day that a man named "Mike Havens" - who FBI agents say is Nichols - purchased a ton of ammonium nitrate. William H. Dunlap, who claims he saw a man "who looked like McVeigh" standing by a yellow Ryder truck in front of the Murrah building. Dunlap's description of the clothing worn by the man are similar, the government says, to what McVeigh was wearing when arrested 90 minutes after the blast. Fred Skrdla, a night-shift employee at a Billings, Okla., filling station, who said he sold gas to a man who looked like McVeigh and was driving a Ryder truck in the early hours of April 19, 1995. David Ferris, a Junction City taxi driver who "panicked under stress and broke down and wept profusely" when interviewed. Prosecutors say Ferris gave McVeigh a ride to a McDonald's in Junction City; defense lawyers want Ferris tossed because he initially identified his passenger as an African-American.

Chance Conner and Mark Eddy can be reached at


Key Endorsement

David Sadler and I spent a summer's afternoon walking the Oklahoma City Murray Building bombsite. We walked the same streets that Timothy McVeigh and John Doe #2 walked and drove on April 19, 1995.

I pointed out to David where the security video cameras were placed that captured the images that America has never seen to this day. The FBI removed those video cameras and their tapes that will show that there were two people in the truck, not just McVeigh. The tapes will show the Ryder truck pulling up to the Murray Building, McVeigh and John Doe #2 getting out and then the truck exploding after these men had made their escape. Experts such as Air Force Brigadier General Ben Partin have stated that additional explosive devices were placed inside the building to supplement the truck bomb. Some of these other explosive devices did not detonate and were evacuated by the Oklahoma County Bomb Squad. The Surveillance tapes will likely show additional explosions from inside the building.

David and I talked about the eyewitnesses to the event that saw McVeigh and John Doe #2 face to face on the streets of Oklahoma City. These witnesses were never allowed to testify before the jury in the federal trial of Timothy McVeigh to convey what they had witnessed, and the FBI never followed up on the voluntary testimony of these witnesses.

David Sadler is as outraged by this as I am. He is truly concerned about the security of the United States and understands that known terrorists are walking the streets of America unmolested by our law enforcement and intelligence communities.

David Sadler is a truth seeker, more afraid of the harm caused to our nation by denying the truth than facing the ridicule for seeking and speaking the truth.

It is my privilege to support David Sadler for Congress of the United States. Hopefully, the voters of Southern Illinois will send David to Washington at this crucial time in America so the truth can finally be brought out, and so that all America can get on with the very important task of providing for our common security at the same time that we safeguard our cherished freedoms. God speed, David.

Charles Key, Executive Director
Oklahoma City Bombing Investigation Committee




December 11, 1997


After 92 witnesses and eight days of testimony, the defense rested its case in the trial of accused Oklahoma City bomber Terry Nichols. Elizabeth Farnsworth talks with Tim Sullivan, correspondent for Court TV, about the Nichols bombing trial.
 ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: After eight days of testimony from ninety-two witnesses, attorneys for Terry Nichols rested their case today. The federal government has alleged Nichols was Timothy McVeigh’s co-conspirator in the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah federal building in Oklahoma City. For more on the trial we’re joined by Court TV correspondent Tim Sullivan.

Tim, today the defense wound up its case with testimony from Terry Nichols’ wife, Marife. What was the--what were the main points of that testimony?

The testimony of Marife Nichols.

 TIM SULLIVAN, Court TV: Well, Elizabeth, the defense called Marife Nichols because she gave Terry Nichols an alibi for the day of the bombing because she corroborated some of the statements he made to the FBI about why he drove to Oklahoma City three days before the bombing to pick up Tim McVeigh. He says he went down there because McVeigh’s car broke down, McVeigh had a TV set that belonged to Nichols, he went down to do McVeigh a favor and get his TV set in the bargain. Marife Nichols confirmed all of that, but she also corroborated some important points in the government’s case. So it was not an unqualified success for the defense to put Terry  Nichols’ wife on the stand. She could not explain where he was on the morning before the bombing, when the government claims he was at a state park with Timothy McVeigh, building the bomb that blew up the Murrah Building. She also confirmed some evidence the government put in about an oil filter, a receipt for an oil filter that Terry Nichols returned to a Wal-Mart. The government alleges that oil filter was bought by Timothy McVeigh a week before the bombing, and Terry Nichols’ possession of the receipt proves that he saw McVeigh only a week before the bombing, when Terry Nichols told the FBI, when he was arrested two days after the bombing, that he hadn’t seen McVeigh in four months.

 ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: And, Tim, last week you said that the prosecution had tried repeatedly to link Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh. Was the defense able to de-link them at all?

TIM SULLIVAN: You know, they were not very successful in that part of their case. They were successful in raising doubts about John Doe II and the second Ryder Truck and other matters. But, again, Marife Nichols, Terry Nichols’ wife, hurt the Nichols defense in that part of the case because she talked about how Timothy McVeigh was Terry Nichols’ best friend. She said nobody was closer to my husband than Timothy McVeigh. She said it got to the point where she became jealous of the time Terry Nichols spent with McVeigh and that she threatened to leave Terry Nichols if he didn’t break off this friendship with McVeigh and go back on a deal they had McVeigh and Nichols to go into business together. So she seemed to put them back together again.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: In these past eight days how has the defense of Terry Nichols differed from the defense of Tim McVeigh?

TIM SULLIVAN: Well, they’ve called four times the number of witnesses that the Timothy McVeigh defense called. They also were able to raise a lot of questions about John Doe 2, the suspect the government was looking for in the weeks after the bombing but who was never apprehended. For example, Terry Nichols’ defense team was able to call Carol Howe, who was an informer for the ATF in a right-wing religious compound in Eastern Oklahoma. She came a couple of days ago and told the jury that she saw Timothy McVeigh at that compound with a man who the defense has identified as possibly being John Doe 2, and she said there was a lot of talk at that place about the violent overthrow of the government. And, as Michael Tigar would say, the lead defense attorney, the theme of his opening statement was that Terry Nichols was not there. So that was something that they were able to do that McVeigh’s team was never able to do.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: And tell us about some of the other witnesses who testified about this John Doe No. 2. There were several, weren’t there?

John Doe II?

 TIM SULLIVAN: There were several. There were two people, in particular, who testified that they saw Timothy McVeigh with John Doe 2 within a block of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City on the morning of the bombing. One woman who was in the building when it blew up, she got out, she said that she was walking to her husband’s office a few blocks from the Murrah Building when she ran into Tim McVeigh and this other man, this John Doe 2, which several witnesses for the defense described as possibly being Hispanic, having an olive complexion and dark hair and dark features, certainly not Terry Nichols. Another man said he saw McVeigh with that man in Oklahoma City. Several people saw him elsewhere. Most importantly probably was yesterday the defense called Charles Farley, a man who said that on the day the government says Nichols and McVeigh were building the bomb at a state park in Kansas he saw a Ryder truck there with three other vehicles, and he saw five men there. He said one of them had a flatbed truck that was piled to the top with bags of ammonium nitrate fertilizer, which, of course, the government claims was the main component of the bomb. This doesn’t fit the government’s allegation about how the bomb was built, but it makes logical sense that it would take several people to move two tons of ammonium nitrate.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Was the prosecution able to discredit any of the John Doe witnesses in their cross-examination?

TIM SULLIVAN: They did. They pointed out that many of these witnesses did not come forward until there had been vast publicity about the case. Some of these witnesses admitted on cross-examination by prosecutors that they were interested in getting on television; they wanted to be a part of this case because they wanted some of the publicity. One woman said, everybody in Herington, Kansas, wanted to be part of this story when it broke, Herington being Terry Nichols’ home town.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: And, Tim, remind us who the government says John Doe is. They now say that John Doe--remind us who he supposedly was the person whose picture was put out so many places.

 TIM SULLIVAN: Right, Elizabeth. The government says he’s a perfectly innocent man. His name actually is Todd Bunting. He testified in the Timothy McVeigh trial. They considered calling him in this trial on rebuttal, but they decided not to at the last minute. But their explanation is that Todd Bunting was a soldier in Ft. Riley, Kansas; he’s an innocent man; he came in to the Ryder truck place where McVeigh rented a truck. He came in a day after McVeigh. The government says the employees of the truck rental agency were confused about who came in on what day and whether this guy was with McVeigh. In the confusion they described a man was being with McVeigh when, in fact, he was not with McVeigh. But it took the government months to come to that conclusion. And during that period they were all over the country looking for John Doe 2.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: And, Tim, looking at the differences again in the two trials between the defense of McVeigh and the defense of Terry Nichols, he was portrayed as a family man, and wasn’t he portrayed very differently in this trial than the defense was able to portray Tim McVeigh?

Nichols: A family man?

 TIM SULLIVAN: Yes, he was. Terry Nichols, of course, his wife testified today, as we talked about, there was a lot of testimony about his son, Joshua, a teenager, his ex-wife testified, and on the day that she testified Terry Nichols broke down in tears openly in the courtroom, so he came across as a much more human face, a much more sympathetic person, if you will, in the respect of being an upstanding family man than the defense team for Timothy McVeigh was ever able to portray for their client.

ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Well, Tim Sullivan, thank you very much for being with us.

TIM SULLIVAN: You’re welcome.



During Nichol's Trial - Shop owner said he hired John Doe No. 2

December 8, 1997

In other testimony Monday, Darvin Bates, the owner of a waffle shop in a small town 75 miles south of Oklahoma City, testified that he hired a man he is convinced was John Doe No. 2 about a month before the bombing.

John Doe No. 2 is the name given a man shown in an FBI sketch who was an early focus of the manhunt for suspects in the bombing. Prosecutors now say he was not involved in the bomb plot, but the defense contends McVeigh's accomplice was John Doe No. 2 -- and not Nichols.

Bates, who will return to the stand on Tuesday, said he had an "uneasy" feeling about the man, who he thought could have been from the Philippines and who said to call him "John" because his full name was hard to pronounce. Bates said the man told him he was from Kingman, Arizona.

That is where Fortier lived, and where McVeigh lived for part of the time the government said he was plotting the bomb attack. Other witnesses have testified to seeing a man fitting John Doe No. 2's description with McVeigh at various times.

Jan. 30, 1997 - Another John Doe #2 Suspect


Also arrested on Jan 30, 1997 in connection with the case was Michael Brescia of Philadelphia. Typical of the 
gang's robberies, authorities say, was a bank heist in Madison, Wis., on Aug. 30, 1995. Brescia carried a black-powder pipe bomb into a Bank One branch and threatened customers and employees with a 9mm pistol, and proceeded to rob the bank of $9,845.  Internet postings and a civil suit by some survivors of the bombing have accused Brescia of being an accomplice in the Oklahoma City Bombing.

In 1994, Michael Brescia moved to Elohim City where he shared a one-story house behind the compound's chapel with Andreas Strassmeir, a former German army lietenant and head of security at Elohim City. By the time Brescia left Elohim City in 1995, investigators say, he, Stedeford, Guthrie, and McCarthy were active in the Aryan Republican Army. At least five active members of the Aryan Republican Army operated out of Elohim City in 1994 and 1995, and each of these members were in direct contact with Andreas Strassmeir, who is suspected to be John Doe #2.

Brescia was arrested one day after the government announced there was NO John Doe #2 and had never existed. Brescia was given a plea bargain by his prosecutors. He was allowed to admit to one bank robbery and to helping in the planning of six others. He entered his plea on May 30, 1997. He admitted to using a pipe bomb and a firearm while assisting in the robbery of the bank in Wisconsin. He told the court that he was a changed man. Brescia was sentenced to a term of 72 months in a Federal prison. The Federal Bureau of Prisons' records now show that Brescia served just a little more than 4 years in prison. He was released in 2001. The question is, if you are sentenced to 72 months, how do you get out in 48?  What would be the normal federal term for 6 bank robberies? What was special about Brescia?

As of yet, Strassmeir has not been identified as a member of the Aryan Republican Army, however, he was acquainted with Brescia, McCarthy, Stedford, and other members of the Aryan Underground. According to Robert Millar (Spiritual Leader at Elohim City), "Strassmeir and Brescia were buddies." In a phone interview with John Cash, Strassmeir said he liked Brescia because ``he had a lot of self-confidence'' and was ``a smart guy''.  Strassmeir also trained members of the Aryan Nations at Elohim City, and provided instruction in security measures. According to ATF Informant Carol Howe, "Strassmeir talked frequently about direct action against the U.S. government, he trained in weaponry, and he discussed assassinations, bombings and mass shootings."

Andreas Carl Strassmeir is the son of Guenter Strassmeir, "the architect of German reunification" who was once a top aide to German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Andreas Strassmeir spent seven years in the German army, serving with the Panzer Grenadiers and an elite German intelligence unit. Part of his work was to detect infiltration by Warsaw Pact agents and then feed them disinformation.

Strassmeir told the London Telegraph that "I've never worked for any U.S government agency, and I've not been involved in any intelligence operation since my discharge from the German army in 1988." But he acknowledged he first lived in the U.S. in 1989 because "I was hoping to work for the operations section of the DEA. It never worked out." More revealingly, he noted that "the right-wing in the U.S. is incredibly easy to penetrate if you know how to talk to them. Of course it's easier for a foreigner with an accent. Nobody would ever suspect a German of working for the federal government."

Strassmeir was assisted in his unsuccessful attempts to get jobs with the DEA or INS by Vincent Petruskie, a retired Air Force Colonel and (Strassmeir says) CIA agent for whom Strassmeir arranged to buy used Boeing 747s from Lufthansa. Strassmeir received a social security number in 1989 in Virginia, and obtained a Tennessee driver's license in 1992, using a Knoxville address provided by his attorney Kirk Lyons. In 1991 some members of the Texas Light Infantry Brigade, a citizen's militia, followed Strassmeir to a federal building and observed him entering it at night using the key-pad.

Why was he at Elohim City arming and training Aryan Nations members? Did Strassmeir work as an agent provacateur and informant in the bombing, on behalf of the Federal Government, in an attempt at a sting operation gone awry? The time in which Strassmeir served as head of security at Elohim City placed him in a situation to make direct contact with Timothy McVeigh, Michael Brescia, Pete Ward, Tony Ward, Kevin McCarthy, Scott Stedford, Pete Langan, and Dennis Mahon, and other terrorists.

Dennis Mahon:  "Timothy McVeigh is my hero. Wish we had a thousand more like him. He took action."

The assertion that John Doe #2 was merely an Army enlisted man with no connection to the bombing is a false one. The FBI says that Army Private Todd Bunting, who visited Elliot's bodyshop on April 18th, was the man seen with McVeigh. This is impossible. Two men entered Elliot's Bodyshop on Monday, April 17th, 1995. The first man, tall and slender, was thought to be McVeigh. The second man was shorter, with a stocky build, wearing a baseball cap. Three employees saw the second man, and each one separately provided their description of the man to FBI agents on April 20th, 1995, just three days after they saw him. Each witness was positive that they had seen John Doe #1 and John Doe #2. The FBI's is lying when they say that John Doe #2 is a Todd Bunting, who does not look like the artists's composite, and had visited Elliot's on Tuesday, not Monday.

McVeigh's trial attourney summed it up best when he said: "It was the grand jury that found there were others involved in this crime," Jones noted. "But the government stopped looking for the other main suspect and ignored what its own grand jury said because that finding and the existence of John Doe No. 2 is inconsistent with the prosecution's theory."

So, we know that the FBI did not properly investigate John Doe #2 witnesses or leads. The FBI lied about John Doe #2. We know also that the FBI ignored the Grand Jury's findings. According to an Oklahoma City Bombing Grand Jury members, "There were at least five men ID'ed by witnesses as being on the scene the morning of the bombing."

Why was the FBI hiding John Doe #2? Why did the FBI propose the ridiculous Todd Bunting theory, which should be called "John Doe #2 Myth", as it is pure fabrication. The cover-up of John Doe #2 and lack of proper investigation is a testament to the integrity of the FBI, whose performance in the OKBOMB case is a travesty of justice.

Another person who was living at Elohim City at the time of the bombing was Dennis Mahon. Mahon is a 47-year old white male currently living in Tulsa, Oklahoma. In the past, Mahon was the imperial dragon of the Oklahoma Ku Klux Klan and held a similiar position in the Missouri Ku Klux Klan but is currently the #3 man in the White Aryan Resistance which he helped organize. Mahon writes articles and speeches for racist organizations and publications across the United States. Mahon also operates a telephone news line he has dubbed "Dial-A-Racist", where he spreads information and propaganda with racist overtones.

Ironically, Mahon is currently distancing himself from the very people detailed in this article. In a December 19, 1998 Dial-A-Racist recording, Mahon characterized Mark Thomas and James Ellison as "race traitors" and suggested that they be tried for treason.

It's no wonder Mahon is distancing himself from these people as they are the very suspects in the 1983 OKC Bombing plot and 1995 OKC Bombing plot, the latter of which Mahon is also a suspect.

In an April 21, 1995 debriefing at the Oklahoma City FBI Command Center, it is stated that Dennis Mahon had discussed "targeting federal installations for destruction through bombings, such as the IRS Building, the Tulsa Federal Building, and the Oklahoma City Federal Building."

ATF informant Carol Howe said that Mahon and Strassmeir had "taken three trips to Oklahoma City in November 1994, December 1994, and February 1995." She had accompanied the group once, in December 1994. Howe's assertations about Mahon and Strassmeir are corroborated by ATF Special Agent Angela Finley, under oath, on April 24, 1997. 

So, the ATF has admitted to the substance of Carol Howe's claims. The ATF knew that Andreas Strassmeir had discussed blowing up federal buildings in Oklahoma. It knew that a party from Elohim City (including Dennis Mahon, who has met Timothy McVeigh) had visited Oklahoma City four weeks before the Oklahoma City bombing. And, just as in 1983, the target of the Elohim City terrorists was the Alfred P. Murrah federal building.


APRIL 28, 1997 VOL. 149 NO. 17




Was there a third conspirator in the Oklahoma bombing case? Was more than one Ryder truck involved? The prosecution considers these stories apocryphal, impeachable and unreliable, but the defense is likely to exploit them as it argues that Timothy McVeigh was not the only mastermind.

The issue of a second truck is important. The van could have been a decoy or a backup in case anything went wrong with McVeigh's rental, and might even have served to determine the amount of ammonium nitrate that would fit in the rear cabin. A second truck could have been used to construct a device to hold the bomb securely on the more than five-hour trip from Kansas to Oklahoma City. And a second truck would almost certainly have included one more conspirator. At Geary State Lake, where McVeigh is believed to have assembled the bomb, agents reportedly found physical evidence of a Ryder's presence that included tire tracks and fuel oil. But they also located several people who say they spotted a Ryder there on days before McVeigh had rented a truck. Perhaps to avoid the conflicting stories of a second truck, prosecutors may not argue that the bomb was built at Geary State Lake.

There are other accounts about a second Ryder. Lea McGown, owner of the Dreamland Motel, says that on April 14 her friend Herta King and two other women saw two Ryders in the parking lot of Denny's restaurant. There, the three women sat next to two men, one of whom King is certain was McVeigh. One of the other women, Lenora Hall, says one of the men "could have been McVeigh." She notes the other man appeared to be part Indian or Mexican, had shoulder-length hair and wore a white T shirt and jeans. McGown, a probable government witness, says she told the FBI the Ryder she saw McVeigh drive into the motel parking lot on April 16 was different from the one he brought in the next day, when he rented one at Elliott's Body Shop. The early truck had no logo on the rear panel and was a lighter yellow.

While McGown has said she saw no one else with McVeigh, she claims that during a security walk she overheard a conversation in McVeigh's motel room around midnight on April 16. "As I came back you could hear that the voices are not TV. There was a deep velvety voice and another one and Mr. McVeigh's, because I heard three different voices. And I thought I have to talk to him tomorrow, I do not allow overnight visitors." Having already given McVeigh a discount rate, she was annoyed that he would then bring in extra guests.

On Wednesday, April 19, half an hour before the blast, Mike Moroz, a mechanic at Johnny's Tire Co. in Oklahoma City, said he saw a Ryder truck pull into the station. Moroz saw two men inside as he approached the truck. The driver asked for directions to Fifth and Harvey, site of the Murrah building, but the truck did not leave the station for eight to 10 minutes more. About 15 minutes later, the bomb exploded. Moroz later picked two men out of a lineup, one of whom was McVeigh. Although Moroz admits he did not get a good look at the other man, he says the passenger had short brown hair and appeared bigger than the driver.

One story is particularly poignant. Daina Bradley lost a leg in the April 19 blast, and her mother and two children were killed. She recalls looking out the plate-glass window of the Social Security office a few minutes before the explosion and seeing a yellow Ryder pull into the driveway. That is where the terrorists left the truck. According to Bradley, it was there for three to five minutes. Then she saw a side view of an olive-skinned white man leaving the passenger side of the Ryder truck. He was wearing a dark blue jacket and a baseball cap. She does not believe that person, who left the truck and walked quickly away from the federal building, was McVeigh. After that, all she recalled was electricity running through her body and a sensation of falling into rocks. Prosecutors contend that Bradley is a trauma victim and therefore her account is not reliable.

Gerald Posner, author of Case Closed, frequently writes about criminal investigations and is working on a book about the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.

Copyright 1997, Gerald Posner




Link to Oklahoma City Bombing(s)
(New Federalist, Feb. 10, 1997) -- Five members of a group called the Aryan Republican Army were indicted 
Jan. 30 by a Philadelphia federal grand jury for a string of bank robberies in the Midwest.
Among the  five  men,  according  to  a  Jan.  31  report  in the Washington Post, were Mark Thomas,  
an  Allentown,  Penna.  white supremacist  who  has  been  linked  to  area skinhead gangs, and
Michael Brescia.  Brescia  has  been  named  in  a civil wrongful death lawsuit implicating him in the 
Oklahoma City bombing.   The suit  accuses  Brescia  of  having been in collusion with Timothy
McVeigh, as well as  two  other  men, Michael Fortier and Andreas Strassmeir.  Brescia and Strassmeier 
were  both  residents  of  a compound  at  Elohim  City,  Okla.,  and were reportedly in phone
contact with McVeigh on the eve of the bombing.....
 +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +
In a  related  story,  Ambrose  Evans-Pritchard  ("Washington had Oklahoma bomb tip-off," Electronic 
Telegraph, 2/9/97)  points  to Bureau  of  Alcohol,  Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) informant Carol Howe 
as having had prior knowledge  of an imminent bombing and of her having warned the U.S. government before 
the April  19,  1995 Oklahoma City tragedy.  Writes Evans-Pritchard:
  Next  Tuesday  the  McCurtain Daily Gazette is scheduled to publish how an informant 
  for  the  US  Bureau  of  Alcohol, Tobacco  and  Firearms  was  paid  $120 a week to 
  monitor a neo-Nazi  compound in eastern Oklahoma, called Elohim City. The informant, 
  Carol Howe, wrote monthly  reports  for  her ATF case  officer  in  Tulsa,  warning  
  that  the group was planning to blow up a federal  building,  with  a  probable
  target date of April 19, 1995.  She told the ATF  that  the terrorist cell,  sometimes  
  known  as  the Aryan Republican Army, had narrowed  down  the  list  of  targets  to  
  three   buildings:  one in Oklahoma City and two in Tulsa.
Further ramifications of this  latest development in the Oklahoma City bombing(s) case were reported 
by the "John Doe Times"  in  a special  edition  ("Mickeymousing  Around  With  The  Truth:  ABC
Covers Up For ATF & FBI  in  Oklahoma City Bombing Case," by Mike Vanderboegh, 2/6/97):
  ABC "World News Tonight" with Peter Jennings spiked a story this  evening  that  proves conclusively
  that the Clinton Administration had prior knowledge  of  the  Oklahoma  City Bombing.
  This  story  would  have detailed the case of Carol Howe, a neoNazi "Confidential  Informant" in the 
  employ of the ATF who warned her control agent, Angela Finley, of  the  Tulsa Office  of  the ATF,  
  about  the  plot  months  before the explosion which killed 168 Americans and wounded over 500.
  The story was pulled at the last minute by the powers-that-be at Disney/ABC even though it was confirmed
  by Justice Department P.I.O. Leesa Brown.
A professional source  having  a  strong background in journalism wrote to me on February 7th, saying he  
had  "quietly  confirmed" that ABC spiked the story.  According to this source, "the entire news  staff  
[at ABC] is up in arms and has threatened to quit enmasse" due to the suppression of the story.
The latest twist was provided to  me today by another source, one with whom I have talked many times and 
who has  connections  with numerous  insiders.   This  source has told me that, not only was Carol Howe 
providing information to BATF, but that Howe is (or was circa April 1995) an FBI *agent*.  Reportedly 
there is now a mad scramble going on amongst the powerful as to how best prevent this and related news  
from  becoming public knowledge.  *Not* known at this time, but logically  possible, is that ABC/Disney
"News" may give out limited information on the above in  upcoming broadcasts.
The question arises as to how persons connected to Elohim City, unassisted, could have carried out such 
a skillful operation as the bombing(s) at the Murrah Building on April 19, 1995. How, for example, would 
they have been able to get inside the building and place charges against support columns?  Does the  
conspiracy go beyond Elohim City, and possibly involve some Judas who allowed alleged conspirators inside 
the doomed building?

Conspiracy Net
Copyright (c) Jason Goodman & Daniel Leach 1998,1999

Case against Oklahoma bomb suspect collapses

by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

Sunday Telegraph (London, England) February 2, 1997:

THE government case in the Oklahoma bombing trial, due to open next month, is disintegrating. It is now quite possible that Tim McVeigh, the main suspect, will be acquitted.

The latest blow to the prosecution is a report that the FBI crime lab altered forensic conclusions to accommodate government claims that the blast, which killed 168 people in the spring of 1995, was caused by a 4,000 lb ammonium nitrate bomb.

The report, by the Justice Department's Inspector General, found that some lab officials have been pressed to falsify evidence and commit perjury to support prosecutions. With the FBI crime lab going through the worst crisis in the history of the Bureau, everything it touches is now tainted.

But there are deeper problems with the case, the deadliest act of terrorism ever committed on American soil, one that precipitated a witch hunt against the militia movement and, by raising the spectre of Right-wing extremism, arguably helped President Clinton's re-election.

The prosecution has been tying itself in knots from the beginning. This is chiefly because it insists on a 'lone bomber theory'- - with another man, Terry Nichols, helping in the background - when the evidence clearly indicates a more complex conspiracy involving a terrorist cell.

Last week it became clear that the Justice Department is willing to let the case collapse rather than risk collateral revelations. On Thursday the FBI arrested Michael Brescia, the man alleged to be the mysterious 'John Doe II' seen with McVeigh in the days before the bombing. Brescia has been named in a private lawsuit by victims of the blast as a co-conspirator of McVeigh.

But in keeping with the "Alice in Wonderland" character of this investigation, Brescia was arrested for his alleged role in a series of bank robberies carried out by a neo-Nazi group called the Aryan Republican Army. McVeigh is also tied into this ARA cell, and his sister told the FBI in May 1995 that her brother had been involved in bank robberies. But the Justice Department does not want to know.

Indeed, it has gone to hazardous lengths to stamp out talk of a broader bombing conspiracy involving the Aryan Republican Army. On Wednesday, the day before Brescia's arrest, it announced that John Doe II - the subject of the massive FBI manhunt in the weeks after the bombing - had never existed.

The Justice Department stated that Tom Kessinger, a clerk at the Ryder rental agency where McVeigh allegedly rented the bombing vehicle, was confused when he helped to produce a artist's sketch of a second man with McVeigh. This is highly contentious. Mr Kessinger provided the famous John Doe II sketch immediately after the blast. Almost two years later he abruptly changes tack and asserts that he muddled John Doe II with a soldier named Tod Bunting who came into the office on a different day.

Unfortunately for the prosecution, Mr Kessinger has already given too many interviews ridiculing the Bunting canard. "He was laughing about it and said 'I don't know how they came up with that one'," said Glenn Wilburn, a bombing victim, when he visited Mr Kessinger last year. The Justice Department has now destroyed Mr Kessinger's credibility, so it can no longer put him on the stand to identify McVeigh as the man who rented the Ryder truck. But the prosecution does not have much else to rely on.

The original FBI statements by the employees at the Ryder rental agency describe the man supposed to be McVeigh - who used the alias of Robert Kling - as heavy-set, 5ft 11in, stocky, with a pock-marked face. This bears no resemblance to the lanky, 6ft 3in, baby-faced McVeigh. The prosecution, of course, can draw on an army of witnesses who saw McVeigh with a Ryder truck shortly before the bomb went off at 9am on April 19 1995. But they all saw him with other suspects, making a mockery of the claim that McVeigh acted alone.

So it appears that none of these witnesses is going to be called to testify. Instead, the prosecution is relying on a single man who thought he might have seen McVeigh getting out of a Ryder truck. Why is the Justice Department destroying its own case? A clue came last Tuesday in an Oklahoma newspaper, the McCurtain Daily Gazette, which has gathered evidence that the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF) was monitoring the bombing conspiracy from the very start.

According to the Gazette, a paid informant working for the Tulsa office of the ATF has come forward to admit that she used hidden cameras to film three members of a neo-Nazi group in Oklahoma discussing plans to blow up a federal building.

One was Andreas Strassmeir, a former German army officer with ties to McVeigh. Strassmeir shared a house at the time with Michael Brescia of the Aryan Republican Army underground. The story helps to explain how bomb squads could have been seen in downtown Oklahoma hours before the explosion. It also buttresses testimony that McVeigh appeared to be operating as part of a team on the day of the crime in Oklahoma City.

The only conclusion that one can draw is that the Justice Department is protecting a federal informant who had penetrated the bombing conspiracy - probably Strassmeir, but possibly also Brescia - and is trying to cover up a bungled sting. McVeigh's defence lawyer, Stephen Jones, says that the American people will never be able to think of their government in the same way once they learn the full truth about the Oklahoma bombing. Is he just bluffing?

Copyright Telegraph Group Limited 1997.

Posted here February 3, 1997
Web Page:


Feds ID John Doe No. 2

January, 1997

DENVER -- The man in the widely distributed sketch of John Doe No. 2 in the Oklahoma City bombing has been positively identified as an Army private who had no role in the attack, the Justice Department said yesterday.

In a brief filed yesterday in U.S. District Court in Denver, prosecutors said Pvt. Todd Bunting rented a truck at a Junction City, Kan., body shop the day after suspect Timothy McVeigh rented the truck believed to have been used in the bombing.

A mechanic at the body shop is "confident he had Todd Bunting in mind when he provided the description for the John Doe 2 composite," according to the government's brief.

Prosecutors say they still are looking for another person who may have been with McVeigh when he rented the truck.

The mechanic, Tom Kessinger, identified McVeigh as John Doe No. 1, the man who identified himself as "Robert Kling" when he rented the truck. Kessinger was the only witness to describe "Kling" and John Doe No. 2.








27 June 1996

NOTE: 1ACR has been assisting Glenn & Kathy Wilburn with their private investigation of the Oklahoma City bombing and the search for ALL of the killers of their two grandchildren and 166 other Americans. The analysis below is my own, and it should be made clear that I do not presume to speak for the Wilburns. The Wilburns are two very courageous Americans who have suffered much in their search for the truth. Other Oklahoma City victims have criticized the Wilburns for seeking to get McVeigh off the hook. Nothing could be further from the truth. None of the information that they or their many volunteer helpers have discovered (of which I am but one) exculpates Timothy McVeigh. McVeigh was the truck driver, and a key player in the plot. What we are after is the rest of the bombers and the murdering bastards that sent them and sheltered them after the fact.


Michael Brescia (Xerox of photo available upon request) is the son of Mr. & Mrs. William M. Brescia, 859 Manatawna Avenue, Philadelphia, PA, 19128. Neither Mr. Brescia (a Philadelphia-area fire fighter) nor his wife will comment on their son or his movements. A graduate of LaSalle High School (215 233-2911), Brescia attended LaSalle University (215 951-1000) without graduating, although sources say he made inquiries about attending this fall.

While a high school student he reportedly was into survivalism, but in time he grew into the white supremacist movement. Sources familiar with his university career say he was the subject of a fraternity disciplinary hearing when he reportedly attempted to recruit his fellow frat brothers into a "white supremacist cell." Brescia left the university and Philadelphia shortly thereafter for a stay at that most bucolic of racist antisemite retreats: the Elohim City "Christian Identity" compound in Oklahoma.

(The uninitiated often struggle with the differences between the Christian Identity movement and the paganist neo-Nazis such as the Aryan Nations, as they share a virulent racism and antisemitism and have been known to cooperate on paramilitary ventures. The principle difference between the two is that unlike the neo-Nazis (who worship Odin, Thor and miscellaneous Norse biker-gods but have no limiting illusions about morality or charity), Christian Identity folks think racism and antisemitism is OK because God and Jesus told 'em so.)


Michael Brescia was introduced to Elohim City by Mark Thomas, Aryan Nations' big shot in the eastern Pennsylvania area. Some of Mark's other buddies included the recently captured Midwest bank robbers who also hailed from eastern PA (more about them in an upcoming article).

Elohim City, a 400-acre compound of about 20 buildings located 35 miles northwest of Fort Smith, AR,(near Sallisaw, OK) was founded in 1973 by Robert Millar, age 70. Elohim City has about a hundred residents these days including all four of Millar's sons and 25 of his 34 grandchildren.

"Things are different here. Elohim City operates on its own calendar and clock. Each year begins with the spring equinox and each day begins at noon. Millar said the concept is found in the Bible in Genesis and Deuteronomy. Residents adhere to a religious doctrine called Christian Identity, which contends that white Anglo-Saxons, not Jews, are God's chosen people, and that America, not Israel, is the Promised Land. According to Christian Identity, Jews are Satan's children, and non-whites are believed to be 'pre-Adamic,' a lower form of species than white people. Those who monitor right-wing extremist groups say Millar is probably the most influential Christian Identity leader in the Great Plains." ( From "We Are Not Dangerous, Leader of Separatists Says" by Judy Thomas, The Kansas City Star, Sunday, March 17, 1996.)

Elohim City attracts an eclectic bunch. Ray Lampley, who differed with Millar on the finer points of theology (Lampley styled himself as "Prophet of Yahweh") but not the racism or antisemitism of Christian Identity---intended to practice bomb detonation at Elohim City the day he was busted for (and subsequently convicted of) planning to carry out the terror bombing of five targets including the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, AL. Millar said he knew Lampley but had no knowledge of the plot.

Richard W. Snell, white supremacist and copkiller resides there, too. Unfortunately for him he doesn't get around much anymore since he was executed by the state of Arkansas for the 1983 murder of a pawnbroker he mistakenly thought was Jewish. (Hey, nobody ever said antisemites were all that bright.) He was executed on April 19, 1995, the same day as the OKC bombing with Millar in attendance as his chaplain and execution witness. Millar brought his body back and buried it on the compound.

Former leader of the Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (and federal snitch) James Ellison currently resides at Elohim City. "Ellison, 55, was convicted on racketeering and weapons charges brought against him and other Covenant members after a four-day standoff that began April 19, 1985, at the group's camp near the Missouri-Arkansas border. His 20-year sentence was reduced after he agreed to testify against some comrades in a trial in Fort Smith Arkansas, in 1988. Ellison was released in February, 1991 after nearly six years in prison. He moved to Florida but was sent back to prison in 1993 for violating parole. He was released again in June, 1994 and returned to Florida before moving to Elohim City, where he married the granddaughter of its leader, Robert Millar. Dressed in faded jeans, a T-shirt and a camouflage cap, Ellison talked candidly about his violent past. He said he had no regrets. 'How can you regret something you felt like God told you to do?'" ( Judy Thomas, ibid.)

Other routine "guests" at Elohim City were Andreas Carl Strassmeir (aka "Andy the German, aka John Doe #3) and Dennis Mahon, Aryan Nations organizer. (More about these two in Part Two.)

Back to John Doe Times Index

See article Feb. 1997 above

Mr. Brescia, currently residing at 859 Manatawna Avenue, Philadelphia, PA 19128, is a white supremacist neo-Nazi and at the time of the Oklahoma City bombing was a resident of Elohim City, a "Christian Identity" "racialist" compound in Oklahoma that has been linked in press accounts to Timothy McVeigh. According to testimony in federal court in Des Moines, Iowa, a member of the "Aryan Republican Army" bank robbery gang also came from Elohim City. (Although his name was forbidden by federal prosecutors to be mentioned in open court, the stated bank robber was later identified in the press as Mr. Brescia.)

Timothy McVeigh, Michael Fortier, Mr. Brescia and Brescia's roommate at Elohim City, Andreas Carl Strassmeir (a former German army officer mentioned in press reports as an ATF informant at the time of the Oklahoma City bombing) have all been named as material witnesses and/or probable perpetrators of the bombing in a civil suit by Edye Smith of Oklahoma City, who lost two young sons in the bombing. U.S. and Canadian press accounts have described witnesses who place McVeigh, Strassmeir and Brescia together just prior to the bombing. Other witnesses have picked out Mr. Brescia's photo as "John Doe #2", McVeigh's long-sought accomplice to the bombing.

Also, Mr. Brescia and Mr. Strassmeir have been mentioned in press accounts in connection with the abduction and triple murder of a family in Arkansas that also seems to be related to the OKC bombing.

Despite this, Mr. Brescia continues to walk the streets of Philadelphia unsought, unquestioned and unindicted of any crime, while his co-conspirators in the bank robberies are all currently in jail, convicted or awaiting trial. WHY? Only the FBI, the Justice Department and the Clinton Administration know for sure. Ask THEM. Don't ask Mike Brescia; he's armed, dangerous and on a free pass from the FBI.

Questions about this informational poster may be directed to:
Mike Vanderboegh
The John Doe Times
P.O. Box 926
Pinson, AL 35126



Witness conflicts muddy waters
in Oklahoma City bombing case

August 13, 1995

From CNN Correspondent Robert Vito

OKLAHOMA CITY, Oklahoma (CNN) -- The FBI has witnesses who put suspect Timothy McVeigh at or near the scene of the Oklahoma City bombing. The problem: Not all of those witnesses say he was alone that day. Tire repairman Mike Moroz said that when McVeigh stopped to ask how to get to the federal building there was a passenger along with him in the Ryder truck that he pulled into the tire store, five blocks from the building. "He was wearing a ball cap similar to the way I'm wearing it," Moroz said. "He had a T-shirt on."

That sounds similar to the sketch of John Doe No. 2 -- the man the FBI vainly sought for so long as a suspect in the case. And that could mean problems for the prosecution when the case goes to trial. The indictment says it was McVeigh alone who set off the bomb.

The FBI has said one key witness -- a passing motorist -- has identified McVeigh as the man he saw, alone, walking quickly away from the truck in front of the building moments before the blast. But if other witnesses put a second man near the scene, it may be hard for a jury to sort out the confusion.

Witnesses in Kansas who say McVeigh rented the truck used in the bombing said a second man was with him. The FBI now discounts that. But, another witness has said he saw a second man in the room of the motel where McVeigh stayed when the truck was rented.

In Oklahoma City, the FBI has said, a witness saw McVeigh's car speeding away from a parking lot just before the bomb went off. That witness said two men were in the car. But McVeigh was alone when he was stopped by a state trooper later that morning.

The tire repairman who saw a second man in the Ryder truck claimed to be able to recall his race. "He was white," Moroz said. Prosecutors decided not to have him to testify in the case. But they promise they will keep looking for answers.

"We will continue the investigation until we determine whether or not anyone else has assisted these charged conspirators with the bombing," federal Prosecutor Joseph Hartzler said in a news conference. Almost no one -- prosecution, jury, or public -- will rest easy if riddles remain when this case goes to trial.

US Had Clues Before Okla. City Bombing:  
WASHINGTON - A federal informant warns that white separatists in Oklahoma are threatening "assassinations, bombings and mass shootings." The FBI (news - web sites) secretly interviews a witness familiar with a plot to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah federal building (news - web sites). Other agents learn of a book being circulated that promotes a truck bombing of a government building.
'We knew this
was going to happen'

2 reserve deputies testify about Oklahoma City bombing

© 1998

OKLAHOMA CITY, Okla. -- Two Oklahoma County reserve deputy sheriffs said yesterday a congressman told them the night of the bombing, "We knew this was going to happen, we blew it."

David Kochendorfer and Don Hammons, the two reserve officers, say Rep. Ernest Istook, R-Okla., made the statement about advance knowledge of the bombing.

"We got word through our sources that there is a radical fundamental Islamic group in Oklahoma City and that they were going to bomb the federal building," Kulkendorfer recalled Istook saying.

Hammonds said a photographer with Istook, Lana Tyree, confirmed to him that Istook was aware of a bomb threat against the federal building since April 9.

Both Tyree and Istook later denied making the statements and having any knowledge of the bombing beforehand.

"I certainly didn't," said Istook. "I know of nobody in government that had any advance knowledge."

Kulkendorfer and Hammonds earlier had testified for several hours before the county grand jury investigating the possibility of a broader conspiracy to bomb the Murrah federal building. The district attorney in Oklahoma City plans to file 160 state murder charges in the Oklahoma bombing and seek the death penalty against Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, despite their federal court convictions.

The charges will cover the victims other than the eight federal agents whose deaths were the basis of McVeigh and Nichols' federal trials.

District Attorney Robert Macy has said the state charges are aimed at making sure McVeigh and Nichols get the death penalty. McVeigh was given the death penalty at his federal trial. Nichols' life was spared last week.

Macy has said he can prosecute without violating the men's constitutional protection against double jeopardy because the federal and state judicial systems are separate.

"No doubt about it. He can," said Rick Tepker, a University of Oklahoma law professor. "The state of Oklahoma is regarded as a separate sovereignty for purposes of double jeopardy and can enforce its own laws."


John Doe # 3


This John Doe, referred to as JD#3, stayed with Timothy McVeigh at the Dreamland Motel a few days before the OKC Bombing.  He and McVeigh ordered Chinese food to be delivered to their room.  When Jeff Davis the Chinese food delivery person, came to the motel room to make the transaction, JD#3 opened the door and paid for the food.  Jeff Davis said the door was opened wide and he could clearly see McVeigh sitting on the bed.  When the FBI interviewed Davis, they tried to influence him to believe that he was mistaken in thinking he did the transaction with JD#3 and that it was really Tim McVeigh.  Jeff Davis was very adamant that there were two people and that McVeigh was sitting on the bed when he delivered the Chinese food.  Jeanne Boylan, the famous sketch artist who has worked with the FBI, TV networks and law enforcement all over the world.  She has conducted or assisted with thousands of interviews and profiles.  Ms. Boylan’s interview with Jeff Davis is included in her book “Portraits of Guilt” published by Pocket Books. If you have seen this man or believe you know his identity, please contact us at:

 405-951-5900 or




Obviously, McVeigh was the fall-guy for whoever did this crime. The masterminds are still loose.



Oklahoma Bombing Photo Gallery

Carol Elizabeth Howe  -Informant



... The article about the Oklahoma bombing started on the centerfold page, with a double
paged picture of the Oklahoma building (Alfred P. Murrah) that was bombed. ...

... Sometimes I don't recognize the event specifically until after it has happened,
such as the Oklahoma bombing, and the death of Princess Diana. ... - 56k - Cached - Similar pages

... like hurricane damage, tornado damage, taking care of the people in bombing disasters,

... Just before the Oklahoma Bombing... Governor Keating's brother wrote a book about
a Federal Building being blown up there by terrorists. Then it happened. ... - 84k - Cached - Similar pages

... Register, potential threats were detected after the October 2000 suicide bombing
of the ... the World Trade Center and the federal building in Oklahoma City — as ... - 101k - Cached - Similar pages

... The long man of Wilmington This is an ... The last
time I dreamed about Oklahoma, 45 days later the Oklahoma bombing occurred ... - 101k - Cached - Similar pages

... plan 'B', and we are hearing rumors of another Oklahoma City, ordered ...

... United States had accomplices in what may have been a millennium bombing scheme. ... ingredient
in the 4,800-pound device used to blow up the Oklahoma City federal ...

... deputy commissioner. Also presumed dead is Ray Downey, who led the
NYFD team that helped out after the bombing in Oklahoma City. ...

... Feehan, a 40-year veteran; Special Operations chief Ray Downey, who led a team New
York firefighters sent to help after the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing; and Rev ...

... As the November 11th Washington Post reported, "Since the Oklahoma City bombing
[of] April 19, 1995, the FBI, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF ...

... After the Oklahoma City bombing, innocent people found themselves targeted because
they fit a government profile, said Michael A. Scaperlanda, a University of ...

... And that the FBI was complicit in the bombing. ... Elohim City is a "religious" community
in Oklahoma where paramilitary types of the Aryan movement have been ...

... got approval from the French embassy in England, then arrived in Oklahoma and enrolled ... a
gathering spot for the terrorists involved in the 1993 bombing of the ...

... Dale Davis of the Airman Flight School in Norman, Oklahoma, said the agents knew ... Laden
and has been charged in connection with the 1998 bombing of America's ...

... The suicide bombing campaign against Israel allowed Arafat some plausible deniability,
at ... agents showed up at the Airman Flight School in Oklahoma, where he ...

... Just the death toll on the planes alone could surpass the 168 people killed
in the 1995 bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City. ...

Militia Groups
... USA Today(Aug 26,1997, p.3A) A West Virginia militia member was recently convicted
under the new anti-terrorism legislation enacted since the Oklahoma bombing. ...

... the biggest abrogation of US civil liberties since the so-called anti-terrorism legislation
after the Oklahoma City bombing-which by the way hasn't resulted in ...

The Changing of the Guard Part Four: Secrets of Skolnick
... REPORT On the Bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building April 19, 1995", by
the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee, published 2001, pages 476-477. ...


... news and we didn't want to do anything to set them off," said Weldon Kennedy, a former
FBI deputy director who handled the Oklahoma City bombing investigation. ... - 101k - Cached - Similar pages

... The next major city on that route was Oklahoma City. The train however,
could continue on to Arizona and California. ... Aftermath of the Bombing. ... - 101k - Cached - Similar pages

... Just before the Oklahoma Bombing... ... In other words, exactly as in the situation with
Suddam Hussian, a Government patsy upon which these type of incidents can ...