JOHN DOE #2 - WHO IS HE?
"Don't ever forget Bob Mathews and don't ever forget the
'Order'... because that's what's gonna happen again
soon.... It's coming again!.... Revolution is coming!....
It's coming sooner than you think!"
-- Dennis Mahon, July, 1991, Aryan World Congress, Hayden
The FBI has issued a warrant for the arrest of a man described as "John Doe #2." John Doe #1 has been identified as Timothy McVeigh and is in custody. A reward of up to $2 million has been offered for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the persons responsible for the May 19 bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building. Doe #2 may be armed and should be considered extremely dangerous. Any one having information about the suspect should contact local law enforcement officials or the FBI OKC Hotline at 1-800-905-1514 or via email at email@example.com.
John Doe #2 is described at 5-foot-9 to 5-foot-10, 175 pounds, with brown hair. He reportedly has a tattoo on his left arm.
Jose Padilla (left) John Joe #2 (right)
From: http://www.sierratimes.com/ 02/06/17/arjj061702.htm
Many witnesses describe John
Doe No.2 as: Hispanic, 5'10", 170 pounds., 25 to 26 years old,
Background of Jose Padilla
Jose Padilla has an
extensive criminal record -- including an involvement in a gang-related murder
when he was 15 years old.
Putting the Pieces Together
Even though McVeigh went
to his death denying any larger plot, many questions remain unanswered. Did
John Doe No. 2 ever exist? If he did, who is he? If there is no John Doe No.
2, why did a second suspect initially emerge? What items or witnesses did the
bureau use to create its three sketches of this alleged co-conspirator?
Middle Eastern Ties
After the bombing came the
finger-pointing and assignation of blame. However, since the Clinton-Reno
Justice Department laid down the official line that the Oklahoma bombing was a
purely domestic terrorist act, an eerie silence had descended over the case..
So what exactly what
happened in OKC on the morning of April 19, 1995? Was it really just two
anti-government ex-Army radicals? Did they construct this idea by themselves?
Did they carry out the whole thing by themselves? Are all the witnesses who
say there were more people involved simply mistaken?
Copyright 2002 - Glenn
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Dee Finney dream prior to the Oklahoma Bombing
3-15-95 - PREDICTION OF THE OKLAHOMA BOMBING
Oklahoma City bombing John Doe No. 2?
Nichols defense eyes John Doe No. 2
Friday, May 7, 2004 Posted: 1:51 PM EDT (1751 GMT)
McALESTER, Oklahoma (AP) -- Defense attorneys for Oklahoma City bombing conspirator Terry Nichols shifted the focus of his murder trial to John Doe No. 2 as they began presenting their case.
Defense attorneys questioned six witnesses Thursday on an issue that is key to Nichols' defense, that McVeigh had contact with people other than Nichols in the final days before the bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building.
Sketches bearing the image of John Doe No. 2, a muscular, dark-skinned suspect who does not resemble Nichols, were flashed across television monitors during testimony.
The defense alleges McVeigh received substantial help from others in planning the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building and that Nichols was set up to take the blame. The blast killed 168 people and injured more than 500 others.
Lea McGown, owner of the Dreamland Motel in Junction City, Kansas, testified that she rented a room to McVeigh from April 14 to April 18.
McGown also said she heard McVeigh talking with one or two other men in his room one night. She said she couldn't identify them but thought one of the men had telephoned McVeigh's room earlier.
"I heard Mr. McVeigh's voice and another velvety voice and a third voice in the background," McGown said. On cross examination, she said the third voice could have come from a television set.
The day McVeigh checked in, a man came in the motel lobby and asked directions to Room 25, where McVeigh was staying, McGown said. She gave the man directions to the barber shop where McVeigh was getting his hair cut, she said.
McGown said she didn't remember the man's face but that he was between 25 and 35 years old, had light skin and eyes and a small build.
She said she remembered seeing McVeigh with a large Ryder rental truck on the Sunday before the bombing, one day before prosecutors allege he leased it at Elliott's Body Shop using the alias Robert Kling.
McGown also said she never saw McVeigh with anyone else and couldn't identify an FBI sketch of John Doe No. 2. However, she did identify two phone calls that were made from the room to Nichols' home in Herington, Kansas.
The defense's first witness was FBI artist Raymond Rozycki, who drew the sketch based on a description by Elliott's Body Shop employee Tom Kessinger.
The drawing depicted a heavy, well-built man with brown eyes and hair who witnesses said was with McVeigh at the leasing agency. Rozycki also drew a sketch of McVeigh.
Kessinger said the man wore a black T-shirt, a baseball cap with white and blue zigzag patterns and had a tattoo on his left arm.
Hilda Lopez, a former housekeeper at the Dreamland Motel, said she saw a man wearing a cap with a similar pattern walk toward a Ryder truck that was parked in the motel parking lot on April 17.
The man was well-built, had short black hair and a dark complexion that made him appear Hispanic, she recalled.
A former Chinese food deliveryman, John Jeffrey Davis, said he brought an order to a man who was neither McVeigh nor Nichols at McVeigh's motel room on April 15.
Davis identified a composite sketch of the man drawn by an artist in April 1996, but it didn't match FBI sketches of McVeigh or John Doe No. 2.
Also Thursday, Judge Steven Taylor replaced a juror who suffered a heart attack before arriving in court. The excused juror, Robert Dale McCoy, is expected to make a full recovery, Taylor said. He was replaced by a female alternate, changing the makeup of Nichols' jury to six men and six women.
Nichols, 49, is serving a life prison sentence on involuntary manslaughter and conspiracy counts in the deaths of eight federal agents in the bombing.
In Oklahoma, he faces 161 counts of first-degree murder for the deaths of the other 160 victims and one victim's fetus.
McVeigh was convicted on federal murder charges and executed in 2001.
Copyright 2004 The Associated Press. All rights reserved
Posted: November 9, 2002
By Notra Trulock
In 1995, the worst act of terrorism on American soil, prior to the 9/11 disaster, was committed in Oklahoma City.
On April 19, terrorists blew up the Murrah Federal Building and killed 168 Americans and wounded scores more. Not long after the bombing, Timothy McVeigh was arrested about 60 miles east of Oklahoma City and a few days later Terry Nichols surrendered to police in Herrington, Kansas. With those arrests, the Justice Department shut down any further investigation into who had committed this awful crime.
But like the Kennedy assassination, many Americans remained deeply skeptical about the government's assurances that McVeigh and Nichols acted alone in this horrible crime. And for good reason, as it seems that the FBI ignored important investigative leads, failed to interview potentially significant witnesses, and destroyed the Murrah building before experts could examine the crime scene.
The involvement of a John Doe No. 2 in the bombing has remained a simmering controversy. Skeptics ask why the FBI canceled an all-points-bulletin for a Middle Eastern male subject or subjects fleeing the scene issued in the immediate aftermath of the explosion. Numerous eyewitness accounts have identified Middle Eastern males in the company of McVeigh in the days and weeks before the bombing.
Dr. Frederic Whitehurst's allegations against the FBI crime lab sparked a Justice Department investigation that found the lab had provided "inaccurate pro-prosecution testimony in major cases including Oklahoma City." Retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, an explosives expert, disputed the FBI's theory that the damage to the Murrah Building was caused by a single truck-bomb. His analyses were later endorsed by numerous physicists, physical chemists, and experts in structural mechanics as well as a series of live tests conducted at Eglin Air Force Base. These are just some of the lingering questions about the 1995 bombing.
Beyond covering McVeigh's execution and the FBI foul-ups that delayed it, the mainstream media have devoted little effort to digging into any of these questions. Concerned citizens have had to go to Internet media outlets like WorldNetDaily and NewsMax or be on the lookout for the occasional investigative report in obscure outlets like the Los Angeles Weekly or the London Evening Standard. In early September, the Wall Street Journal did one column on its editorial page about possible Iraqi involvement in Oklahoma City and the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, but seemed to lose interest after that.
One columnist who has refused to let the story die is James Patterson, an editorial writer at the Indianapolis Star. Patterson was one of the first to report a potential crack in the wall of silence erected around the Oklahoma City bombing by the government and the elite media.
Twice in recent months, Patterson has reported that Chairman Dan Burton's House Government Reform Committee investigators have uncovered the possible whereabouts of videotapes and photographs of the Murrah Federal Building from the day of the bombing. The Final Report of the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee noted the existence of such tapes, but the Justice Department has adamantly refused to release them, even in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.
Burton believes that the tapes and photographs may be held in the archives of Naval Intelligence at the Washington Navy Yard and he has issued a subpoena to the Secretary of the Navy to obtain them. The tapes are said to contain video of a John Doe No. 2 getting out on the passenger side of the Ryder truck just prior to the explosion.
Former FBI Deputy Director Weldon Kennedy told the Philadelphia Inquirer that talk of withheld videotapes is "ludicrous and insulting." Kennedy says that agents nailed down "98 to 99 percent" of McVeigh and Nichols' movements in the months before the bombing and he is absolutely convinced they acted alone. Cate McCauley, who worked on McVeigh's appeal, goes beyond Kennedy and charges that talk of Middle Eastern men helping McVeigh is "perhaps the worse case of misinformation and pandering" she has come across. The allegations, she says, are easily refutable and those who promote them are "standing on the graves of thousands of people."
A quick, easy way to resolve the controversy over John Doe No. 2 would be to simply release the videotapes and photographs and let the American public judge for itself. Release the tapes and bring this case to closure. The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing deserve nothing less.
* Interview with Jayna Davis - 6/20/02
* My Word commentary by John Gibson
THE BIG STORY WITH JOHN GIBSON
June 20, 2002
HEADLINE: Interview With Jayna Davis
GIBSON: Documents obtained by The Associated Press show that our government was warned that Islamic terrorists were planning attacks on American federal buildings around the time of the Oklahoma City bombing. The Clinton administration even stepped up security around such buildings.
So could this mean that Timothy McVeigh was acting in league with those militants? My next guest says, yes, indeed.
Jayna Davis is a former Oklahoma City television reporter. She joins us now from Oklahoma City.
So, Jayna, this warning that was issued in February of 1995, a -- essentially a couple of months before the Murrah building explosion -- do you think it was connected to that bombing?
JAYNA DAVIS, FORMER OKLAHOMA CITY TV REPORTER: Well, it dovetails with the information that we generated when I was working as a reporter for the NBC affiliate here in Oklahoma City, and we gathered information from 24 witnesses who identified eight Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom were of Iraqi descend, working in collusion with Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols during various stages of the bombing plot to blow up the Murrah building.
The warning you refer to, John, I have in my possession. It was issued by the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, and what -- why it's startling to me is because it stated in February of 1995 that there would be an Iran-sponsored Islamic attack on U.S. soil. This specific target was Washington, D.C., primarily Congress and the White House.
Once security was beefed up after the dissemination of this warning, then there was an updated warning that was then issued by the director of the Congressional Task Force, Mr. Yossef Bodansky. He stated in the updated warning the specific language that the terrorists planned to strike at the heart of the U.S. but not acting alone.
The Islamic terrorists were going to employ the services and recruit what they call two lily whites. And in the jargon of the intelligence community, lily whites means anybody that's not connected or ostensibly connected to any Middle Eastern terrorist organizations and they have no police record, they're clean, they wouldn't be flagged by any law- enforcement agencies. Both Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh fit that criterion.
GIBSON: Now, Jayna, you have long held that a character named Hussain Al-Hussaini is John Doe #2, and I think we have pictures of him here. This is Hussain Hasham Al-Hussaini, and then, of course, we'll see the picture of John Doe #2, and he does bear a resemblance to him. What evidence do you have that Hussain Al-Hussaini, an Iraqi, was with Tim McVeigh?
DAVIS: Well, let's start with four days before the bombing. Two witnesses who independently identified him out of a photo line-up of 35 photographs of eight different Middle Eastern men. These witnesses identified him independently of each other as drinking beer with Timothy McVeigh in a tavern in Oklahoma City on April 15th of 1995.
Then there were two more witnesses that identified him jogging outside the Murrah building, dressed in blue jeans with a backpack and a windbreaker, racing from the Murrah building, one block east of the building, timing his run, before daybreak, the day of April 19th. These witnesses walked past this individual they saw running within about three to four feet and looked him square in the face. He was positively identified...
GIBSON: Where is Hussain Al-Hussaini?
DAVIS: Well, we don't know. I do know that he went and moved to Boston sometime around 1997 and claimed that he was working at Boston International Airport...
DAVIS: ... in '97 and '98. Logan. Yes.
GIBSON: And he was an Iraqi soldier?
DAVIS: It's also important to note, John, he was identified in the Ryder truck with McVeigh 30 minutes prior to the bombing when McVeigh stopped to ask for directions at 10th and Hudson, which is about five blocks north of the Murrah building.
He was also identified at ground zero stepping out of the Ryder truck. He was identified in the passenger seat -- I'm sorry -- in the driver's seat of a brown Chevrolet pickup speeding away from the bomb site 60 seconds after the blast in a truck that matched the description of the official FBI all-points bulletin issued the morning of the bombing for Middle Eastern terrorists.
GIBSON: Jayna Davis, former Oklahoma City television reporter.
Jayna, thanks very much.
OKC Bombing John Doe Seen in Newkirk, OK with Nichols and Ryder Truck
Morning News ^ | April 19, 2002 | Patrick B. Briley
At about 4 pm on April 18, 1995 one day before the OKC bombing, a Ryder truck stopped for gas at the E-Z Mart in far north central Oklahoma at a small town named Newkirk. A light blue 1970’s Chevy pickup truck stopped at the same time with the Ryder truck at the EZ Mart in Newkirk.
According to witnesses the light blue pickup truck was driven by Terry Nichols and had a passenger with dark curly hair who was wearing a baseball cap, mirror glasses and was dressed in black. The pickup truck passenger had dark olive skin and appeared to look possibly Middle Eastern or Mexican. He also had a stern gaze and a large chest.
The Ryder truck reportedly had an overhang and one occupant, a driver who had short, light hair, a large nose and eyes and a mouth that were small in proportion to his face.
An employee at the EZ Mart said that Nichols came into the store and bought eight burritos but no chips or drinks. Nichols reportedly gave some of the food to the driver in the Ryder truck who appeared to have a disagreement with Nichols about something when Nichols handed him the food. The driver of the Ryder truck and the passenger in Nichols’ pickup truck never got out according to the EZ Mart employee.
The EZ Mart employee was interviewed by OKC TV station, KWTV, Channel 9 and their reporter Gann Mathews in mid May 1995. The witness also gave an interview to the Arkansas City Traveler newspaper which came out in a May 1, 1995 article entitled “Bombing Suspects Spotted in Newkirk”. Unfortunately, the newspaper reporter Jeff Guy got some of the significant facts (as to who was in which trucks) confused in the article. The EZ Mart employee was considered to be very reliable as she was married to a police officer and was also very observant with details.
The Dallas Morning News had a lengthy article published in May 1995 which showed a map of the route taken by McVeigh and other John Does from near Junction City Kansas, and south through Arkansas City, Kansas into Oklahoma and passing directly through Newkirk, Oklahoma en route to OKC. A 32 year veteran of the OKC police department told me in May 1995 that up to five men associated with the OKC bombing had passed through Newkirk with a Ryder truck.
Two other witnesses who taught school at Newkirk came to the EZ Mart around 4 pm on April 18, 1995 and saw a Ryder truck parked there. One of the witnesses said that to buy a coke the witness was standing in line with three men waiting to pay for their snacks. This witness said that two of these men come out of the EZ Mart and that one of them passed snacks to the driver of the Ryder truck. This witness said that the man buying snacks and giving it to the Ryder truck driver was about 5 feet seven, unshaven, and MAY (not certain) have been Terry Nichols. One of the teacher witnesses also said that the man buying snacks got into an old pickup truck
All the witnesses said they were interviewed by the FBI and some said they were also interviewed by the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation (OSBI) at the same time they were interviewed by the FBI.
The BATF came to the EZ Mart about a week after the bombing canvassing the area and learned of witnesses who had seen the Ryder truck, Nichols and a John Doe. The BATF interviewed the EZ Mart employee and had the EZ Mart thoroughly dusted for fingerprints even though many customers had since been in the EZ Mart.
It is not known whose fingerprints (Nichols?) the BATF found at the EZ Mart. Bombing victim survivors presumably still not only would like to find out about the identities of fingerprints at the EZ Mart, but like to learn the identities of the fingerprints taken from where another John Doe (not John Doe #2) stayed in room 25 of the Dreamland motel in Kansas with McVeigh. A sketch of the John Doe in the Dreamland was made by FBI sketch artist Jean Boylan with witness Jeff Davis and resembles an FBI informant working at Elohim City, Peter Ward.
Do FBI or BATF files show the fingerprints taken from the EZ Mart and the Dreamland and the identities of the fingerprints and was this information later destroyed or withheld from the courts and the public?
About two weeks after the bombing the FBI interviewed the same EZ Mart employee witness for about fifteen minutes. The witness strongly identified an FBI supplied frontal view sketch of a John Doe #2 wearing a baseball hat. The witness also gave the FBI a description of the driver of the Ryder truck and told the FBI that even though he resembled McVeigh the witness could not be sure if it was McVeigh. The witness also told the FBI and BATF that they were certain that Nichols was not only at the EZ Mart driving a blue Chevy pickup when the Ryder truck on April 18, 1995, but also had been there with the same pickup at about seven a.m. on the Saturday before the OKC bombing.
Nichols presence with the Ryder truck and John Doe at the EZ Mart on April 18, 1995 suggests an even stronger role for his involvement in helping do the OKC bombing than heretofore commonly known. And John Doe#2’s participation is obvious by these accounts.
McVeigh, the FBI and prosecutors have kept saying for years that there were no John Does who helped McVeigh even though the FBI had positive confirmation of the John Doe# 2 by the witness at the EZ Mart. The witness was never called by the prosecution or defense at the trials. The witness was also not called by the OK County Grand Jury investigating the OKC bombing. Furthermore, during the trials the prosecution never called witnesses who had seen McVeigh with any John Does anywhere even though the FBI testified at a preliminary hearing on April 27, 1995 of over ten witness sightings of McVeigh with John Does including in OKC at the time of the bombing.
The curly hair and olive skin of the John Doe seen riding in Nichols pickup truck is consistent with the description of the John Doe reported by witnesses in OKC and later identified as the Iraqi suspect, Al Hussain Hussaini. Hussaini had reportedly been seen fleeing the area of the Murrah Building and with McVeigh at several locations prior to the bombing in OKC.
There is suspicion that the FBI and OSBI and BATF either did not do adequate interview reports of the sightings of Nichols and the John Doe by the EZ Mart witnesses or that the FBI withheld the reports from the defense and the court trials or had the reports destroyed too early (as recently verified by the DOJ inspector General Glenn Fine two weeks ago in his report to the Senate Judiciary Committee).
One important detail revealed by the EZ Mart employee witness is that the Ryder truck had an overhang. The Ryder truck allegedly driven by McVeigh on April 19, 1995 and carrying a bomb was shown across the Regency Towers apartments (a block to the northwest of the Murrah Building) in a video at the trial but it did not have an overhang. The EZ Mart witness also noted this difference in what they had seen at the EZ Mart and what was shown at trial.
Danny Wilkerson ran a snack shop in the Regency Towers apartments. Wilkerson told me that McVeigh parked a Ryder truck with an overhang in front of his snack shop at 8:35 a.m. April 19, 1995. Inside the Ryder truck, Wilkerson said he saw a John Doe. McVeigh came in and bought pop and talked to Wilkerson. Wilkerson says that by about 8:45 he noticed that McVeigh had driven around the block and parked the Ryder truck across the street in a direction headed toward the Murrah building and in the location shown by video at the trial. Wilkerson also said he saw McVeigh get out of the truck (after he parked it across the street) and look east up the street in the direction of the Murrah building
Wilkerson says several FBI agents including Ricky Raines tried for months to get him to change his description of the Ryder truck as having an overhang. Wilkerson said he believed Raines even tried to trick him to change his story by showing him a fake or an incomplete Ryder truck brochure having no pictures of Ryder trucks with overhangs. Wilkerson says he had seen Ryder trucks with overhangs many times before since they were used by people to move into the Regency Towers apartments. He even asked McVeigh if he was moving in because he says he saw the overhang on the truck.
The yellow pages in the OKC phone book from 1994-1995 clearly show that Ryder rented a truck with an overhang just as Wilkerson and the EZ Mart employee witness have stated they saw.
So we have both Wilkerson and the employee at the EZ Mart insisting that the Ryder truck they saw had an overhang while the Ryder truck the FBI says was used to blow up the Murrah building and shown in videos at trial did not have an overhang. If the witnesses are correct then these possibilities remain to account for the evidence:
Either the FBI is wrong about the truck that blew up in front of the Murrah building and altered the trial video, or a second Ryder truck was used in the bombing exercise. If a second Ryder truck was used with an overhang, perhaps it was used to transport bomb making materials to Oklahoma for future assembly inside of the larger, Ryder truck (it had a side door) the FBI says blew up. If this were the case then McVeigh would have had to switch trucks after he left the snack shop and drove around the block and parked a Ryder truck across the street.
Wilkerson was not called during the trials and his testimony to the FBI about the Ryder truck overhang and McVeigh having a John Doe in the Ryder truck was never disclosed in the trials. It is suspected that the FBI once again (as in the case with the EZ Mart employee witness) either did not do interview reports or withheld them or had them destroyed.
What is obvious from these accounts is that the DOJ and FBI are still withholding from the courts, Congress and the public evidence of John Does involved in the OKC bombing. McVeigh and Nichols who did not act alone as the FBI and DOJ still try to claim. Evidence of Nichols greater involvement may have also been withheld from the trials to preclude the jury and public from learning of the John Doe(s) that were with Nichols ( and perhaps McVeigh) at the EZ Mart on April 18, 1995.
There is growing concern that the John Does involved in the OKC bombing can bomb again and/or that they come from radical domestic groups who could help Middle Eastern terrorists in the US attack innocent civilians in the future.
Copyright 2002 by Patrick B. Briley
Return to: James Patterson's Oklahoma City columns
Ex-CIA agent believes in a John Doe 2
Published: March 23, 2002
The Indianapolis Star
Though the U.S. government clings to the notion that Timothy McVeigh, acting alone, set off the horrendous explosion on April 19, 1995, that pancaked the nine-story Oklahoma City federal building, a former high-ranking CIA official says there's solid evidence to indicate he worked with an Iraqi John Doe No. 2.
Larry Johnson, former CIA officer and deputy director of the State Department's Office of Counterterrorism, told a network news show this week the FBI had failed to properly investigate significant eyewitness accounts of McVeigh meeting with the man believed to be a former Iraqi soldier.
Johnson made those comments on The Big Story with John Gibson, a Fox news program airing nightly at 5 p.m., which delved into an extensive dossier on the case compiled by former Oklahoma TV reporter Jayna Davis. The program aired just days after a lawsuit filed by the watchdog organization Judicial Watch that alleges Iraqi involvement in the Oklahoma City bombing and seeks compensation for victims from frozen Iraqi assets.
Davis, who reported from Ground Zero in Oklahoma City for NBC-affiliate KFOR, broadcast a series suggesting a possible accomplice to the bombing who had been seen with McVeigh on the days leading up to and the day of the bombing. Gibson unabashedly reported Davis' work to a national TV audience on three consecutive days this week.
On Monday, Gibson relayed that Davis' evidence is based "on the simple proposition that Tim McVeigh's John Doe 2 was an Iraqi, a former Iraqi soldier from the Gulf War, paroled into the U.S. under a claim of political asylum, known to be in Oklahoma City as of November of '94 almost a year before the Murrah bombing, spotted with McVeigh by multiple witnesses, and who in recent years was working at (Boston) Logan airport," where the Sept. 11 hijackings originated.
On Tuesday, Gibson posed the question to Johnson about a possible link between Iraq and Oklahoma City.
"I think this woman (Davis) has done a remarkable job of finding a link that was overlooked," Johnson said. Johnson also commented on a Justice Department review of the thousands of documents that resurfaced or were destroyed, delaying McVeigh's execution for a month.
"The FBI . . ., they still have not turned over all of the documents to the defense teams that came out of Oklahoma," he said. "In particular, the information that links, shows possible links to Middle Eastern subjects."
KFOR's reports distorted the face of one of those suspects and did not name him. However, on his own volition, a former Iraqi soldier who claims he surrendered to the U.S. in the Gulf War and who was brought to the United States from a refugee camp in Saudi Arabia, stepped forward and identified himself to two other Oklahoma City TV stations and The Associated Press as the man that KFOR had implicated as John Doe No. 2.
Hussain Hashem Alhussaini sued KFOR and Davis for defamation, saying the reports falsely identified him as John Doe No. 2. But a U.S. District Court disagreed. In ruling for KFOR, U.S. District Judge Timothy Leonard found in November 1999 that the station had taken extraordinary measures to hide Alhussaini's identity.
Leonard added that KFOR's reports were either "based on fact or a matter of opinion," and not negligence or reckless disregard for the truth. Alhussaini, who went to work at Boston's Logan International Airport after leaving Oklahoma City, continues to deny any involvement in the bombing. Former CIA Agent Johnson is unconvinced.
"I compared it to all the human intelligence I've looked at," he said. "And comparing it to classified material, this is not from just one witness, this is not from two witnesses; you're talking 23 people, you're talking at least 10 people who put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini before the Oklahoma City bombing.
"Two people who identified Hussain Alhussaini and Tim McVeigh in a bar on April 15; three people who identified Hussain Alhussaini running from the federal building early in the morning at 5:30 as if he is practicing timing himself. You have two witnesses that put Tim McVeigh with Hussain Alhussaini in the Ryder truck; you have one witness inside the Murrah Building who sees Hussain Alhussaini eating out of the truck . . .
"The point is the FBI has not thoroughly, fully investigated this. It is an outrage. I went along for many years thinking they have covered the bases. They have not, John."
You can't say Davis didn't try. She tried to give the witness statements to the FBI in the fall of '97, but it wouldn't take them.
Patterson is a Star editorial writer. Contact him at 1-317-444-6174 or by e-mail at firstname.lastname@example.org
Return to: James Patterson's Oklahoma City columns
Related Factfile: The Oklahoma City bombing
The Middle Eastern connection to Oklahoma City
February 17, 2002
Ever since the country was savagely attacked on Sept. 11, the FBI has relentlessly investigated flight schools, airports, universities, mosques, Middle Eastern charities and Muslim communities, looking for connections to al-Qaida or other jihadist groups.
The only stone, it seems, the bureau hasn't been willing to turn over is its own investigation into the Oklahoma City bombing. Presumably, that's because the 1995 terrorist attack was the exclusive work of homegrown extremists Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols. Or was it?
Even though McVeigh went to his death denying
any larger plot, serious questions remain unanswered. Did John Doe No. 2 ever
exist? If so, who is he? If not, why did a second suspect initially emerge? What
material or witnesses did the bureau use to create its three sketches of this
Crogan is a free-lance writer and
investigative reporter based in Los Angeles. His work has appeared in Newsweek ,
Time , the Los Angeles Times and other publications. His e-mail address is email@example.com
The mystery of John Doe No.
June 9, 2001
THE F.B.I. TOOK THE VIDEO TAPE OF JOHN DOE #2
- - - -
- - - - - - - -
The main thing Joann Van Buren says she remembers about Timothy McVeigh is the $50 bill he wanted her to break. That, and the two men who accompanied him.
One day before he tore a hole in the nation's psyche with the bomb that destroyed Oklahoma City's Murrah Federal Building, McVeigh, Van Buren says, pulled up to the little Subway sandwich shop where she worked in Junction City, Kansas, driving the yellow Ryder truck that would contain the bomb.
Van Buren didn't pay any particular attention to them at first. Another clerk waited on the men, but when they tried to pay for their meal with a large bill, she took notice.
"As soon as the $50 bill came up, I had to go to the safe to get the change," says Van Buren today. "And when I gave them the change and they got their sandwiches, I remember them going back over to the corner, sitting down. And when they left, I remember three people getting into the truck. There were three people at the table."
The clerks she worked with later told FBI agents that two of the men matched the descriptions of McVeigh and his cohort, Terry Nichols. The third was a shorter, dark-haired and muscular man with an olive complexion: a perfect fit for the figure destined to be known as John Doe 2.
Luckily, the Subway shop actually had a video camera recording that day's events. When Van Buren contacted the FBI, agents interviewed everyone working in the shop on April 18. And when they were done, they confiscated the video recorded that day.
But if that tape showed a third co-conspirator with McVeigh and Nichols, no one outside the FBI can say. No one beyond the agency ever saw it. In the waning days of Nichols' trial, his defense attorneys discovered the details of Van Buren's story -- which had only been described in generic terms in the FBI's report, omitting her contention that two men accompanied McVeigh -- along with information contained in some 43,000 other "lead sheets" that the FBI until then had failed to turn over to them.
Michael Tigar, who led the Nichols defense, tried in 1999 to use the FBI's failures to produce all relevant documents to gain a new trial for his client. But U.S. District Judge Richard Matsch refused, saying the withheld material would not have altered the trial's outcome.
He likely was right. In fact, Nichols' jury had already refused to give him the death penalty largely because of some jurors' belief that more people were involved in the bombing than merely McVeigh, Nichols and Michael and Lori Fortier, the Arizona couple who were acquaintances with the two men and who were the prosecution's chief witnesses. That belief is also shared by thousands of conspiracy theorists who remain convinced the whole truth about the Oklahoma City bombing has not been told. Nichols' verdict stands as nearly the sole validation that the bombing may not have been the product of two lone bombers.
And when the FBI admitted it had failed to turn over another 3,100 documents to defense attorneys, fresh fuel was thrown onto those fires. McVeigh's execution was delayed a month as lawyers for both men started combing through the withheld information to see if it might give them an opportunity to overturn at least their sentences, if not their convictions. His execution is now scheduled for Monday.
But just as he hovered in the background of numerous eyewitness accounts like Joann Van Buren's, the figure of John Doe No. 2 almost certainly lurks within those withheld documents -- and he will continue to haunt the Oklahoma City case after McVeigh is executed. And, in an era that has seen more FBI foul-ups than any other time in history, the bureau's inability to explain away the repeated accounts of additional participants in the bombings has raised legitimate questions about the quality of its own investigation -- as well as fueled thoughts of larger conspiracies that will live beyond McVeigh.
The mystery of John Doe No. 2
Even the simplest investigations of seemingly straightforward crimes -- let alone a massively complex one like the Oklahoma City case, in which some 35,000 witnesses were interviewed -- can be complicated by the randomness and unrelated coincidences of real life. An unattached stranger who wanders onto a scene at some point can become a suspected accomplice for no reason other than bad timing.
The FBI has maintained that coincidence is the best way to explain John Doe No. 2, whose character sketch was drawn mainly from the account of an eyewitness at the Junction City shop where the Ryder truck was rented. That witness, the FBI says, mixed up his recollections and mistakenly identified a man who came in the next day to rent a truck -- a 23-year-old soldier named Todd Bunting -- as an accomplice of McVeigh's. Bunting, who was cleared of any connection to the crime, vaguely resembled the composite drawing and wore clothes similar to those in the drawing, including a Carolina Panthers ball cap.
McVeigh prosecutor: Newly disclosed documents won't prompt new trial
May 11, 2001
On Thursday, the FBI announced it had discovered about 3,000 documents related to the investigation of convicted Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh that had not been released to prosecutors or McVeigh's defense attorneys during his 1997 trial.
A federal prosecutor in the case, Patrick Ryan, spoke to CNN's Carol Lin about the documents on Friday morning from Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.
Lin: What was your reaction when you heard about this disclosure of documents?
Ryan: I was disappointed. It's very unfortunate. One of the things that has been said over and over again since yesterday (Thursday) afternoon is that the government failed to turn these materials over to the defense, and the point has not been made that the FBI didn't turn the materials over to the prosecution, either. These are not materials that we're familiar with either.
Lin: How does this make the FBI look?
Ryan: Like I say, it's very unfortunate. You have to take, I think, into context that we had over a billion documents that we were reviewing and analyzing in connection with this case, so if you look at 3,000 documents not having been produced, you're talking three for every 1 million. People make mistakes; I think that's what it was.
Lin: Are you concerned that there is evidence in this pile of documents that creates reasonable doubt possibly leading to another trial?
Ryan: Not at all. We had a very clear, concise case of absolute responsibility on McVeigh's part for this bombing. He's since admitted that he took his part in delivering the bomb to the Oklahoma City Murrah Building, where the people were killed. I don't think there's any chance at all for any evidence in these documents that will be favorable to the defense or provide any type of defense.
Lin: How do you know what's in the pile of documents?
Ryan: I have talked to Sean Connelly, the lawyer in Denver who was our legal scholar and who handled all the research and writing in oral presentations of matters such as this, and he's reviewed the documents and believes there's nothing that provides a defense.
Lin: What is in there, then?
Ryan: It's just miscellaneous, haphazard information, more John Doe 2 was my brother-in-law, in New Hampshire, and John Doe 2 was my uncle in Vermont. That's the kind of information. There's no single category or grouping of documents that would indicate any type of defense.
Lin: John Doe 2 being the person whom nobody actually found but was suspected and cited by one of the witness as being with Timothy McVeigh that day.
Ryan: We believe we know who John Doe 2 is. We believe that's Todd Bunting, and he's totally uninvolved in this event. Todd Bunting and Michael Hertig rented the Ryder truck from Elliot's Body Shop in Junction City (Kansas), the day after Tim McVeigh rented his truck. Michael Hertig looks just as much like John Doe 1 as Timothy McVeigh does. Todd Bunting looks exactly like the pictures of John Doe No. 2.
Lin: I didn't mean for you to relive those long days at the trial.
Ryan: That's all right.
Lin: But I do want to ask you something. You are in Oklahoma City. Have you talked to any of these families? What are you going to say to them?
Ryan: Well, I have not talked to the families. I think that, for the most part, they will understand that, unfortunately, mistakes are made, and in this case, the FBI did not, apparently, gather up all the materials and provide them to the prosecution, so that we could, in turn, provide them to the defense.
'The resurrection of President Clinton'
Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's stunning investigative reports on Oklahoma terror
Editor's note: The FBI's shocking 11th-hour admission that it withheld voluminous evidence from the McVeigh defense team and the world has forced to the surface long-suppressed evidence on the Oklahoma City bombing. Arguably the best investigative journalist to have researched the subject is Ambrose Evans-Pritchard of the London Telegraph.
Each day this week, WorldNetDaily.com will serialize portions of his celebrated book, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton, fully seven chapters of which are devoted to the Oklahoma City bombing. Following is chapter 1, "The resurrection of President Clinton."
Relaxing on Air Force One after the 1996 elections, Bill Clinton told a pool of reporters that he owed his political revival to the Oklahoma bombing. He was in a reflective mood, looking back at the ups and downs of his turbulent presidency. As so often, his thoughts lingered on those first painful months after the Republicans captured both Houses of Congress for the first time in almost two generations. It had been a stinging rebuke for the White House. But then that bomb went off. "It broke a spell in the country as people began searching for our common ground again," he said.
The searing destruction of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995, was the most traumatic event in the United States since the assassination of President Kennedy. Had it been carried out by foreign radicals, the impact on the national psyche would have been far less. But this was a homegrown conspiracy. Americans were committing mass murder against other Americans. One hundred and sixty-eight people were dead. A crèche full of infants had been massacred in cold blood, by Americans.
President Clinton's analysis cannot be faulted. The bombing had a catalytic effect, abruptly changing the chemistry of American politics. One has to think back to the mood in Washington in April 1995 to understand what Clinton meant. The Republican Congress was completing its one hundred-day march; the Contract with America was being rushed through the House at breakneck speed; and the world was kneeling in obeisance before Speaker Newt Gingrich, even as President Clinton spoke plaintively of being "relevant."
Think back to the triumphalist language of the Republican diehards. The Education Department was going to be abolished before breakfast, the Commerce Department before lunch, Housing and Urban Development before supper, and the Environmental Protection Agency was going to be torched in a spectacular bonfire before bedtime. Rhetoric was leaping ahead of realty, of course, but the tone and manner of the new leadership was deeply unsettling to great numbers of Americans of mellow, conservative views. Things were getting out of hand.
The bombing brought it into sharp focus. The militia movement, right-wing talk radio, the perceived Gingrich onslaught against government, all melded together in the public mind as one rampant movement of extremism.
Clinton seized the moment. He castigated talk radio for broadcasting "a relentless clamor of hatred and division." The Right, he said, was sowing distrust of government institutions and creating a climate that fostered recourse to violence. He did not name the Republicans as co-conspirators; he did not have to. The media clerisy made the connection for him. They all but said that Tim McVeigh was the military expression of the Gingrich agenda. Republicans had failed to understand that rhetoric has consequences, opined the commentators, and now look what had happened.
The Republicans were dumbstruck. A few dared to reply that it was the deployment of tanks by a militarized FBI against women and children in Waco that had set off the deadly spiral. But most were too intimidated, or horrified, to articulate a defense. When Sen. Phil Gramm risked a word of polite protest -- "I think we all need to be very careful that we keep politics out of this thing" -- he was reprimanded for his "mean streak."
President Clinton traveled to Oklahoma and handled the ceremony of grief with consummate skill. He visited the rescue workers. He held the hands of the victims. He said all the right things. His empathy was boundless. The polls noted that four-fifths of Americans admired his human touch. Overall, Clinton's job rating jumped from 42 percent to 51 percent, although this did not begin to reflect the tectonic changes beneath the surface of American politics. Clinton had come back to life, and the Justice Department was riding high. There was overwhelming support for White House plans to enhance the anti-terrorist powers of the FBI.
But what if the Clinton administration has not told the full truth about the Oklahoma bombing, as many of the families now suspect? What if some of the perpetrators are still at large, freely walking the streets and giving remarkably candid interviews to this author, because it is not in the political interests of the White House or the FBI to bring them to justice? I think that would give a different complexion to the matter. I hope that the following chapters will make it clear that these are not idle questions.
I do not wish to revisit the Denver trial of Tim McVeigh. I am convinced that McVeigh was guilty, and his own lawyer admitted as much during the sentencing hearings. But the trial did not bring out the full story. Indeed, it was skillfully managed to ensure that collateral revelations were kept to a minimum.
This was a terrible mistake. The Oklahoma bombing was the most deadly act of terrorism ever committed on U. S. soil. It was no time for a sloppy investigation or a trial that could be considered as expedited, abridged, or rigged in any way. Jurists concurred that it was imperative that the Justice Department conduct itself beyond reproach if this tragedy was to attain closure. It would be profoundly injurious to the republic if it were ever felt that the proceedings were manipulated for the benefit of the executive branch. Retribution was important, of course, but it was even more important to sustain confidence in the American democratic system for decades to come. The president professed agreement. The attorney general promised to make this an exhibit of American excellence.
It did not happen. In violation of its "Brady" responsibilities, the prosecution withheld material from the defense that was exculpatory or impeached the credibility of government witnesses. It delayed a year in handing over FD-302 witness statements that were critical to the defense. It stonewalled, obstructed, and dragged its feet at every turn. It also told a series of demonstrable lies that will be enumerated in this book. If this is how the Justice Department behaves in a high-profile case after the president and the attorney general have both made explicit promises of transparency, I dread to think how it conducts itself when nobody is paying attention.
As for the FBI, the proven malfeasance of the crime labs in the handling of scientific evidence from the crime scene makes it clear that the "OKBOMB" investigation was rotten from the foundations up. Far from taking extra precautions to uphold the highest standards of forensic evidence, the FBI resorted to methods that cannot be tolerated in a democratic society. The report of the Justice Department's inspector general lists the Oklahoma bombing case as one of the worst examples of de facto evidence tampering by the crime labs.
It is worth dwelling on this point because the FBI has been patting itself on the back for "solving" the Oklahoma bombing, as if it had cause for self-congratulation. In the first place, the FBI had no scientific basis for concluding that the Murrah Building was blown up by an ammonium nitrate fertilizer bomb. The FBI did not know in 1995, and does not know to this day, what actually caused the explosion. The Justice Department report concluded that the explosives unit simply guessed that the bomb was made of 4,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate after "the recovery of receipts showing that defendant Nichols purchased 4,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate."
The labs guessed that the explosive charge was placed in 50-gallon white plastic barrels, without conducting the requisite tests, after the discovery of 50-gallon plastic containers at the house of Terry Nichols. They said that the detonator appeared to be a Primadet Delay system, but no trace of this was found at the crime scene. Primadet was, however, found at the house of Terry Nichols. … You get the picture.
The FBI crime labs sculpted a theory of the bombing that would help the prosecution secure convictions against Tim McVeigh and Terry Nichols – and science be damned. Once it is understood that the FBI behaved this way in handling empirical evidence – where malfeasance is susceptible to exposure – it becomes easier to discern the attitudes that informed the rest of the OKBOMB investigation. It is my contention that the crime labs were no worse than other divisions of the FBI. The only difference is that the technicians were caught red-handed, while certain corrupt field agents and their superiors have yet to be exposed.
In summing up, the inspector general's report found that the FBI crime labs had "repeatedly reached conclusions that incriminated the defendants without a scientific basis" in the Oklahoma bombing case. I find this quite staggering. In Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence, shared by Britain and America, it is not acceptable to shape the crime to fit the suspect. It is a practice we condemn as "framing." I do not understand why the current director of the FBI is still drawing a paycheck from the U. S. taxpayer after a scandal of this magnitude, especially since he permitted the retaliatory harassment of Dr. Frederick Whitehurst, the chief whistle-blower.
It was the duty of Judge Richard Matsch to prevent the executive branch from conducting a politicized trial that obscured the facts. Instead he went with the flow, acceding to the prosecution's request that the Inspector General's report be barred as evidence. It was never made clear to the jury that the FBI did not know what kind of bomb really caused the blast, nor that the FBI had forfeited its magisterial authority.
But most serious of all, the judge refused to allow the testimony of an ATF informant with very relevant information indicating that the Oklahoma bombing was a broad conspiracy involving several members of the neo-Nazi movement in Oklahoma, an assertion that the U. S. government had gone to great lengths to repress. Whether or not Judge Richard Matsch was acting in tacit concert with the Justice Department is a matter that will demand hard scrutiny by historians. Doubtless Judge Matsch is sure that he can justify his decision on technical grounds. No judge likes to commit reversible error. But even if he can do so, I still believe that he betrayed his mission as a U. S. federal judge. There was more riding on the trial than the guilt or innocence of Tim McVeigh. The greater cause of justice was obstructed.
Needless to say, the McVeigh trial was not described in this way to the American media. The outcome was seen as a triumph. Judge Matsch was lionized, praised for restoring confidence in the criminal justice system. The reaction of the press disturbed me deeply. I never imagined that the machinery of cover-up could be so oppressively efficient.
McVeigh's mercurial counsel, Stephen Jones, allowed himself a moment of angry passion when he returned home to Oklahoma. If anybody thinks that the full story came out in the trial, he said, he could guarantee them that it most assuredly did not. Jones was bound to silence by the rules of attorney-client confidentiality, while McVeigh was "hanging tough" out of loyalty to his sworn brothers in the Aryan order.
Indebted to the Oklahoma families who have refused to accept the half-truths of the U. S. Justice Department, I offer a fragment of the story that these two men cannot or will not reveal.
Ambrose Evans-Pritchard's landmark book, "The Secret Life of Bill Clinton" is available from WorldNetDaily's online store.
Ambrose Evans-Pritchard has built a stellar career as a journalist, covering Central America for The Economist and The Daily Telegraph, and reporting from the United States for both The Spectator and The Sunday Telegraph, for which he was Washington bureau chief. Cambridge-educated and internationally renowned, Evans-Pritchard has recently returned to England, where he serves as The Daily Telegraph's roving European correspondent.
By Chance Conner and Mark Eddy
Jan. 30 (Year?) - Federal prosecutors yesterday identified the infamous "John Doe No. 2" of the Oklahoma City bombing case as Army Pvt. Todd Bunting and eliminated him as a suspect in the blast.
In firing back at attempts by suspect Timothy McVeigh to toss out seven eyewitnesses in the case - one from whom prosecutors say McVeigh tried to buy rocket fuel - the government shed light on the mystery of John Doe No. 2, the square-jawed man in a baseball cap whose face is known worldwide.
In documents filed yesterday, the government says Bunting rented a Ryder truck in Junction City, Kan., a full day after McVeigh allegedly rented the truck that carried the fertilizer bomb to Oklahoma.
The sketch of John Doe No. 2 was based on descriptions from a
rental-truck mechanic, Tom Kessinger, who now admits he was mistaken. The
document said Kessinger "is now confident he had Todd Bunting in mind when
he provided the description for the John Doe No. 2 composite."
For nearly two years that man has been known as John Doe No. 2 and was the target of an international search. However, the government says it is still looking for a second man who accompanied McVeigh on April 17, 1995. Two employees of Elliott's Body Shop in Junction City, Kan. - Eldon Elliott and Vicki Beemer - told the FBI of the second man.
Lawyers for McVeigh are attempting to use that misidentification of John Doe No. 2 to discredit Kessinger's and Elliott's identification of McVeigh. Prosecutors contend McVeigh used the name "Robert Kling" to rent the Ryder truck that carried a fertilizer bomb used to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995. The explosion killed 168 people and injured more than 500 others. Stephen Jones, lead lawyer for McVeigh, is asking U.S. District Judge Matsch for a hearing on the matter prior to the start of his client's trial, set for March 31 in Denver.
In yesterday's brief, prosecutors opposed a hearing, saying witness identifications should be presented at trial and left for a jury to decide how much weight to give. "Because none of the identification testimony here is from eyewitnesses who saw McVeigh commit the bombing, and because McVeigh's guilt will be established independently, the concern that eyewitness testimony may so overwhelm jurors . . . simply does not exist," prosecutor Sean Connelly wrote.
The other government eyewitnesses McVeigh wants to dismiss include people who prosecutors want to use to trace McVeigh's activities prior to the day of the bombing. They include: Glynn Tipton, a salesperson for VP Racing Fuels in Kansas. Tipton claims in early October 1994, a man he identified as McVeigh but calling himself "John" asked about buying an obscure product Tipton later learned to be rocket fuel. A supplier told Tipton it could be used to "create a bomb." Tim Donahue, a Kansas rancher who employed bombing suspect Terry Nichols in autumn 1994. Donahue is expected to testify that on Nichols' last day of work Sept. 30, 1994, Donahue watched McVeigh and Nichols place a shell on Nichols' pickup truck. It was that day that a man named "Mike Havens" - who FBI agents say is Nichols - purchased a ton of ammonium nitrate. William H. Dunlap, who claims he saw a man "who looked like McVeigh" standing by a yellow Ryder truck in front of the Murrah building. Dunlap's description of the clothing worn by the man are similar, the government says, to what McVeigh was wearing when arrested 90 minutes after the blast. Fred Skrdla, a night-shift employee at a Billings, Okla., filling station, who said he sold gas to a man who looked like McVeigh and was driving a Ryder truck in the early hours of April 19, 1995. David Ferris, a Junction City taxi driver who "panicked under stress and broke down and wept profusely" when interviewed. Prosecutors say Ferris gave McVeigh a ride to a McDonald's in Junction City; defense lawyers want Ferris tossed because he initially identified his passenger as an African-American.
David Sadler and I spent a summer's afternoon walking the Oklahoma City Murray Building bombsite. We walked the same streets that Timothy McVeigh and John Doe #2 walked and drove on April 19, 1995.
I pointed out to David where the security video cameras were placed that captured the images that America has never seen to this day. The FBI removed those video cameras and their tapes that will show that there were two people in the truck, not just McVeigh. The tapes will show the Ryder truck pulling up to the Murray Building, McVeigh and John Doe #2 getting out and then the truck exploding after these men had made their escape. Experts such as Air Force Brigadier General Ben Partin have stated that additional explosive devices were placed inside the building to supplement the truck bomb. Some of these other explosive devices did not detonate and were evacuated by the Oklahoma County Bomb Squad. The Surveillance tapes will likely show additional explosions from inside the building.
David and I talked about the eyewitnesses to the event that saw McVeigh and John Doe #2 face to face on the streets of Oklahoma City. These witnesses were never allowed to testify before the jury in the federal trial of Timothy McVeigh to convey what they had witnessed, and the FBI never followed up on the voluntary testimony of these witnesses.
David Sadler is as outraged by this as I am. He is truly concerned about the security of the United States and understands that known terrorists are walking the streets of America unmolested by our law enforcement and intelligence communities.
David Sadler is a truth seeker, more afraid of the harm caused to our nation by denying the truth than facing the ridicule for seeking and speaking the truth.
It is my privilege to support David Sadler for Congress of the United States. Hopefully, the voters of Southern Illinois will send David to Washington at this crucial time in America so the truth can finally be brought out, and so that all America can get on with the very important task of providing for our common security at the same time that we safeguard our cherished freedoms. God speed, David.
Charles Key, Executive Director
Oklahoma City Bombing Investigation Committee
During Nichol's Trial - Shop owner said he hired John Doe No. 2December 8, 1997
In other testimony Monday, Darvin Bates, the owner of a waffle shop in a small town 75 miles south of Oklahoma City, testified that he hired a man he is convinced was John Doe No. 2 about a month before the bombing.
John Doe No. 2 is the name given a man shown in an FBI sketch who was an early focus of the manhunt for suspects in the bombing. Prosecutors now say he was not involved in the bomb plot, but the defense contends McVeigh's accomplice was John Doe No. 2 -- and not Nichols.
Bates, who will return to the stand on Tuesday, said he had an "uneasy" feeling about the man, who he thought could have been from the Philippines and who said to call him "John" because his full name was hard to pronounce. Bates said the man told him he was from Kingman, Arizona.
That is where Fortier lived, and where McVeigh lived for part of the time the government said he was plotting the bomb attack. Other witnesses have testified to seeing a man fitting John Doe No. 2's description with McVeigh at various times.
Jan. 30, 1997 - Another John Doe #2 Suspect
arrested on Jan 30, 1997 in connection with the case was Michael Brescia of
Philadelphia. Typical of the
In 1994, Michael Brescia moved to Elohim City where he shared a one-story house behind the compound's chapel with Andreas Strassmeir, a former German army lietenant and head of security at Elohim City. By the time Brescia left Elohim City in 1995, investigators say, he, Stedeford, Guthrie, and McCarthy were active in the Aryan Republican Army. At least five active members of the Aryan Republican Army operated out of Elohim City in 1994 and 1995, and each of these members were in direct contact with Andreas Strassmeir, who is suspected to be John Doe #2.
Brescia was arrested one day after the government announced there was NO John Doe #2 and had never existed. Brescia was given a plea bargain by his prosecutors. He was allowed to admit to one bank robbery and to helping in the planning of six others. He entered his plea on May 30, 1997. He admitted to using a pipe bomb and a firearm while assisting in the robbery of the bank in Wisconsin. He told the court that he was a changed man. Brescia was sentenced to a term of 72 months in a Federal prison. The Federal Bureau of Prisons' records now show that Brescia served just a little more than 4 years in prison. He was released in 2001. The question is, if you are sentenced to 72 months, how do you get out in 48? What would be the normal federal term for 6 bank robberies? What was special about Brescia?
Andreas Carl Strassmeir is the son of Guenter Strassmeir, "the architect of German reunification" who was once a top aide to German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Andreas Strassmeir spent seven years in the German army, serving with the Panzer Grenadiers and an elite German intelligence unit. Part of his work was to detect infiltration by Warsaw Pact agents and then feed them disinformation.
Strassmeir told the London Telegraph that "I've never worked for any
U.S government agency, and I've not been involved in any intelligence operation
since my discharge from the German army in 1988." But he acknowledged he
first lived in the U.S. in 1989 because "I was hoping to work for the
operations section of the DEA. It never worked out." More revealingly, he
noted that "the right-wing in the U.S. is incredibly easy to penetrate if
you know how to talk to them. Of course it's easier for a foreigner with an
accent. Nobody would ever suspect a German of working for the federal
Why was he at Elohim City arming and training Aryan Nations members? Did Strassmeir work as an agent provacateur and informant in the bombing, on behalf of the Federal Government, in an attempt at a sting operation gone awry? The time in which Strassmeir served as head of security at Elohim City placed him in a situation to make direct contact with Timothy McVeigh, Michael Brescia, Pete Ward, Tony Ward, Kevin McCarthy, Scott Stedford, Pete Langan, and Dennis Mahon, and other terrorists.
Dennis Mahon: "Timothy McVeigh is my hero. Wish we had a thousand
more like him. He took action."
So, we know that the FBI did not properly investigate John Doe #2 witnesses or leads. The FBI lied about John Doe #2. We know also that the FBI ignored the Grand Jury's findings. According to an Oklahoma City Bombing Grand Jury members, "There were at least five men ID'ed by witnesses as being on the scene the morning of the bombing."
Why was the FBI hiding John Doe #2? Why did the FBI propose the ridiculous
Todd Bunting theory, which should be called "John Doe #2 Myth", as it
is pure fabrication. The cover-up of John Doe #2 and lack of proper
investigation is a testament to the integrity of the FBI, whose performance in
the OKBOMB case is a travesty of justice.
28, 1997 VOL. 149 NO. 17
SPECIAL REPORT/OKLAHOMA CITY
THE SEARCH FOR JOHN DOE NO. 2
BY GERALD POSNER/OKLAHOMA CITY
Was there a third conspirator in the Oklahoma bombing case? Was more than one Ryder truck involved? The prosecution considers these stories apocryphal, impeachable and unreliable, but the defense is likely to exploit them as it argues that Timothy McVeigh was not the only mastermind.
The issue of a second truck is important. The van could have been a decoy or a backup in case anything went wrong with McVeigh's rental, and might even have served to determine the amount of ammonium nitrate that would fit in the rear cabin. A second truck could have been used to construct a device to hold the bomb securely on the more than five-hour trip from Kansas to Oklahoma City. And a second truck would almost certainly have included one more conspirator. At Geary State Lake, where McVeigh is believed to have assembled the bomb, agents reportedly found physical evidence of a Ryder's presence that included tire tracks and fuel oil. But they also located several people who say they spotted a Ryder there on days before McVeigh had rented a truck. Perhaps to avoid the conflicting stories of a second truck, prosecutors may not argue that the bomb was built at Geary State Lake.
There are other accounts about a second Ryder. Lea McGown, owner of the Dreamland Motel, says that on April 14 her friend Herta King and two other women saw two Ryders in the parking lot of Denny's restaurant. There, the three women sat next to two men, one of whom King is certain was McVeigh. One of the other women, Lenora Hall, says one of the men "could have been McVeigh." She notes the other man appeared to be part Indian or Mexican, had shoulder-length hair and wore a white T shirt and jeans. McGown, a probable government witness, says she told the FBI the Ryder she saw McVeigh drive into the motel parking lot on April 16 was different from the one he brought in the next day, when he rented one at Elliott's Body Shop. The early truck had no logo on the rear panel and was a lighter yellow.
While McGown has said she saw no one else with McVeigh, she claims that during a security walk she overheard a conversation in McVeigh's motel room around midnight on April 16. "As I came back you could hear that the voices are not TV. There was a deep velvety voice and another one and Mr. McVeigh's, because I heard three different voices. And I thought I have to talk to him tomorrow, I do not allow overnight visitors." Having already given McVeigh a discount rate, she was annoyed that he would then bring in extra guests.
On Wednesday, April 19, half an hour before the blast, Mike Moroz, a mechanic at Johnny's Tire Co. in Oklahoma City, said he saw a Ryder truck pull into the station. Moroz saw two men inside as he approached the truck. The driver asked for directions to Fifth and Harvey, site of the Murrah building, but the truck did not leave the station for eight to 10 minutes more. About 15 minutes later, the bomb exploded. Moroz later picked two men out of a lineup, one of whom was McVeigh. Although Moroz admits he did not get a good look at the other man, he says the passenger had short brown hair and appeared bigger than the driver.
One story is particularly poignant. Daina Bradley lost a leg in the April 19 blast, and her mother and two children were killed. She recalls looking out the plate-glass window of the Social Security office a few minutes before the explosion and seeing a yellow Ryder pull into the driveway. That is where the terrorists left the truck. According to Bradley, it was there for three to five minutes. Then she saw a side view of an olive-skinned white man leaving the passenger side of the Ryder truck. He was wearing a dark blue jacket and a baseball cap. She does not believe that person, who left the truck and walked quickly away from the federal building, was McVeigh. After that, all she recalled was electricity running through her body and a sensation of falling into rocks. Prosecutors contend that Bradley is a trauma victim and therefore her account is not reliable.
Gerald Posner, author of Case Closed, frequently writes about criminal investigations and is working on a book about the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.
Copyright 1997, Gerald Posner
PHILADELPHIA FEDERAL PANEL INDICTS MEMBERS OF "ARYAN ARMY" ========================================================== Link to Oklahoma City Bombing(s) --------------------------------- (New Federalist, Feb. 10, 1997) -- Five members of a group called the Aryan Republican Army were indicted Jan. 30 by a Philadelphia federal grand jury for a string of bank robberies in the Midwest. Among the five men, according to a Jan. 31 report in the Washington Post, were Mark Thomas, an Allentown, Penna. white supremacist who has been linked to area skinhead gangs, and Michael Brescia. Brescia has been named in a civil wrongful death lawsuit implicating him in the Oklahoma City bombing. The suit accuses Brescia of having been in collusion with Timothy McVeigh, as well as two other men, Michael Fortier and Andreas Strassmeir. Brescia and Strassmeier were both residents of a compound at Elohim City, Okla., and were reportedly in phone contact with McVeigh on the eve of the bombing..... + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + In a related story, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard ("Washington had Oklahoma bomb tip-off," Electronic Telegraph, 2/9/97) points to Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) informant Carol Howe as having had prior knowledge of an imminent bombing and of her having warned the U.S. government before the April 19, 1995 Oklahoma City tragedy. Writes Evans-Pritchard: Next Tuesday the McCurtain Daily Gazette is scheduled to publish how an informant for the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms was paid $120 a week to monitor a neo-Nazi compound in eastern Oklahoma, called Elohim City. The informant, Carol Howe, wrote monthly reports for her ATF case officer in Tulsa, warning that the group was planning to blow up a federal building, with a probable target date of April 19, 1995. She told the ATF that the terrorist cell, sometimes known as the Aryan Republican Army, had narrowed down the list of targets to three buildings: one in Oklahoma City and two in Tulsa. Further ramifications of this latest development in the Oklahoma City bombing(s) case were reported by the "John Doe Times" in a special edition ("Mickeymousing Around With The Truth: ABC Covers Up For ATF & FBI in Oklahoma City Bombing Case," by Mike Vanderboegh, 2/6/97): ABC "World News Tonight" with Peter Jennings spiked a story this evening that proves conclusively that the Clinton Administration had prior knowledge of the Oklahoma City Bombing. This story would have detailed the case of Carol Howe, a neoNazi "Confidential Informant" in the employ of the ATF who warned her control agent, Angela Finley, of the Tulsa Office of the ATF, about the plot months before the explosion which killed 168 Americans and wounded over 500. [...] The story was pulled at the last minute by the powers-that-be at Disney/ABC even though it was confirmed by Justice Department P.I.O. Leesa Brown. A professional source having a strong background in journalism wrote to me on February 7th, saying he had "quietly confirmed" that ABC spiked the story. According to this source, "the entire news staff [at ABC] is up in arms and has threatened to quit enmasse" due to the suppression of the story. The latest twist was provided to me today by another source, one with whom I have talked many times and who has connections with numerous insiders. This source has told me that, not only was Carol Howe providing information to BATF, but that Howe is (or was circa April 1995) an FBI *agent*. Reportedly there is now a mad scramble going on amongst the powerful as to how best prevent this and related news from becoming public knowledge. *Not* known at this time, but logically possible, is that ABC/Disney "News" may give out limited information on the above in upcoming broadcasts. The question arises as to how persons connected to Elohim City, unassisted, could have carried out such a skillful operation as the bombing(s) at the Murrah Building on April 19, 1995. How, for example, would they have been able to get inside the building and place charges against support columns? Does the conspiracy go beyond Elohim City, and possibly involve some Judas who allowed alleged conspirators inside the doomed building? ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------ Conspiracy Net Copyright (c) Jason Goodman & Daniel Leach 1998,1999 firstname.lastname@example.org ------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------
Case against Oklahoma bomb suspect collapses
by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard
Sunday Telegraph (London, England) February 2, 1997:
THE government case in the Oklahoma bombing trial, due to open next month, is disintegrating. It is now quite possible that Tim McVeigh, the main suspect, will be acquitted.
The latest blow to the prosecution is a report that the FBI crime lab altered forensic conclusions to accommodate government claims that the blast, which killed 168 people in the spring of 1995, was caused by a 4,000 lb ammonium nitrate bomb.
The report, by the Justice Department's Inspector General, found that some lab officials have been pressed to falsify evidence and commit perjury to support prosecutions. With the FBI crime lab going through the worst crisis in the history of the Bureau, everything it touches is now tainted.
But there are deeper problems with the case, the deadliest act of terrorism ever committed on American soil, one that precipitated a witch hunt against the militia movement and, by raising the spectre of Right-wing extremism, arguably helped President Clinton's re-election.
The prosecution has been tying itself in knots from the beginning. This is chiefly because it insists on a 'lone bomber theory'- - with another man, Terry Nichols, helping in the background - when the evidence clearly indicates a more complex conspiracy involving a terrorist cell.
Last week it became clear that the Justice Department is willing to let the case collapse rather than risk collateral revelations. On Thursday the FBI arrested Michael Brescia, the man alleged to be the mysterious 'John Doe II' seen with McVeigh in the days before the bombing. Brescia has been named in a private lawsuit by victims of the blast as a co-conspirator of McVeigh.
But in keeping with the "Alice in Wonderland" character of this investigation, Brescia was arrested for his alleged role in a series of bank robberies carried out by a neo-Nazi group called the Aryan Republican Army. McVeigh is also tied into this ARA cell, and his sister told the FBI in May 1995 that her brother had been involved in bank robberies. But the Justice Department does not want to know.
Indeed, it has gone to hazardous lengths to stamp out talk of a broader bombing conspiracy involving the Aryan Republican Army. On Wednesday, the day before Brescia's arrest, it announced that John Doe II - the subject of the massive FBI manhunt in the weeks after the bombing - had never existed.
The Justice Department stated that Tom Kessinger, a clerk at the Ryder rental agency where McVeigh allegedly rented the bombing vehicle, was confused when he helped to produce a artist's sketch of a second man with McVeigh. This is highly contentious. Mr Kessinger provided the famous John Doe II sketch immediately after the blast. Almost two years later he abruptly changes tack and asserts that he muddled John Doe II with a soldier named Tod Bunting who came into the office on a different day.
Unfortunately for the prosecution, Mr Kessinger has already given too many interviews ridiculing the Bunting canard. "He was laughing about it and said 'I don't know how they came up with that one'," said Glenn Wilburn, a bombing victim, when he visited Mr Kessinger last year. The Justice Department has now destroyed Mr Kessinger's credibility, so it can no longer put him on the stand to identify McVeigh as the man who rented the Ryder truck. But the prosecution does not have much else to rely on.
The original FBI statements by the employees at the Ryder rental agency describe the man supposed to be McVeigh - who used the alias of Robert Kling - as heavy-set, 5ft 11in, stocky, with a pock-marked face. This bears no resemblance to the lanky, 6ft 3in, baby-faced McVeigh. The prosecution, of course, can draw on an army of witnesses who saw McVeigh with a Ryder truck shortly before the bomb went off at 9am on April 19 1995. But they all saw him with other suspects, making a mockery of the claim that McVeigh acted alone.
So it appears that none of these witnesses is going to be called to testify. Instead, the prosecution is relying on a single man who thought he might have seen McVeigh getting out of a Ryder truck. Why is the Justice Department destroying its own case? A clue came last Tuesday in an Oklahoma newspaper, the McCurtain Daily Gazette, which has gathered evidence that the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF) was monitoring the bombing conspiracy from the very start.
According to the Gazette, a paid informant working for the Tulsa office of the ATF has come forward to admit that she used hidden cameras to film three members of a neo-Nazi group in Oklahoma discussing plans to blow up a federal building.
One was Andreas Strassmeir, a former German army officer with ties to McVeigh. Strassmeir shared a house at the time with Michael Brescia of the Aryan Republican Army underground. The story helps to explain how bomb squads could have been seen in downtown Oklahoma hours before the explosion. It also buttresses testimony that McVeigh appeared to be operating as part of a team on the day of the crime in Oklahoma City.
The only conclusion that one can draw is that the Justice Department is protecting a federal informant who had penetrated the bombing conspiracy - probably Strassmeir, but possibly also Brescia - and is trying to cover up a bungled sting. McVeigh's defence lawyer, Stephen Jones, says that the American people will never be able to think of their government in the same way once they learn the full truth about the Oklahoma bombing. Is he just bluffing?
Copyright Telegraph Group Limited 1997.
Posted here February 3, 1997
Feds ID John Doe No. 2
DENVER -- The man in the widely distributed sketch of John Doe No. 2 in the Oklahoma City bombing has been positively identified as an Army private who had no role in the attack, the Justice Department said yesterday.
In a brief filed yesterday in U.S. District Court in Denver, prosecutors said Pvt. Todd Bunting rented a truck at a Junction City, Kan., body shop the day after suspect Timothy McVeigh rented the truck believed to have been used in the bombing.
A mechanic at the body shop is "confident he had Todd Bunting in mind when he provided the description for the John Doe 2 composite," according to the government's brief.
Prosecutors say they still are looking for another person who may have been with McVeigh when he rented the truck.
The mechanic, Tom Kessinger, identified McVeigh as John Doe No. 1, the man who identified himself as "Robert Kling" when he rented the truck. Kessinger was the only witness to describe "Kling" and John Doe No. 2.
THE STORY OF THE EVENTS THAT WILL EXPOSE THE OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING TRUTH
THE FIRST ALABAMA CAVALRY REGIMENT CONSTITUTIONAL MILITIA
27 June 1996
NOTE: 1ACR has been assisting Glenn & Kathy Wilburn with their private investigation of the Oklahoma City bombing and the search for ALL of the killers of their two grandchildren and 166 other Americans. The analysis below is my own, and it should be made clear that I do not presume to speak for the Wilburns. The Wilburns are two very courageous Americans who have suffered much in their search for the truth. Other Oklahoma City victims have criticized the Wilburns for seeking to get McVeigh off the hook. Nothing could be further from the truth. None of the information that they or their many volunteer helpers have discovered (of which I am but one) exculpates Timothy McVeigh. McVeigh was the truck driver, and a key player in the plot. What we are after is the rest of the bombers and the murdering bastards that sent them and sheltered them after the fact.
MEET JOHN DOE #2: MICHAEL BRESCIA
Michael Brescia (Xerox of photo available upon request) is the son of Mr. & Mrs. William M. Brescia, 859 Manatawna Avenue, Philadelphia, PA, 19128. Neither Mr. Brescia (a Philadelphia-area fire fighter) nor his wife will comment on their son or his movements. A graduate of LaSalle High School (215 233-2911), Brescia attended LaSalle University (215 951-1000) without graduating, although sources say he made inquiries about attending this fall.
While a high school student he reportedly was into survivalism, but in time he grew into the white supremacist movement. Sources familiar with his university career say he was the subject of a fraternity disciplinary hearing when he reportedly attempted to recruit his fellow frat brothers into a "white supremacist cell." Brescia left the university and Philadelphia shortly thereafter for a stay at that most bucolic of racist antisemite retreats: the Elohim City "Christian Identity" compound in Oklahoma.
(The uninitiated often struggle with the differences between the Christian Identity movement and the paganist neo-Nazis such as the Aryan Nations, as they share a virulent racism and antisemitism and have been known to cooperate on paramilitary ventures. The principle difference between the two is that unlike the neo-Nazis (who worship Odin, Thor and miscellaneous Norse biker-gods but have no limiting illusions about morality or charity), Christian Identity folks think racism and antisemitism is OK because God and Jesus told 'em so.)
WELCOME TO JOHN-DOEVILLE...
Michael Brescia was introduced to Elohim City by Mark Thomas, Aryan Nations' big shot in the eastern Pennsylvania area. Some of Mark's other buddies included the recently captured Midwest bank robbers who also hailed from eastern PA (more about them in an upcoming article).
Elohim City, a 400-acre compound of about 20 buildings located 35 miles northwest of Fort Smith, AR,(near Sallisaw, OK) was founded in 1973 by Robert Millar, age 70. Elohim City has about a hundred residents these days including all four of Millar's sons and 25 of his 34 grandchildren.
"Things are different here. Elohim City operates on its own calendar and clock. Each year begins with the spring equinox and each day begins at noon. Millar said the concept is found in the Bible in Genesis and Deuteronomy. Residents adhere to a religious doctrine called Christian Identity, which contends that white Anglo-Saxons, not Jews, are God's chosen people, and that America, not Israel, is the Promised Land. According to Christian Identity, Jews are Satan's children, and non-whites are believed to be 'pre-Adamic,' a lower form of species than white people. Those who monitor right-wing extremist groups say Millar is probably the most influential Christian Identity leader in the Great Plains." ( From "We Are Not Dangerous, Leader of Separatists Says" by Judy Thomas, The Kansas City Star, Sunday, March 17, 1996.)
Elohim City attracts an eclectic bunch. Ray Lampley, who differed with Millar on the finer points of theology (Lampley styled himself as "Prophet of Yahweh") but not the racism or antisemitism of Christian Identity---intended to practice bomb detonation at Elohim City the day he was busted for (and subsequently convicted of) planning to carry out the terror bombing of five targets including the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, AL. Millar said he knew Lampley but had no knowledge of the plot.
Richard W. Snell, white supremacist and copkiller resides there, too. Unfortunately for him he doesn't get around much anymore since he was executed by the state of Arkansas for the 1983 murder of a pawnbroker he mistakenly thought was Jewish. (Hey, nobody ever said antisemites were all that bright.) He was executed on April 19, 1995, the same day as the OKC bombing with Millar in attendance as his chaplain and execution witness. Millar brought his body back and buried it on the compound.
Former leader of the Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (and federal snitch) James Ellison currently resides at Elohim City. "Ellison, 55, was convicted on racketeering and weapons charges brought against him and other Covenant members after a four-day standoff that began April 19, 1985, at the group's camp near the Missouri-Arkansas border. His 20-year sentence was reduced after he agreed to testify against some comrades in a trial in Fort Smith Arkansas, in 1988. Ellison was released in February, 1991 after nearly six years in prison. He moved to Florida but was sent back to prison in 1993 for violating parole. He was released again in June, 1994 and returned to Florida before moving to Elohim City, where he married the granddaughter of its leader, Robert Millar. Dressed in faded jeans, a T-shirt and a camouflage cap, Ellison talked candidly about his violent past. He said he had no regrets. 'How can you regret something you felt like God told you to do?'" ( Judy Thomas, ibid.)
Other routine "guests" at Elohim City were Andreas Carl Strassmeir (aka "Andy the German, aka John Doe #3) and Dennis Mahon, Aryan Nations organizer. (More about these two in Part Two.)
See article Feb. 1997 above
Mr. Brescia, currently residing at 859 Manatawna Avenue, Philadelphia, PA 19128, is a white supremacist neo-Nazi and at the time of the Oklahoma City bombing was a resident of Elohim City, a "Christian Identity" "racialist" compound in Oklahoma that has been linked in press accounts to Timothy McVeigh. According to testimony in federal court in Des Moines, Iowa, a member of the "Aryan Republican Army" bank robbery gang also came from Elohim City. (Although his name was forbidden by federal prosecutors to be mentioned in open court, the stated bank robber was later identified in the press as Mr. Brescia.)
Timothy McVeigh, Michael Fortier, Mr. Brescia and Brescia's roommate at Elohim City, Andreas Carl Strassmeir (a former German army officer mentioned in press reports as an ATF informant at the time of the Oklahoma City bombing) have all been named as material witnesses and/or probable perpetrators of the bombing in a civil suit by Edye Smith of Oklahoma City, who lost two young sons in the bombing. U.S. and Canadian press accounts have described witnesses who place McVeigh, Strassmeir and Brescia together just prior to the bombing. Other witnesses have picked out Mr. Brescia's photo as "John Doe #2", McVeigh's long-sought accomplice to the bombing.
Also, Mr. Brescia and Mr. Strassmeir have been mentioned in press accounts in connection with the abduction and triple murder of a family in Arkansas that also seems to be related to the OKC bombing.
Despite this, Mr. Brescia continues to walk the streets of Philadelphia unsought, unquestioned and unindicted of any crime, while his co-conspirators in the bank robberies are all currently in jail, convicted or awaiting trial. WHY? Only the FBI, the Justice Department and the Clinton Administration know for sure. Ask THEM. Don't ask Mike Brescia; he's armed, dangerous and on a free pass from the FBI.Questions about this informational poster may be directed to:
The John Doe Times
P.O. Box 926
Pinson, AL 35126
Witness conflicts muddy waters
US Had Clues Before Okla. City
WASHINGTON - A federal informant warns that white separatists in Oklahoma are threatening "assassinations, bombings and mass shootings." The FBI (news - web sites) secretly interviews a witness familiar with a plot to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah federal building (news - web sites). Other agents learn of a book being circulated that promotes a truck bombing of a government building.
'We knew this
was going to happen'
2 reserve deputies testify about Oklahoma City bombing
OKLAHOMA CITY, Okla. -- Two Oklahoma County reserve deputy sheriffs said yesterday a congressman told them the night of the bombing, "We knew this was going to happen, we blew it."
David Kochendorfer and Don Hammons, the two reserve officers, say Rep. Ernest Istook, R-Okla., made the statement about advance knowledge of the bombing.
"We got word through our sources that there is a radical fundamental Islamic group in Oklahoma City and that they were going to bomb the federal building," Kulkendorfer recalled Istook saying.
Hammonds said a photographer with Istook, Lana Tyree, confirmed to him that Istook was aware of a bomb threat against the federal building since April 9.
Both Tyree and Istook later denied making the statements and having any knowledge of the bombing beforehand.
"I certainly didn't," said Istook. "I know of nobody in government that had any advance knowledge."
Kulkendorfer and Hammonds earlier had testified for several hours before the county grand jury investigating the possibility of a broader conspiracy to bomb the Murrah federal building. The district attorney in Oklahoma City plans to file 160 state murder charges in the Oklahoma bombing and seek the death penalty against Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, despite their federal court convictions.
The charges will cover the victims other than the eight federal agents whose deaths were the basis of McVeigh and Nichols' federal trials.
District Attorney Robert Macy has said the state charges are aimed at making sure McVeigh and Nichols get the death penalty. McVeigh was given the death penalty at his federal trial. Nichols' life was spared last week.
Macy has said he can prosecute without violating the men's constitutional protection against double jeopardy because the federal and state judicial systems are separate.
"No doubt about it. He can," said Rick Tepker, a University of Oklahoma law professor. "The state of Oklahoma is regarded as a separate sovereignty for purposes of double jeopardy and can enforce its own laws."
DID MCVEIGH REALLY DIE?
Obviously, McVeigh was the fall-guy for whoever did this crime. The masterminds are still loose.
SORRY TO SAY, HAVING READ ALL OF THE ABOVE
SECURITY - HOLIDAY TERRORISM
9:16 - THE WARRIORS COMETH - ARMEGEDDON
CAMPS IN THE US?
THE GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001
PEARL HARBOR IN OUR FUTURE?
DREAMS - YEAR 2000
LADY IN GREY - DEATH IN THE OFFICE!!!!
- EARTHCHANGES - NEWS OF TERRORISM
OF THE WORLD TRADE CENTER 9-11-2001
- WORLD TRADE CENTER - DAY 2 - 9-12-2001
- WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - PAGE 3
OF THE WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - DAY 5
OF THE WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - PAGE 7
OF THE WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - PAGE 8
- WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - PAGE 9
- WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - PAGE 10
- WORLD TRADE CENTER - 9-11-2001 - MILITARY PAGE
OF THE SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 EVENTS AT THE WORLD TRADE ...
Changing of the Guard Part Four: Secrets of Skolnick
IDAHO - WHERE DO YOUR RIGHTS AND THE SOCIETY LAW MEET?
SNIPER CASE - THE FRENCH CONNECTION
TRAIN IS COMING - THE DREAM AND PROPHECY
THE GOVERNMENT BLEW UP MANHATTAN - 9-11-2001